Skip to main content

Full text of "The correspondence of M. Tullius Cicero, arranged to its chronological order; with a revision of the text, a commentary and introductory essays"

See other formats 


THE  COEEESPONDENCE 


OF 


M.   TULLIUS    CICERO 


DUBLIN    UNIVERSITY    PRESS    SERIES. 


THE  CORRESPONDENCE 


OF 


M.   TULLIUS   CICERO, 


ARRANGED  ACCORDING  TO  ITS  CHRONOLOGICAL  ORDER 


A  KEYISION  OF  THE  TEXT,  A  COMMENTARY, 


IN  TROD  UCTOR  Y  ESS  A  YS. 


BY 

ROBERT  YELVERTON  TYRRELL,  LITT.D., 

HON.  LITT.D.  (CANTAB.),  D.C.L.  (OxoN.),  LL.D.  (EDEN.)  ; 

Late  Senior  Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  and  sometime  Regius  Professor  of  Greek  in  the 
University  of  Dublin  ; 

AND 

LOUIS  CLAUDE  PURSER,  LITT.D., 

HON.  LL.D.  (GLASG.); 

Senior  follow  of  Trinity  College,  and  sometime  Professor  of  Latin  in  the 
University  of  Dublin. 


VOL.  V. 

SECOND   EDITION. 


DUBLIN :   HODGES,  FIGGIS,  &  CO.,  LTD.,  GRAFTON  STREET. 
LONDON :  LONGMANS,  GREEN,  &  CO.,  PATERNOSTER  ROW. 

1915. 


PKINTK1)  AT   THE 


'HY    VONSONBY  &  GIBBS. 


PREFACE. 

WHEN  in  February  of  last  year  the  publishers  informed  me 
that  the  fifth  volume  of  our  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  CICERO  was 
out  of  print,  and  that  a  second  edition  had  been  asked  for, 
and  was  desirable  in  order  to  render  possible  a  continuous  sale 
for  the  work  as  a  whole,  I  felt  considerably  perplexed.  For 
I  knew  that  Dr.  Tyrrell  was  in  such  precarious  health  that  he 
could  no  longer  act  as  the  guiding  and  commanding  spirit  in 
any  continuance  of  the  work ;  and  I  was  fully  conscious  that  my 
own  powers  were  not  equal  to  the  task  of  producing  a  new 
edition  such  as  would  meet  even  remotely  the  exacting  require- 
ments of  modern  scholarship,  or  provide  the  many-sided  erudition 
now  expected  of  a  commentator.  But  Dr.  Tyrrell  was  so 
pressing  in  his  desire  that  the  new  edition  should  be  produced 
(and  in  the  circumstances  he  could  hardly  be  refused),  and  the 
authorities  of  the  College  so  readily  approved  of  the  proposal, 
that,  though  with  considerable  misgiving,  I  undertook  the  task. 
Only  three  sheets  of  the  Commentary  were  even  glanced  at  by 
Dr.  Tyrrell  before  his  death :  we  did  not  think  that  he  was  so 
soon  to  be  lost  to  us  and  to  scholarship.1  In  those  three  sheets 
the  familiar  *  we '  had  been  used,  and  I  continued  it  throughout, 
not  only  for  the  sake  of  consistency,  but  also  because  I  am  faiu 
to  hope  that  there  would  not  have  been  much  diversity  of 
opinion  between  us  in  most  of  the  views  advanced.  But  I 
may  well  be  mistaken ;  and  I  must  take  on  myself  full  respon- 
sibility for  whatever  is  said.  The  dates  of  some  of  the  letters 
as  given  in  the  first  edition  seem  to  be  wrong ;  but,  as  in 
re-editions  of  the  first  three  volumes,  the  order  has  been  left 
unchanged,  lest  references  in  the  succeeding  volumes  and  in  the 
Index  should  prove  untrustworthy.  This  defect  is  remedied  to 
some  extent  by  the  table  given  on  pp.  460-465.  A  chapter  has 
been  added  to  the  Introduction  under  the  title  "  Antony  succeeds 
Caesar,"  dealing  with  the  history  of  the  five  and  a-half  months 
from  March  15  to  August  31  of  the  year  44  B.C. 

1  It  was  only  after  Dr.  Tyrrell' s  death  (Sept.  19,  1914)  that  Dr.  Sihler's  volume,- 
Cicero  of  Arpinum,  dedicated  to  him,  reached  this  country. 


vi  PREFACE. 

As  this  volume  in  its  revision  has  not  had  the  advantage  of 
Dr.  TvrrelPs  scholarship,  it  asks  for  every  indulgence  that  the 
reader  can  bring  himself  to  grant  it.  It  makes  no  claim  to 
anything  even  approaching  a  full  treatment  of  the  subject. 
Neither  this  nor  any  other  volume  of  our  work  is  to  be  regarded  as 
other  than  a  mere  transitory  contribution  to  the  study  of  Cicero's 
Correspondence ;  the  best  that  our  edition  can  hope  for  is  that  it 
may  prove  a  sort  of  scaffolding,  by  the  aid  of  which  some  of  the  very 
learned  and  acute  young  scholars  of  to-day  may  erect  a  permanent 
building  "  four-square,  a  work  without  flaw."  Even  with  this 
limited  aim  the  present  volume  can  claim  but  little.  Though  it 
has  been  in  great  part  re-written,  I  am  only  too  conscious  of 
what  even  indulgent  criticism  must  regard  as  grievous  short- 
comings ;  and  I  feel  little  doubt  that  there  is  a  great  quantity  of 
literature  on  the  subject  which  has  wholly  escaped  my  notice. 
But  I  have  done  my  best  to  render  it  here  and  there  a  little  less 
inadequate  than  it  was  in  its  original  form.  That  little,  I  fear, 
would  have  been  hardly  attained  (if  it  has  been  attained  at  all) 
were  it  not  for  the  invaluable  assistance  given  me  by  my  friend, 
Dr.  J.  S.  Reid,  Fellow  of  Caius  College,  and  Professor  of  Ancient 
History  in  the  University  of  Cambridge,  not  only  from  his  published 
works,  but  from  a  great  number  of  learned  manuscript  notes  which  he 
was  good  enough  to  put  at  my  disposal.  Of  this,  as  of  nearly  every 
other  work  on  Cicero  issued  by  British  scholars,  Professor  Reid 
pars  magna  fuit.  I  desire  here  to  render  him  my  warmest  thanks. 
The  last  two-thirds  of  the  Commentary,  and  the  whole  of  the 
Introduction,  have  been  read  by  another  friend,  Dr.  W.  A.  Groligher, 
Professor  of  Ancient,  History  and  Classical  Archaeology  in  the 
University  of  Dublin,  whose  trenchant  and  acute  criticisms  have 
been  of  the  greatest  service,  and  to  whom  I  am  very  grateful. 
I  am  also  deeply  indebted  to  Mr.  J.  T.  GKbbs,  Manager  of  the 
Dublin  University  Press,  who  has  devoted  no  little  time  to 
reading  through  the  several  sheets  before  they  went  to  press,  and, 
by  his  accurate  knowledge  of  English,  has  saved  me  from  many 
errors  of  expression. 

L.  C.  P. 

TRINITY  COLLEGE,  DUBLIN, 
August,  1915. 


CONTENTS. 


PREFACE, v 

INTRODUCTION  : 

I.  CICERO'S  CASE  AGAINST  CAESAR,      ....  ix 

II.  ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAR, xlviii 

III.  CICERO'S  CORRESPONDENTS  : 

1.  PUBLIUS  VATINIUS, xciv 

2.  MARCUS  CICERO  THE  YOUNGER,     ...  cii 

IV.  ADDENDUM  TO  FAM.  iv.  5  (555),       ...  ex 

THE  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  CICERO.    PART  VIII,         .        .  1 

»         IX,  237 

ADNOTATIO  CRITICA, 421 

LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIONS, 457 

ORDER  OF  LETTERS,  '460 


CORRIGENDA. 


Page    26,  lines  1,  2,       for  '  21 '  read  <  12  '. 

,,       27,  line    1,  for  '21'  read  '12'. 

,,       67,     ,,    13,  for  'March'  read  'May'. 

,,       84,     ,,    10,  for  '  Tusculanum  '  read  'Tusculum'. 

,,      93,  col.  b,  line  9,  omit  'this'. 

,,    117,  line    8,  for  'Rome'  read  'Tusculum'. 

,,     128,  col.  a,  line  1 ,  omit  '  aliquid'. 

„    130,  line    6,  for  'tuest'  read  'tues'. 

,,    141,  col.  a,  line  8  from  end,  after  '  tenere}'  add  "  see  Introd.,  p.  xvi,  note  2  '. 

,,  172,  ,,  bt  ,,  5  from  end,  before  '  commulcium*  add  'as  0.  E.  Schmidt  has 
suggested  and  Sjogren  (Comm.  Tull.,  p.  56) 
approved ' . 

„    191,  line    3,          for  '  August  25  '  read  «  August  24  '. 

,,    211,    ,,      5,  omit  '  17  (about)'. 

,,    275,     ,,    15,          for  '  mi  hi '  (italics)  read  'mihi'  (roman).     See  Adn.  Crit. 

,,    291,     ,,     17,          for  '  reddendas — quod'  read  '  reddendas  :  quod'. 

,,  291,  col.  b,  lines  26-28,  for  ' the  conjunction  .  .  .  Atticus  would '  read  'quod, 
taking  it  as  a  conjunction.  But  Lehmann  (p.  80), 
in  a  learned  discussion,  shows  that  it  is  not  necessary. 
We  may  take  quod  as  a  relative  pronoun  with 
idem  (cf.  Acad.  i.  35,  quod  vides  idem  significare 
Pomponium],  Atticus  would  '. 

,,    295,  line  11,          for  '  pudentem'  read  'impudentem  '.     See  Adn.  Crit. 

„    300,  col.  a,  line  6,  for  '  728  '  read  '  727  '. 

„    314,       „       „    7,  for  'Klotz'  read  '  Orelli '. 

,,  349,  line  17,  for  '  Haec  '  read  'Hanc';  and  for  '  scribenda  '  read  '  scri- 
bendam  '.  See  Adn.  Crit. 

,,    353,  col.  b,  line  4,  after  ' praebere  '  add  '  also  in  660.  1  (bene  de  nostro) '. 

,,  356,  ,,  a,  lines  1-6,  This  interpretation  is  incorrect.  See  Introd.,  p.  Ixxxi, 
note  4. 

,,  365,  line  10,  Perhaps  we  should  put  a  comma  after  'velim',  and  govern 

'memineris'  (line  11)  by  that  word,  as  is  done  by 
Miiller  and  Baiter.  But  it  is  possible  with  other 
editors,  e.g.  Wesenberg  and  Klotz,  to  put  a  full  stop. 
We  can  then  take  '  memineris '  as  a  case  of  the  future 
used  for  the  imperative  (cp.  Madvig,  384  obs. :  Robyr 
1589). 

,,    365,  line  12,          for  'sum'  read  'swm'. 

„    376,    „      7,         for  « vi  Idus  '  read  «  vn  Idus '. 

„    382,    ,,    14,         for  'aBruti'  read  'aBruti'. 

,,    383,    ,,    13,         for  'quo'  read  'quo*. 

,,    385,    „    13, 14,   for  '  te  exspectare '  read  '  exspectare  te'.     See  Adn.  Crit. 

,,    387>     ,,    15,         for  'cumeo'  read  'cum  eo'. 

,,    396,    „      3,         for  *huius  modi  videtur  '  read  '  huius  modi  mihi  videtur  '„ 

,,    406,    ,,      4,         for  'quod  praesens ',  read  '  ut  praesens  ' .     See  Adn.  Crit. 


INTRODUCTION. 


I.— CICERO'S  CASE  AGAINST  CAESAR1 

IN  September  of  the  year  B.C.  46,  Cicero  delivered  in  the  Senate 
a  very  fine  speech,  which  has  come  down  to  us,  the  pro  Marcello. 
This  Marcus  Marcellus  had  been  Consul  in  the  year  51,  and 
had  taken  a  very  active  part  against  Caesar.  Among  his  enemies 
exiled  after  Pharsalia,  there  was  not  one  whom  Caesar  had 
greater  reason  to  regard  with  feelings  of  vindictive  indignation. 
Knowing  that  one  of  the  strongest  of  Caesar's  political  principles 
was  the  enfranchisement  of  the  Transpadane  Grauls — nay,  more, 
that  he  had  always  treated  them  as  actually  of  right  full  Roman 
burgesses2 — Marcellus  in  his  consulship  seized  the  opportunity 
of  wounding  him  in  his  most  sensitive  part.  A  distinguished 

1  This  section  of  the  Introduction,  which,  with  some  additions,  originally  appeared 
as  an  article  in  the  Quarterly  Review  (No.  368,  October,  1896,  pp.  395-422),  is  here 
republished  by  the  kind  permission  of  the  proprietor  and  editor.     A  few  notes  have 
been  added,  and  some  corrections  made. 

2  It  was  inevitable  that  sooner  or  later  Roman  citizenship  must  be  extended  to  the 
Transpadanes,  once  it  had  been  conceded  to  all  Italians  up  to  the  Po  by  the  legislation 
which  followed  the  Social  War :  the  Alps,  and  not  the  Po,  are  the  natural  boundaries 
of  Italy.     And  in  89  the  first  step  in  that  direction  was  taken  by  giving  the  Transpa- 
danes Latin  rights.     The  full  enfranchisement  of  the  Transpadanes  became  a  plank  in 
the  democratic  platform,  and  one  which  Caesar  was  especially  solicitous  to  strengthen 
in  every  possible  way  since  his  tour  of  agitation  in  that  district  in  68.     Caesar  always 
treated  the  Transpadane  soldiers  in  his  army  as  full  Roman  citizens  ;  and  Hirtius,  B.  G. 
viii.  24.  3,  speaks  of  the  colonies  in  that  region  as  colonia*  civium  Romanorum.    Further, 
Novum  Comum  was  a  colony  founded  by  Caesar  and  treated  by  him  as  a  citizen-colony : 
cp.  Suet.  lul.  28,  Marcellus  .  .  .  rettulit  etiam  ut  colonis,  quos  rogatione  Vatinia  Novum 
Comum,  deduxisset,  civitas  adimeretur,  quod  per  ambit  ionem  et  ultra  praescriptum  data, 
esset ;  but  citizenship  had  not  been  formally  granted  by  the  government  at  Rome,  and 
therefore  the  inhabitants  of  Novum   Comum   and  the  Transpadane  towns  might, 
according  to  the  strictest  law,  be  regarded  as  not   possessing  Roman  citizenship. 
We  find  that  it  was  one  of  Caesar's  first  acts,  when  he  got  possession  of  Rome  in  49, 
to  pass  a  Lex  lulia  de  Transpadanis,  formally  granting  them  full  Roman  citizenship  : 
Dio  Cass.  xli.  36.  3. 


x  INTRODUCTION. 

citizen  of  Novum  Comum,  one  of  the  towns  recently  founded 
by  Caesar  as  a  burgess-colony,  was  staying  in  Rome.  In  the 
view  of  Caesar  this  man  should  have  been  regarded  as  a  full 
burgess  of  Rome,  and  as  such  have  enjoyed  as  complete  an  immunity 
from  corporal  punishment  as  the  Consul  himself.  Marcellus  had 
him  publicly  scourged.  So  much  for  Caesar  and  his  Transpadane ! 
After  Pharsalia,  Marcellus  retired  to  Mitylene.  Cicero,  who 
was  at  this  time  leading  a  somewhat  subdued  but  not  unpleasant 
life  in  Rome,1  on  terms  of  the  closest  intimacy  with  leading 
Caesarians,  such  as  Dolabella,  Hirtius,  and  Pansa,  to  whom  he 
was  teaching  declamation  in  return  for  their  instruction  in  the 
art  of  dining,2  no  doubt  felt  that  there  was  an  invidious  contrast 
between  his  own  lot  and  that  of  the  exiled  Optimate.  He  felt 
that  while  a  great  patrician,  a  consular  and  a  devotee  of  re- 
publicanism, was  living  in  obscurity  and  loneliness  in  Mitylene,  it 
looked  awkward  (ajuiopQov  or  <roAoticoi>  he  himself  would  have 
called  it)  that  he  should  pass  a  gay  existence  among  the  leading 
men  of  Rome.3  It  was  almost  essential  to  his  dignity,  even 
to  his  comfort,  that  Marcellus  should  be  restored.  But  a 
very  obstinate  resistance  was  encountered  from  the  staunch 
republican  himself,  who  much  preferred  the  freedom  of 
Mitylene  to  an  enslaved  life  in  the  metropolis.  But  at  last 
the  consent  of  Marcellus  to  accept  pardon  if  tendered  to  him 
was  obtained.  The  friends  of  Marcellus  probably  had  not  much 
hope  of  success;  but,  to  their  infinite  delight,  they  found  Caesar, 
ready  to  offer  to  his  enemy  a  full  pardon.4  This  striking  act  of 

1  Cp.  Fam.  ix.  26  (479).         2  Fam.  ix.  16.  7  (472) ;  18.  3  (473) :  cp.  vol.  iv.  p.li. 

3  Cp.  vol.  iv,  p.  li.    Ferrero  (ii.  303)  says  :  "  "Worn  out  by  the  burden  of  his  years 
and  misfortunes,  Cicero  accepted  these  invitations  just  for  the  pleasure  of  society,  though 
from  time  to  time  he  felt  a  sting  of  remorse  when  something  happened  to  recall  the 
miserable  catastrophe  which  had  cost  him  so  many  of  his  friends."     Such  passages  as 
Fam.  ix.  16.  5  (472),  where  he  defends  his  conduct,  show  that  his  conscience  was  far 
from  easy. 

4  We  have  a  cordial  letter  of  thanks  from  Marcellus  to  Cicero,  Fam.  iv.  11  (406), 
in  reply  to  a  letter  from  Cicero  (unfortunately  lost — but  a  letter  to  Servius  Sulpicius, 
Fam.  iv.  4  (495),  supplies  the  deficiency),  which  told  him  of  the  scene  in  the  Senate 
on  the  occasion  that  he  delivered  the  pro  Marcello.     The  letters  of  Cicero  to  Marcellus 
(Fam.  iv.  7  to  10)  are  all  earnest  appeals  to  him  to  consent  to  take  steps  to  obtain  his 
recall.     Marcellus  said  that  Cicero's  advice  finally  decided  him  to  permit  efforts  to  be 
made  to  secure  his  pardon.     But  when  the  pardon  was  granted,  Marcellus  did  not 
make  any  haste  to  return:  cp.  Fam.  iv.  10(536).     He  was  not  at  Athens  on  his 
journey  home  until  May  45  :  cp.  Ep.  613. 


CICERO'S  CASE  AGAINST  CAESAR.  xi 

magnanimity  broke  down  Cicero's  resolution  to  hold  his  peace. 
Carried  away  by  his  enthusiasm  in  his  first  speech  since  Pharsalia, 
he  gave  a  loose  rein  to  his  unbounded  powers  of  panegyric  in 
the  oration  pro  Mar  cello.  It  is  on  this  speech  that  Froude 
has  based  his  fiercest  attack  on  the  character  and  motives  of 
Cicero.  The  whole  indictment  is  a  farrago  of  misstatement  and 
misapprehension. 

'  Such,'  he  writes,  '  was  the  speech  delivered  by  Cicero  in  the  Senate  in 
Caesar's  presence  within  a  few  weeks  of  his  murder.' 

The  speech  was  delivered  in  September,  46,  more  than  a  year 
and  a  half  before  the  deed,  which  was  done  on  the  Ides  of  March 
in  the  year  44.  The  sentiments  of  admiration  for  Caesar,  and  con- 
fidence in  his  patriotism,  which  Froude  so  scathingly  contrasts 
with  the  language  of  the  Second  Philippic,  written  two  years 
afterwards,  were  sincerely  felt  by  Cicero  when  he  delivered  the 
speech.  In  his  private  correspondence,  which  he  never  intended 
to  meet  the  eyes  of  anyone  except  his  correspondent,  the  sentiment 
is  in  spirit  the  same,  though  of  course  the  tone  is  that  of  a  private 
letter,  not  of  a  public  speech.  Writing  to  his  friend  Servius 
Sulpicius  immediately  after  the  incident,  he  relates  how  Caesar, 
after  dwelling  severely  on  the  *  bitter  spirit '  (acerbitate)  shown  by 
Marcellus,  declared  that  he  would  not  allow  *  his  opinion  about 
an  individual  to  bring  him  into  opposition  to  the  declared  will  of 
the  Senate.'  Was  it  any  wonder  that  Cicero  interpreted  such  a 
statement  as  an  official  declaration  that  Caesar  intended  to  restore 
the  republic,  and  had  abandoned  all  thoughts  of  establishing  a 
monarchy  ? 

'  You  need  not  askjrae,'  he  proceeds,  '  what  I  thought  of  it.  I  saw  in 
my  mind's  eye  the  Republic  coining  back  to  life.  1  had  determined  to 
hold  my  peace  for  ever ;  not,  God  knows,  through  apathy,  but  because  I 
felt  my  former  status  in  the  House  was  lost  beyond  recall.  But  Caesar' s 
magnanimity  and  the  Senate's  loyalty  swept  away  the  barriers  of  my 
reserve.'1 

1  Fam.  iv.  4.  3,  4  (495)  ita  mihi  pulcher  hie  dies  visus  est  ut  speciem  aliquam  viderer 
videre  quasi  reviviscentis  rei  publicae  ...  Statueram  non  mehercule  inertia  sed  desiderio 
pristinae  dignitatis  in  perpetuum  tacere.  Fregit  hoc  meum  fonsilium  et  Caesaris  magni- 
tude animi  et  senatus  officium. 

b2 


xii  INTRODUCTION. 

Froude  gives  copious  extracts  from  this  speech,  which  he  repre- 
sents as  being  at  best  a  cowardly  effort  to  curry  favour  with  a 
conqueror,  and  which  he  hints  was  designed  to  lull  Caesar  into  a 
false  security,  and  thus  facilitate  the  assassination,  which  he  sup- 
poses to  have  taken  place  in  a  few  weeks,  but  which  really  was 
perpetrated  more  than  a  year  and  a  half  afterwards.     It  is  for- 
tunately quite  possible,  chiefly  by  means  of  Cicero's  correspon- 
dence, especially  since  the  fruitful  labours  of  Schmidt  and  others 
have  arranged  it  so  accurately  in  its  chronological  order,  to  trace 
the  steps  by  which  the  sincere  admiration  of  Caesar's  character, 
expressed  throughout  the   speech   for  Marcellus,  was  converted 
into  cordial   sympathy  with  the  conspiracy,  though  Cicero  was 
denied   actual   participation  in  the  deed.     It  may  be  premised 
that  in  making  this  attempt  we  shall  have  sometimes  to  advert  to 
incidents  and  expressions  which,  to  a  careless  reader  of  the  corre- 
spondence, might  seem  trivial.     If  we  are  right  in  thinking  that 
the  untrammelled  utterances  of  a  great  thinker  and  an  unrivalled 
litterateur  on  events  passing  under  his  eyes,  and  in  which  he  took 
an  important  part,  at  a  most  critical  period  of  the  world's  history, 
will  always  have  a  deep  interest  for  English  students  of  the  past,, 
we  feel  that  no  apology  is  needed  for  details,  and  that  no  reader 
will  suggest,  as  Horatio  did  to  Hamlet,  that  '  'Twere  to  consider 
too  curiously  to  consider  so.'     And  let  it  not  be  forgotten  that  in 
nearly  every  other  case  in  literary  history,  to  see  an  author's  mind 
in  his  letters  as  in  a  mirror  would  be  to  meet  a  reflection  far  too 
flattering.     In  Cicero's  letters  no  effort  was  made  to  produce  an 
impression  more  favourable  that  the  facts  would  warrant.    Cicero'a 
letters  express  nearly  always  his  actual  feelings  at  the  moment 
of  writing.     He  was  conscious  that  his  actions  had  been  on  th& 
whole  guided  by  right  motives,  and  he  had  the  greatness  of  mind 
not  to  be  ashamed  of  confessing   that   he   had  at  times  been 
imprudent  and  even    weak.     Hence   it   is   that  we   can  regard 
his   correspondence    as    historical  material    of  a  most  valuable 
kind. 

The  speech  of  Cicero  does  not  appear  to  have  been  regarded  at 
the  time  as  overstrained.  Paetus,  in  a  letter  to  Cicero,  refers  to  an 
attempt  which  he  had  made  to  imitate  the  pro  Marcello,  and  quotes- 


CICERO'S  CASE  AGAINST  CAESAR.  xiii 

a  verse  from  Trabea  about  the  fate  of  him  who  tries  to  wield  the 
levin-bolt  of  Jove.    Cicero  politely  answers  : 

'  You  have  surpassed  me  ;  it  is  I  who  have,  in  comparison,  made  a 

fiasco 


Even  the  uncompromising  Marcellus  himself,  in  thanking  Cicero 
for  his  services  to  him,  has  not  a  word  to  say  about  any  reports 
having  reached  him  of  Cicero  having  unduly  praised  Caesar.  In 
the  letter  already  quoted,  in  which  he  describes  the  scene  in  the 
Senate  to  Servius  Sulpicius,  Cicero  attributes  the  stringent  repres- 
sion exercised  at  Kome  '  not  to  the  victor  —  nothing  could  surpass 
his  moderation  —  but  to  the  fact  that  there  has  been  a  victory, 
which,  in  civil  warfare,  cannot  but  be  outrageous/8  Writing  to 
Cornificius,  probably  about  the  same  time,3  Cicero  referred  to  the 
celebrated  incident  of  the  humiliation  of  Laberius  by  Caesar, 
which  produced  the  protest  of  Laberius,  preserved  by  Macrobius, 
and  containing  the  words  : 

'  Certes,  I've  lived  a  day  too  long.'4 

The  passage  is  interesting,  because  it  puts  the  part  which  Caesar 
took  in  a  more  amiable  light  than  that  in  which  we  are  accustomed 
to  regard  it.  In  recording  the  presence  of  Munatius  Plancus 
Bursa  at  the  games,  and  the  enforced  appearance  of  Laberius  as 
an  actor  in  competition  with  Publilius  Syrus,  his  comment  is  : 

'  Peace  prevails  here,  but  one  marked  with  incidents  which  would  give 
you  no  pleasure  if  you  were  here,  which  indeed  give  no  pleasure  to  Caesar. 

1  Fam.  ix.  21.  1  (497). 

2  Fam.  iv.  4.  2  (495)  nee  id  Victoria  vitio  quo  nihil  moderating  sed  ipsius  victoriae 
quae  civilibus  bellis  semper  est  insolens. 

3  Ep.  670  (Fam.  xii.  18)  is  often  placed  much  later,  in  the  autumn  of  45.     In  our 
original  arrangement  of  the  letters  we  placed  it  there,   and  considerations  of  the 
numbering  of  the  letters  for  the  Index  have  compelled  us  to  leave  it  at  that  place 
But  it  is  more  probable  that  the  games  at  which  Laberius  was  compelled  by  Caesar  to. 
appear  were  the  Ludi  Victoriae  Caesaris,  which  began  about  September  23  in  46.   We 
do  not  know  how  many  days  they  lasted  at  first.     Before  the  death  of  Augustus  they 
lasted  ten  days.   In  subsequent  years,  when  the  Calendar  was  reformed,  they  began  on 
July  20,  which  day  corresponded  to  September  23  of  the  unreformed  Calendar.    In  45 
Caesar  did  not  return  to  Rome  until  the  middle  of  September.     It  is  not  likely  that 
Caesar  would  insist  on  Laberius  appearing  on  the  stage  at  games  at  which  he  was  not 
himself  present;  and  according  to  the  story  (Macrobius  ii.  7.  5)  he  was  present. 

4  Nimirum  hoc  die 
TJno  plus  vixi  quam  mihi  vivendum  f  uit.* 


xiv  INTRODUCTION. 

That  is  the  worst  of  civil  wars.  When  they  are  over,  the  victor  must  not 
consult  his  own  wishes  merely,  but  must  humour  those  to  whom  he  owes 
his  victory.  But,'  Cicero  continues,  '  for  my  own  part  1  have  grown  so 
callous  that  at  Caesar's  games  I  saw  without  a  pang  (ammo  aequmimo) 
T.  Plancus,  and  heard  the  verses  of  Laberius  and  Publilius.' 

This  shows  how  soon  Cicero  began  to  lose  confidence  in  his  hope 
that  Caesar  would  restore  the  free  State. 

In  a  letter  to  Caecina,1  he  dwells  on  the  '  kind  and  clement 
nature '  of  Caesar,  his  sympathy  with  literary  excellence,  and  his 
willingness  to  give  ear  to  *  expressions  of  feeling  which  have 
justice  and  the  fervour  of  sincerity  to  support  them  rather  than 
those  which  are  hollow  or  dictated  by  self-interest.'  All  his  letters 
to  exiled  Pompeians  during  this  autumn  express  a  favourable 
opinion  of  Caesar,  and  it  was  about  this  time  that  Cicero  made  a 
mot  which  is  recorded  by  Plutarch.  Caesar  had  ordered  the  restora- 
tion of  statues  of  Pompey  which  had  been  thrown  down.  '  By 
this  act  of  generosity,'  said  Cicero,  '  he  is  setting  up  the  statues  of 
Pompeius,  but  firmly  planting  his  own/2  Indeed,  we  have  to 
turn  to  the  speech  for  Marcellus,  which,  according  to  Froude, 

*  most  certainly  did  not  express  his  real  feelings,  whatever  may 
have  been  the  purpose  which  they  concealed/  to  find  anything 
approaching  a  criticism  of  Caesar,  anything  pointing  to  an  obliga- 
tion still  resting  on  him,  a  solemn  duty  still  unfulfilled.     This  we 
have  in  the  most  unambiguous  language  in  the  speech  itself.    The 
whole  eighth  chapter  is   devoted  to   the    consideration  of  what 
Caesar  has  yet  to  do,  and  the  speech  continues  with  the  words, 

*  This  then  is  what  still  remains,  this  is  the  act  necessary  to  com- 
plete the  drama,  this  the  crowning  feat,  the  restoration   of  the 
Republic.'*    The  reader  of  'Caesar,  a  Sketch,'  will  look  in  vain 

1  Fam.  vi.  6.  8  (488).  In  Caesare  haec  sunt,  mitts  clemensque  natura.  (This  recalls 
the  words  of  Laberius,  Viri  excellent™  tnente  clemenle  edita  Summissa  placidg  blandi- 
loquent  oratio)  .  .  .  Aecedit  quod  mirifice  \ngen\is  excelkntibus  delectatur  (cp.  Fam.  iv. 
8.  2  (485) ;  vi.  6.  3  fin.  (533))  .  .  .  Praeterea  cedit  multorum  ittstis  et  officio  incensis, 
turn  \nan\bu9  aut  ambitiosis  voluntatibus :  cp.  Fam.  vi.  12.  2  (490). 

•  roii  Miy  noMmrfow  T<TTTj<rt  TO&J  8*  a&rov  ^yvvffiv  foSpiarras  (Plut.  Cic.  40). 
It  must,  however,  be  noticed  that  Plutarch  here  quotes  this  remark  as  an  example  of 
flattery  on  the  part  of  Cicero—unjustly,  as  we  think.  He  would  also  in  all  probability 
hare  regarded  as  flattery  the  fine  praise  of  Caesar  in  the  pro  Marcello :  cp.  vol.  ir, 
p.  liii,  note. 

»  27.  Hate  iyitur  tibi  reliqua  pan  *st :  hie  rettat  actus,  in  hoc  elaborandum  est  ut 


CICERO'S  CASE  AGAINST  CAESAR.  xv 

for  any  allusion  to  these  words  in  the  pages  in  which  Froude 
gives  *  in  compressed  form,  for  necessary  brevity,  the  speech 
delivered  by  Cicero  in  the  Senate  in  Caesar's  presence  within  a 
few  weeks  of  his  murder.' 

Caesar  obviously  had  despotic  power  within  his  grasp.  His 
actions  seemed  to  show  that  he  was  not  about  to  seize  it.  Why 
should  not  Cicero,  who  saw  as  clearly  as  Mommsen  that  the  soul 
of  Caesar  had  room  in  it  for  much  beside  the  statesman,  foster  the 
thought  of  which  his  ardent  wish  was  father,  that  Caesar  might 
rise  to  the  act  of  self-renunciation  which  surely  elevates  to  dignity 
the  somewhat  narrow  character  of  Pompey,  who,  however,  return- 
ing victor  from  the  Mithridatic  War,  scorned  to  hurl  his  victorious 
legions  on  defenceless  Home  ?  It  is  surprising  that  an  historian 
of  a  people, 

*  Where  freedom  slowly  broadens  down 
From  precedent  to  precedent.' 

has  nothing  to  say  about  this  crisis  in  Roman  history.  When  we 
turn  to  Mommsen,  we  are  prepared  for  the  censure  directed  against 
the  *  coward/  who,  when  the  Kepublic,  the  goddess  of  Cicero's 
idolatry,  was  in  his  grasp,  refused  to  throttle  her.  Nearly  a  year 
after  this  time  Brutus  cherished  the  same  fond  dream.  '  So  Brutus 
thinks  Caesar  is  being  converted  to  constitutionalism,'  writes 
Cicero  (Ep.  660)  in  August,  45.  He  had  himself  been  disillusioned 
considerably  before  that  time. 

About  two  months  and  a  half  after  the  pro  Marcello,  Cicero 
delivered  the  pro  Ligario,  of  which  Plutarch  gives  us  such  a 
lively  account.1  He  tells  us  that  when  Ligarius  was  put  on  his 
trial,  and  it  became  known  that  Cicero  would  be  his  advocate, 

rempublicam  constitttas,  eaque  tu  in  primis  summa  tranquillitate  et  otio  perfruare : 
turn  te,  si  voles,  cum  et  patriae  quod  debes  solveris  et  naturam  ipsam  expleveris  satietate 
vivendi,  satis  diu  vixisse  dicito. 

1  The  speech  pro  Ligario  was  delivered  in  the  First  Intercalary  month.  Caesar 
inserted  two  intercalary  months  and  ten  days  between  November  and  December,  46. 
Cicero  seems  on  November  26  to  have  gone  on  a  sort  of  deputation  to  Caesar  on  behalf 
of  Ligarius :  cp.  Fam.  vi.  14  (498),  and  vol.  iv,  p.  Ixxii.  Caesar  would  appear  at 
this  time  to  have  surrounded  himself  with  something  of  the  ceremony  of  monarchy  : 
cp.  Fam.  iv.  7.  6  (486)  ius  adeundi  .  .  .  non  habemus  ;  vi.  13.  3  (489)  aditus  ad  eum 
difflciliores ;  vi.  14.  2  (498)  cum  .  .  .  omnetn  adeundi  et  conveniendi  illius  indignitatem 
et  mokstiam  pertulissem. 


xvi  INTRODUCTION. 

Caesar  said,  *  Of  course  it  is  well  known  that  he  is  a  villain  and  a 
traitor,  but  why  should  we  not  have  the  pleasure  of  a  speech  from 
Cicero  P  '  The  trial,  accordingly,  proceeded.  Cicero  at  once  made 
an  impression  ;  as  he  went  on,  by  his  appeals  to  the  feelings  on 
every  side,  and  by  his  amazing  charm  of  style,1  he  so  strongly 
moved  Caesar  that  his  colour  was  seen  to  come  and  go.  When 
the  orator  touched  on  Pharsalia,  Caesar  was  quite  transported,  his 
whole  frame  shook  ('  'Tis  true  this  god  did  shake/  as  Cassius  says), 
and  he  let  fall  from  his  hands  some  papers  which  he  was  holding 
(probably  proofs  of  Ligarius'  treachery).  Finally  he  was  coerced 
by  the  orator  into  an  acquittal.2  The  speech  for  Ligarius  is  not 
pitched  in  so  high  a  key  as  that  for  Marcellus,  delivered  more 
than  two  months  before,  but  it  shows  no  suspicion  of  Caesar. 

Tracing  the  growth  of  Cicero's  feelings  about  Caesar,  in  the 
Second  Intercalary  month  we  find  him  receiving,  with  expressed 
reluctance,  his  son's  desire  to  join  Caesar  in  Spain: 

'  He  wants  to  join  Caesar  in  Spain,  and  he  wants  a  liberal  allowance. 
I  told  him  I  would  give  him  an  abundant  allowance,  as  much  as  Publilius 
or  the  Flamen  Lentulus  allowed  their  sons.  But  as  to  Spain,  I  urged  first, 
that  people  would  say,  Was  it  not  enough  to  abandon  Pompey's  cause  ? 
must  they  even  embrace  Caesar's  ?  Secondly,  I  urged  that  it  would  be 
galling  to  him  to  be  distanced  in  the  race  for  Caesar's  favour  by  his  cousin 
Quintus.'3 


J  x«/)tTt  9avu.affr6s  (Plut.  Cic.  39). 
2  avt\vfft  Qffraff/jLfvos.  In  the  difficult  passage  in  Att.  xiii.  20.  4  (634)  Schiche 
(Zu  Ciceros  Briefen,  Berlin  Programm,  No.  59  (1905),  p.  27)  for  toto  conjectures  isto, 
and  supposes  (if  we  understand  him  rightly)  that  it  refers  to  one  of  the  Ligarii  who 
had  criticized  Cicero  to  Atticus  on  the  ground  that  his  present  behaviour  towards  the 
Caesareans  was  not  consistent  with  the  outspokenness  displayed  in  the  speech  pro 
Ligario,  which  he  had  published  shortly  before  the  letter  was  written  (beginning  of 
July,  45)  :  and  that  Cicero  in  reply  says  that  his  defence  of  Ligarius  was  not  made  in 
order  to  evince  his  supremacy  as  an  advocate,  but  simply  not  to  fail  a  friend  in  need. 
This  is  possible,  but  it  involves  the  assumption  that  a  Ligarius  did  criticize  Cicero  on 
the  ground  alleged,  which  seems  unlikely.  We  rather  think  that  Cicero  is  defending 
himself  against  Atticus  alone,  and  would  add  <negotio>  after  in  toto.  Atticus  would 
readily  understand  that  it  was  Quintus  Ligarius  whom  he  meant  by  <?».  Schiche  goes 
on  to  suggest  that  for  ^  7ekp  avro?s  we  should  read  &  ykp  aS0<y,  '  Never  again,'  i.e. 
may  I  never  again  undertake  pleadings  in  the  courts  as  an  advocate.  This  is  ingenious 
and  probable  :  but  in  the  absence  of  knowledge  as  to  the  exact  quotation  Cicero  was 
making,  it  cannot  be  regarded  as  certain.  In  defence  of  iudicia  tenere  Schiche 
adds  Brut.  106  Hie  (Carbo)  optimus  illis  temporibus  est  patronus  habitus,  eoque  forum 
ttnente  plura  fieri  iudicia  coeperunt.  We  regret  that  this  learned  Programm  of 
Schiche's  did  not  come  under  our  notice  until  the  commentary  had  been  printed  off. 
«Att.  xii.  7.  1  (500). 


CICERO'S  CASE  AGAINST  CAESAR.  xvii 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  boy  did  not  join  Caesar,  but  went  to  the 
University  of  Athens,  where  his  father  allowed  him  about  £800 
a  year.  But  the  first  definite  sign  of  distrust  is  given  in  a 
letter  to  Atticus,  written  a  little  later,  about  a  month  after 
he  had  pleaded  the  cause  of  Ligarius.  Caesar  had  left  for  Spain 
in  the  Second  Intercalary  month,  having  assumed  for  the 
third  time  the  Dictatorship,  and  having  appointed  Lepidus 
(though  the  latter  was  Consul)  Master  of  the  Horse.  He  had 
given  directions  to  Lepidus  to  procure  his  election  as  sole 
Consul  for  45.  *  As  Dictator,  and  at  the  same  time  Consul,'  says 
Ferrero  ii.  319,  *  without  a  colleague,  he  was  for  all  practical 
purposes  an  autocratic  ruler.'  He  postponed  the  election  of  tlie 
other  magistrates.  This  wound  to  republican  feelings,  which 
rankled  sorely  afterwards,  drew  from  Cicero  his  first  definite 
expression  of  mistrust  since  Caesar's  clemency  towards  Marcellus 
had  given  him  hopes  that  he  might  apply  to  Caesar,  whom  he 
loved  and  admired,  the  affectionate  noster  which  he  had  always 
reserved  for  the  cold  and  unsympathetic  Pompey.  Cicero  is  not 
certain  if  the  report  is  true.  He  asks  Atticus  to  find  out  from  his 
father-in-law,  •  Will  the  master  proceed  to  the  Plain  of  the  Fennel- 
bed  or  the  Plain  of  Mars  for  the  purposes  of  the  election  ?  ?1 — that 
is,  will  Caesar  nominate  the  magistrates  in  Spain,  or  leave  the 
election  to  the  people  in  Eome  ?  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Caesar  did 
not  trouble  himself  about  the  Field  of  Fennel  or  the  Field  of  Mars. 
He  elected  no  magistrates,  but  left  the  administration  in  the  hands 
of  eight  (or  six)  praefecti*  nominally  subject  to  Lepidus.  The 
real  power  was  held  by  Balbus  and  Oppius,  as  we  learn  from  a 
letter  to  Aulus  Caecina,  written  in  December,  46 :  *  I  have 
come  to  see  that  all  the  acts  of  Balbus  and  Oppius  during 
the  absence  of  Caesar  are  usually  upheld  by  him/ 3  When 


INTRODUCTION. 

Cicero  wrote  those  words,  he  must  have  almost  begun  to  fear  thai 
Caesar  had  abandoned,  if  he  had  ever  entertained,  the  thought  of 
restoring  the  Republic.  In  the  remaining  letters  of  46  and  the 
beginning  of  45  up  to  February,  when  Cicero  was  afflicted  so 
severely  by  the  death  of  his  beloved  daughter  Tullia,  we  have 
occasional  allusions  to  the  clemency  of  Caesar,  alternating  with 
gloomy  comments  on  public  affairs,  as,  for  instance,  when  he 
comforts  his  friend  Titius  for  the  loss  of  his  children  by  the 
reflection — 

*  The  best  source  of  consolation  is  the  state  of  public  affairs  .  .  .  Those 
who  are  in  your  case  now  are  far  less  to  be  pitied  than  such  as  lost  their 
children  when  there  was  a  good,  or  indeed  any,  form  of  free  consti- 
tution.' ! 

Early  in  January,  45,  he  tells  Cassius  that  his  best  chance  of 
happiness  will  lie  in  keeping  clear  of  trifling  things  (aiavoo-TrouSoe), 
in  avoiding  vain  pursuits  such  as  the  restoration  of  the  free  State.2 
Cassius,  in  reply,  writes  : — 

'  Let  me  know  what  is  going  on  in  Spain.  1  declare  I  am  nervous 
about  this  young  Cn.  Pompeius,  and  1  prefer  the  clemency  of  our  present 
master  to  the  possible  ferocity  of  a  new  one.  You  know  what  a  dullard 
he  is,  and  how  he  mistakes  cruelty  for  firmness.  He  fancies  we  are 
always  making  fun  of  him.  I  fear  his  repartee  will  be  an  unpolished  one 
— a  slit  weasand.'3 

In  the  end  of  March,  45,  shortly  after  the  news  reached  Rome 
that  Caesar  had  been  saluted  as  Imperator  on  the  capture  of 
Ategua,  we  find  Cicero  attempting  a  literary  tour  de  force,  an 
experiment  whether  originality  could  be  achieved  in  a  letter 
of  introduction.  The  whole  composition  (Ep.  571),  recommending 
one  Precilius  to  Caesar,  is  stilted — studded  with  not  very  apt 

1  Fam.  v.  10.  3  (529),  Neque  hae  neque  ceterae  consolationes  .  .  .  tantum  videntur 
pro/icere  debert  quantum  status  ipse  nostrae  civitatis  et  haec  perturbatio 
tern  for  urn  perditorumt  cum  beatissimi  sint  qui  liberos  non  susceperunt,  minus 
autem  miseri  qui  his  temporibus  amiserunt  quam  si  eosdem  bona  aut  den  ique  aliqua 
republic n  perdidissent. 

'  Fam.  xv.  17.  4  (541).     For  iuctroffwovSos,  cp.  Marcus  Aurelius  i.  6. 

lFam.  XT.  19.  4  (542),  Scis  Cn.  quam  sit  fatuuif.ids  quomodo  crudelitatem 
virtutem  putet;  scis  quam  se  semper  a  nobis  derisum  putet;  vereor  ne  nos  rustic* 
ylndio  velit  ' 


CICERO'S  CASE  AGAINST  CAESAR.  xix 

quotations,  four  from  Homer  and  one  from  Euripides.  It  has  a 
strained  and  unnatural  tone  of  gaiety,  such  as  might  well  have 
been  assumed  by  a  writer  with  an  aching  heart — Tullia  had  been 
about  six  weeks  dead.  But  he  is  still  appreciative  of  Caesar's 
personal  courtesy.  In  the  middle  of  April,1  in  a  letter  to  Servius 
Sulpicius,  he  speaks  of  'that  leisure  which  his  kind  permission 
allows  us.'  But  he  is  in  deep  depression.  He  says  to  Lucceius 
|  in  May  :  '  Your  love  is  acceptable  and  desirable  :  I  would  say 
pleasant,  were  it  not  that  I  have  lost  that  word  for  ever." 

After  he  has  recovered  from  the  first  agony  of  his  grief  for  the 
death  of  Tullia,3  which  occurred  in  February,  45,  we  trace  in  his 


xx  INTRODUCTION. 

letters  a  growing  antipathy  towards  Caesar.     A  statue  of  Caesar, 
with  the  inscription  Deo  Invietof-  was  erected  now  in  the  Temple  i 

years  before  to  dedicate  some  important  treatise  to  Cicero,  but  was  a  '  slow -coach,' 
and  he  had  not  made  much  progress  (626.  3).  Taking  all  these  matters  into  con* 
sideration,  Cicero  determined,  after  the  suggestion  of  Atticus,  to  make  the  first  stepi 
himself,  and  dedicate  the  'Academica'  to  Varro.  Atticus  had,  indeed,  as  far  back 
as  54  urged  Cicero  to  find  a  place  for  Varro  in  the  De  Republiea  or  some  other  dialogue; 
but  Cicero  gave  reasons  why  he  did  not  do  so,  chiefly  (1)  the  unsuitability  of  Varro  for 
any  previous  treatise;  (2)  the  principle  he  had  adopted  not  to  introduce  any  living) 
person  into  his  dialogues ;  and  (3)  that  Varro  could  not  be  introduced  into  the 
Le  Republiea,  as  he  was  not  contemporary  with  Africanus  (Att.  iv.  16.  2  (144)  : 
cp.  626.  3  ;  631.  3,  4).  On  receipt,  then,  of  the  letter  from  Atticus  on  June  23,  Cicero 
at  once  proceeded  to  remodel  the  treatise  so  as  to  give  Varro  the  part  which  Lucullus 
and  Brutus  had  held  in  his  previous  arrangements.  The  transference  of  speakers 
was  effected  by  June  25,  and  the  treatise  altered  from  two  to  four  books,  the  work! 
enlarged,  and  the  points  put  more  concisely.  Cicero  did  not  hesitate  to  make  the 
alteration,  even  though  Atticus  had  already  had  the  former  edition  copied  out 
(627.  1).  It  is  possible  that  Atticus  sold  both  editions :  hence,  probably,  both  got 
into  extensive  circulation,  and  it  became  well  known  that  both  had  been  madei 
by  Cicero  (Quintil.  iii.  6.  64).  We  enjoy  the  good  fortune  of  having  the  «  Lucullus  * 
extant  which  Plutarch  mentions  (Lucull.  42).  Besides  Varro,  Cicero  was  the  othen 
principal  speaker  defending  the  New  Academy  :  and  Atticus  was  introduced  as  a  third.1 
Cicero  says  he  introduced  Atticus  «  with  the  greatest  pleasure  '  (afffifvairaTa,  635.  1  i 
cp.  628.  3).  This  edition,  in  four  books,  with  Varro  as  the  principal  character,  is 
known  as  the  Academica  Posteriora  ;  and  we  have  still  extant  portion  of  the  first  booki 
of  it.  Yet  immediately  after  this  re -arrangement  of  speakers,  on  June  26  Cicero  wasi 
still  beset  with  misgiving  as  to  the  advisability  of  dedicating  the  treatise  to  VarrOI 
(628.  3).  But  he  did  not  give  up  the  idea,  and  on  June  30  sent  the  work  to  Rome  to  bej 
copied  out  on  fine  large  paper  (macrocolla)  for  Varro  (632.  4  ;  642.  3).  Varro  was  not  a 
genial  man,  and  Cicero  did  not  welcome  a  visit  Varro  paid  him  on  July  9  (636.  1)  at 
Tusculum,  turning  up  like  the  lupus  in  fabula,  just  as  the  company  were  talking  on 
him  (or  does  loqucbamur  mean  *  you  and  I  have  been  talking  so  much  about  himJ 
recently  '  ?)  The  final  corrections  were  being  made  in  the  work  on  July  10  (637.  2)3 
and  about  July  12  Cicero's  letter  (641),  which  was  to  be  sent  with  the  work  to  VarroJ 
was  composed  with  scrupulous  care,  '  syllable  by  syllable,'  as  he  says  himself  (642.  3).l 
Cicero  thought  a  great  deal  both  of  the  book  (627.  1  ;  630  [18];  631.  3,  5)  and  of 
the  letter  (642.  3) ;  but  still  he  was  for  a  considerable  time  in  no  little  uncertainty  as] 
to  how  the  austere  and  cross-grained  Varro  would  receive  the  book.  Atticus  did] 
not  seem  to  be  quite  certain  as  to  the  ground  of  Cicero's  hesitation,  and  asks  him! 
f  he  feared  that  people  would  regard  him  as  a  'tuft-hunter'  (0tA.ej/5o£oj,  631.  3: 
cp.  640.  2)  if  he  were  to  dedicate  a  work  to  such  a  great  man  as  Varro  without  having  I 
first  received  a  dedication  from  him.  Cicero  says  that  was  not  the  case  (631.  3).  The! 
real  reason  is  that  stated  in  642.  3  (cp.  640.  2).  Varro  he  fears  may  grumble  that] 
hw  own  part  was  not  so  ably  put  as  Cicero's ;  and  so  Cicero  laid  the  final  responsibility  I 
of  the  presentation  to  Varro  on  Atticus  (642.  3  :  cp.  640.  2  ;  643.  2).  He  could  always  I 
(he  said)  fall  back  on  the  intermediate  edition  of  the  work  which  introduced  Brutus 
i  Cato  (642.  3).  But  about  July  20  the  work  was  at  last  presented  to  Varro.  We 
iave  no  definite  indication  how  he  received  it,  but  probably  with  satisfaction,  as  he 
edicated  later  a  portion  of  his  De  Lingua  Latina  to  Cicero  (Gell.  xvi.  8.  6). 
Cass.  xliii.  45.  3). 


CICERO'S  CASE  AGAINST  CAESAR.  xxi 

I  of  Quirinus,  near  the  house  of  Atticus,  on  the  Quirinal  Hill,  a& 
|well  as  another  in  the  Capitol  among  those  of  the  kings. 

'  I  see,'  Cicero  writes,  on  May  17,  45,  '  that  your  house  will  rise  in 
value  now  that  you  have  Caesar  for  a  neighbour.  Well,  I  would  rather 
see  him  share  the  honours  of  Quirinus  than  be  enshrined  with  Sains  in 
the  same  Hill,'  —  that  is  (Cicero  means),  <  1  should  not  care  to  see  him  in 
Safety  ;  I  should  rather  see  him  in  the  situation  of  Romulus,  who  was 
torn  to  pieces  just  before  he  was  acknowledged  as  a  god.'  (  Hipp.  594,  595.  ) 

We  have  here  a  sentiment  which  goes  far  to  prepare  us  for  Cicero's 
I  exultation  over  the  death  of  Caesar,  and  his  expressed  regret  that 
[he  was  not  an  active  participator  in  the  deed.1  A  little  more  than 

a  week  after,  May  25,  writing  to  Atticus  concerning  a  projected 
!  letter  of  political  counsel  to  Caesar,  like  the  erv/ufiov  Actmica  of 

Aristotle  and  Theopompus  to  Alexander,  he  says  :  — 

*  Yes,  I  always  was  for  submitting  the  letter  to  those  friends  of  yours 
and  his,  Hirtius,  Oppius,  and  Halbus.  I  am  glad  they  did  not  conceal 
their  real  opinion,  and  gladder  still  that  they  suggest  so  many  changes  as 
to  give  me  a  good  reason  for  dropping  the  whole  thing.  Although  as 
regards  the  Parthian  war,  what  view  should  1  have  taken  except  that 
which  I  thought  he  wished?  What,  indeed,  was  the  tenor  of  the  whole 
letter  but  kotowing  (woAa/ce/a)  ?  If  I  advised  him  what  I  really  thought 
he  should  do,  should  I  have  lacked  words  ?  The  whole  thing  was  uncalled 
for.  When  I  cannot  make  a  coup  (CTT  IT  61/7^0),  and  a  coup  manque 
(a7roT€u7Aia)  would  be  painful,  what  is  the  use  of  putting  it  to  the 
hazard  (TrapaKivtivveveiv}  ?  Besides,  he  might  suppose  that  I  had  waited 
till  the  war  was  completely  over  before  writing,  or  might  even  think  I 
wanted  to  gild  the  pill  of  my  Cato  '  (quasi  Catonis  ^i\iyna  esse,  603.  I).2 


1  Cp.  Fam.  xii.  4.  1  (818).   Vellem  Idibus  Martiis  me  ad  eenam  invitasses  :  reliqui- 
arum  nihil  fuisset. 

2  The  first  notice  we  have  of  Cicero's  intention  to  write  this  letter  is  on  May  9 
(584.  2).     Cicero  says  he  has  beside  him  the  letters  addressed   by  Aristotle  and 
Theopompus  to  Alexander,  but  that  the  circumstances  in  their  case  and  in  his  are  not 
similar,  and  accordingly  he  does  not  know  what  to  say.     "  What  they  wrote  was 
honourable  to  themselves  and  pleasing  to  Alexander.     Can  you  think  of  anything  of 
the  kind  in  my  case  ?  "     However,  he  took  the  matter  in  hand  and  had  the  letter 
completed  by  May  13  (591.  2).     If  we  accept  the  reading  of  lenson's  edition  in  597.  2 
Epistulam  ad  Caesar  em  (Ciceronem  codd.)  tibi  misi,  the  letter  was  sent  on  the  19th. 
It  really  looks  as  if  we  should  accept  this  reading  :  for  otherwise,  though  Cicero  was 
writing  to  Atticus  every  day,  we  should  have  no  express  mention  of  his  having  sent  to 
him  the  letter  addressed  to  Caesar  ;  and  Atticus  appears  to  have  desired  to  see  it,  and 
Cicero  also  desired  that  he  should  see  it,  for  he  was  convinced  that  he  had  not  fundamen- 
tally abandoned  therein  any  of  his  political  principles  (598.  2).  On  the  21st  he  is  awaiting 


INTRODUCTION. 

Finally,  at  the  end  of  May,  Cicero  dismisses  the   subject  with 
these    words:    'As   to   the    letter   (i.e.   the    political   letter)   to 
Caesar,  I  give  you   my  honour  I  cannot  write  it.     It  is  not  the 
baseness  of  it  that  stops  me,  though  it  ought  to  be;  for  how 
very  disgraceful  is  flattery  when  even  to  be  alive  is  disgraceful  * 
But  that  is  not  what  stops  me  :  I  wish  it  was ;  then  I  should  be 
what  I  ought  to  be.     But  I  can  think  of  nothing  to  say.' 1    On  th( 
13th  of  July  of  the  same  year  he  has  a  sneer  at  Caesar's  schem< 
for  rebuilding  the  city,2  'as  if  it  were  too  small  to  hold  him. 
At  the  Ludi  Victoriae  Caesaris  in  the  latter  half  of  July  the  statue  ! 
of  Caesar  was  carried  amongst  those  of  the  gods  beside  that  of 
Victory3 ;  and  at  the  same  time  it  was  rumoured  that  Cotta4  was 
about  to  bring  before  the  Senate  a  proposal  that  Caesar  should 
have  the  title  of  King,  as  Parthia  was  alleged  to  be  declared  by 
the  Sibylline  books  to  be  unconquerable  save  by  a  royal  invader. 
This  was  probably  a  ruse  of  Caesar's,  who  now  appears  to  navel 

information  as  to  what  Atticus  is  doing  with  the  letter  (599.  2),  and  on  the  23rd  is  j 
eagerly  expecting  the  judgment  of  Balbus  and  Oppius  (601.  3).  By  May  24  he  has  * 
heard  of  their  adverse  verdict  (602— a  very  short  letter,  exhibiting  the  deepest  morti- 
fication). On  the  25th  Cicero  is  somewhat  calmer,  and  writes  the  letter  translated 
above  (603.  1) ;  but  the  bitterness  of  disappointment  is  still  rankling.  Atticus  would 
appear  to  have  written  suggesting  that  he  might  make  some  alterations.  On  May  26 
Cicero  replies  that  he  cannot  think  what  to  say.  On  the  28th  he  has  definitely  made 
up  his  mind  (««'*?«««>  6°7.  3)  not  to  send  any  letter  at  all,  to  cast  such  ideas  aside, 
and  to  he  at  least  half-free  (semiliberi  saltern  simus) — a  condition  to  M'hich  he  can  ] 
attain  by  keeping  silent  and  living  in  retirement.  He  alludes  to  the  letter  once  again 
on  June  9  (619.  1)  when  he  was  definitely  informed  that  Caesar  had  said  that  on  his 
return  he  would  remain  in  Rome  to  see  that  his  laws  were  enforced — '  a  point,'  says 
Cicero,  '  which  was  contained  in  my  letter* :  cp.  607.  3.  Some  time  later  he  wrote 
another  letter  to  Caesar — not  political,  but  literary,  on  the  subject  of  Caesar's  Anti- 
Cato — which  was  highly  praised  by  Caesar's  friends  (667.  1) :  see  below,  p.  xxiv. 
Brutus,  Gallus,  and  Cicero  had  written  Catos,  or  panegyrics  on  Cato,  while  Hirtius 
and  Caesar  himself  had  countered  with  Anti-Catos.  Caesar  greatly  admired  Cicero's 
Cato,  which  he  compared  favourably  with  that  of  Brutus.  The  lines  on  which  it  was 
written  are  described  by  Cicero  himself  in  a  masterly  summary  Att.  xii.  4.  2(469), 
Sed  vere  landari  ille  vir  non  potent  nisi  haec  ('  the  following  topics ')  ornata  sint :  quod 
\IU  ca  quac  nnnc  aunt  et  futura  viderit  et  ne  Jierent  contenderit  et  facto,  ne  viderit  vitam 
reliqmrit.  For  Caesar's  judgment  on  Cicero's  work  cp.  663.  2,  multa  (scripsit 
Caesar)  de  meo  «  Catone  '  quo  saepitsime  legendo  se  dicit  copiosioremfactum,  JBruti  '  Catone ' 
keto  it  tibi  vintm  diserlum.  Cicero  highly  approved  of  Caesar's  Anti-Cato  (667.  1) 
as  far  as  literary  style  went.  ..- 

>Ep.  604.2.  8Ep.  643.  1. 

8  For  similar  extravagant  honours  bestowed  on  Caesar  cp.  Suet.  lul.  76  :   Dio 
Caa.  xliii.  14.  i  EP.  646.  1. 


CICERO'S  CASE  AGAINST  CAESAR.  xxiii 

I  craved  the  external   insignia  of  a  monarch.1     Cicero's  comment 
I  when  the  proposal  was  first  mooted  in  July  is  biting  : — 

'  How  delightful  to  get  your  letter,  though  the  procession  was  a  bitter 
pill  to  swallow  !  But  it  is  high  time  for  us  to  know  everything,  even 
Cotta's  rumoured  proposals.  How  well  the  people  acted  in  not  even 
applauding  Victory,  on  account  of  the  had  company  she  was  in  ! ' 2 

But  sorely  as  lie  feels  about  Caesar,  he  dismisses  with  curt  expres- 
sions of  absolute  disbelief  (in  which  he  says  Brutus  concurs)  charges 
inconsistent  with  the  character  of  Caesar,  such  as  his  complicity  in 
the  murder  of  Marcellus  by  Magius  Chilo,3  or  alleged  rapacity  : 

'  Bahullius,'  he  writes,*  '  has  left  one -twelfth  of  his  property  to  Caesar, 
and  to  Lepta  one-third.  Lepta  is  afraid  Caesar  won't  allow  the  will  to 
take  effect :  absolutely  without  cause.' 

On  August  2,  in  a  letter  to  Atticus,  for  the  first  time  he  actually 
calls  Caesar  King.  Young  Quintus,  whom  Cicero  justly  calls  '  a 
thorough  blackguard'  (cp.  658.  1,  Hoc  quidquam  pote  impurius), 
was  trying  to  blacken  not  only  Cicero,  but  his  own  father,  in  the 
estimation  of  Caesar,  while  Hirtius  was  defending  them  with  all 
his  might. 

*  Nothing,  says  Cicero,  *  is  so  vraisemblable  as  his  statement  that  1  am 
utterly  opposed  to  Caesar,  but  he  adds  that  he  ought  to  be  on  his  guard 
against  me — which  might  alarm  me  were  I  not  aware  that  the  King 
knows  I  have  no  fight  in  me.' 5 

Caesar  returned  to  Rome  in  September.  He  deposed  the  Praefecti, 
and  resigned  his  consulship.  He  then  convened  the  electors,  and 
had  Q,.  Fabius  Maximus  and  Graius  Trebonius  made  consuls  for 
the  remainder  of  the  year,  and  the  rest  of  the  magistrates  elected 
at  the  comitia.  This  all  seemed  to  Brutus  so  hopeful  that  he 

1  Shakespeare  has  caught  the  right  view  when  he  makes  Casca  say  in  describing 
the  scene  at  the  Lupercalia  in  February,  44  (Julius  Caesar,  1,  2.  237) :  *  I  saw  Mark 
Antony  offer  him  a  crown,  and,  as  I  told  you,  he  put  it  by  once ;  but  for  all  that,  to 
my  thinking,  he  would  fain  have  had  it.     Then  he  offered  it  to  him  again  ;  then  he 
.put  it  by  again  ;  but,  to  my  thinking,  he  was  very  loth  to  lay  his  fingers  off  it.' 

2  Ep.  646.  1.  3  Ep.  624.  3.  4  Ep,  656.  1. 
*  Ep.  657.  1.  (pofiepbv  &P  ?iv  nisi  viderem  scire  regem  me  animi  nihil  habere. 


xxiv  INTRODUCTION. 

announced  to  Atticus  the  conversion  of  Caesar  to  constitutionalism 
Cicero  is  not  so  optimistic.     He  writes,  on  August  7  or  8 :— 

•  So  Brutus  announces  the  conversion  of  Caesar  to  the  cause  of  the 
Optimates.  Good  news  indeed  !  But  where  will  he  find  them  ?  Unless 
he  hangs  himself  and  goes  to  join  them  in  another  world.  What  is  Brutua 
himself  going  to  do  about  restoring  the  Republic  ?  You  say,  it  is  idle  to 
expect  it.1 l 

So  at  this  time,  about  seven  months  before  the  Ides  of  March, 
even  Atticus  seems  to  have  thought  a  blow  for  the  Republic  was 
out  of  the  question.  We  agree  with  Schmidt  that  the  counsel  of 
Atticus  so  allusively  and  obscurely  referred  to  in  664.  1  (dated 
August  13,  45)  was  that  Cicero  should  for  the  moment  abandon 
the  philosophical  works  on  which  he  was  then  engaged,  and  apply 
himself  to  a  letter  to  be  addressed  to  Caesar.  Cicero  wrote  the 
letter  and  sent  it,  not  to  Atticus  (669.  1)  in  the  first  instance,  but 
to  Balbus  and  Oppius,  with  a  message  that,  if  they  approved  of  it, 
they  should  forward  it  to  Dolabella,  who  would  hand  it  to  Caesar. 
It  was  not  a  political  letter,  but  a  literary  one,  on  the  subject  of 
Caesar's  Anti-Cato.  They  declared  that  they  had  never  read  any- 
thing better,  and  forwarded  it  to  Dolabella.2  In  the  same  letter  he 
says  that  Dolabella  is  to  visit  him  for  the  purpose  of  instructing 
him  in  the  proper  attitude  to  be  observed  towards  Caesar.  *  Oh/  he 
exclaims,  *  what  a  tiresome  taskmaster  I  shall  find  him  !'  A  week 
afterwards,  in  a  letter  to  Fadius  Gallus,  he  declares  he  will  no- 
longer  endure  the  insolence  of  Caesar's  creature,  the  Sardinian 
musician  Tigellius,  mentioned  also  by  Horace.  There  was  a  certain 
Cipius  who,  having  a  frail  wife,  was,  in  the  words  of  Juvenal, 
doctus  spectare  lacunar.  On  one  occasion,  when  a  slave,  taking 
advantage  of  his  simulated  slumber,  was  making  away  with  some 
wine,  Cipius  started  up  with  the  words  non  omnibus  dormio.  This 
expression,  which  became  proverbial,  is  parodied  by  Cicero  in  the 

1  Ep.  660.  1.    We  read  partly  with  O.E.  Schmidt,    Tu    'futilum  eat:     On  the 
marriage  of  Brutus  and  his  actions  during  the  latter  half  of  45  we  have  written  at 
length  in  vol.  >i,  pp.  civ  f. 

2  Ep.  667.   1.   We  fear  from  Cicero's  apologies  to  Atticus  (669.  1)  that  it  waa 
written  in  a  somewhat  flattering  tone,  though  Cicero  declares  that  such  was  not  the 


INTRODUCTION.  xxv 

form  non  omnibus  sermo.  He  passionately  resents  some  insolence 
on  the  part  of  Tigellius  : — 

»'  There  are  cases  in  which  I  will  not  play  the  slave,  and  this  is  one. 
"When  I  was  considered  a  sort  of  despot  (cum  reynare  existimdbamur),  1 
had  no  greater  observance  than  I  now  enjoy  from  all  the  leading  Caesareans, 
save  only  this  creature.  It  is,  however,  clear  gain  not  to  have  to  endure 
the  society  of  a  fellow  who  is  more  pestilent  than  his  pestilential  birth- 
place, one  moreover,  who  has  been  knocked  down  as  a  cheap  lot  by  the 
scazontic  hammer  of  Calvus.' l 

Calvus,  the  rival  of  Catullus,  had  written  on  Tigellius  a  poem  in 
scazons,  beginning — 

'  Sardi  Tigelli  putidum  caput  venit.' 
(For  sale,  Tigeliius,  the  Sardinian  oaf.) 

This  outburst  shows  that  Cicero  feels  far  from  satisfied  with  the 
attitude  which  he  holds  towards  Caesar.  So  does  a  letter  (668) 
written  to  the  same  friend  a  few  days  after : — 

'  So  you  are  afraid  that  if  we  offend  Tigellius  we  may  have  to  laugh 
at  the  wrong  side  of  our  mouths.  But  1  say,  Hands  off  the  slate;  the 
schoolmaster  has  come  back  sooner  than  we  expected :  I  am  afraid  he 
will  give  us  Catonians  the  cat.  Well,  we  will  stick  to  the  pen,  come 
what  may.' 

Gallus,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  the  author  of  a  Cato.  In 
a  letter  (669)  written  about  the  same  time  we  find  Cicero 
apologizing  to  Atticus  for  having  forgotten  to  send  him  a  copy  of 
a  letter  which  he  had  written  to  Caesar,  praising  his  Anti-Cato 
(see  above,  p.  xxii,  note) : — 

4  It  slipped  my  memory ;  it  was  not,  as  you  hint,  that  I  was  ashamed 
to  show  it  to  you.  I  did  not  assume  in  it  the  humble  friend  too  much,  nor 
yet  was  I  hail,  fellow  !  well  met  with  him.  I  have  really  a  high  opinion  of 
his  Anti-Cato,  as  I  told  you  when  we  met.  So  I  wrote  to  him  without 
any  soft  sawder,  but  in  a  way  which,  I  fancy,  must  have  been  very 
pleasing  to  him.' 

During  the  autumn  Cicero  wrote  some  letters  (672-674)  to 
Land  Commissioners,  Valerius  Orca  and  C.  Cluvius,  who  were  ap- 
i  pointed  by  Caesar  to  carry  out  distributions  of  land  to  his  veterans. 

*Ep.  665.  1,  2. 
VOL.  v.  c 


xxvi  INTRODUCTION. 

These  letters  asked  the  Commissioners  to  deal  as  favourably  as  they 
could  with  the  property  of  the  municipality  of  Volaterrae,  with  the] 
property  owned  by  a  certain  C.  Curtius  in  the  territory  of 
Volaterrae,  and  with  the  property  which  the  town  of  Atella 
owned  in  Cisalpine  Gaul.  At  the  end  of  this  year  we  meet  a 
passage  in  a  letter  which  takes  us  by  surprise.  Vatinius,  whose 
successes  in  Dalmatia  had  been  recognized  by  a  supplicatio,  was 
forced  by  the  severity  of  the  winter  season  to  abandon  a  town 
which  he  had  captured.  He  writes  to  Cicero,  under  date  of 
December  5  (Ep.  678),  asking  him  to  use  his  good  offices  with 
Caesar  on  his  behalf.  What  a  strict  account  Caesar  exacted  from 
his  generals,  and  how  high  must  have  been  the  opinion  of  Cicero's  i 
influence  with  Caesar,  when  one  of  the  ablest  of  Caesar's  lieutenants 
applies  to  him  for  help !  0.  E.  Schmidt  (Der  Briefwech&el,  p.  360)  i 
notes  that  feelings  of  unfair  treatment  like  this  probably  led  some 
of  Caesar's  generals  to  join  the  conspiracy. 

We  now  come  to  the  celebrated  entertainment  given  by  Cicero 
to  Caesar  at  Puteoli,  on  his  return  from  Spain : — 

'  Oh,  what  a  formidable  guest !  yet  I  have  no  reason  to  regret  his 
visit :  we  had  a  very  pleasant  party  ...  In  a  word,  we  were  very  friendly 
together,  but  he  was  not  the  sort  of  guest  to  whom  you  would  say :  My 
dear  fellow,  you  must  drop  in  on  me  again  when  next  you  are  coming  this 
way.  No;  once  is  enough.  "We  had  no  political,  but  much  literary 
talk.'1 

The  last  words  are  very  significant.     Caesar  knew  that  he  could 
have   no   political   sympathy   with    Cicero  until  he   fulfilled  the 
aspiration  of  the  pro  Marcello,  and  restored  the  Republic — a  course! 
which  was  very  far  from  his  thoughts.     In  the  end  of  Decemberf 
Cicero  went  to  Home,  and  we  have  no  letters  to  Atticus  until  thd 
7th  of  April,  about  three  weeks  after  the  death  of  Caesar.  The  last! 
letter  to  Atticus,  just  before  he  left,  was  written  from  Tusculuml 
It  ends  thus  : — 

1  But,  I  say,  you  know  my  birthday  is  on  January  3.  You  will  comJ 
and  see  me  here.  Just  as  I  write  these  words,  lo  and  behold,  a  pressinJ 

1  Ep.  679.  I,  2  avovla.'iov  ovftv  in  sermone  :  <(n\6\oya  multa.  We  hear  elsewherJ 
of  Caesar's  entertaining  Cicero  at  dinner :  cp.  767.  4  eum  (libellum)  mihi  ded\ 
(Atticu*)  ut  daretn  Caesari.  Eram  enim  cenatimis  apud  eum  illo  die. 


CICERO'S  CASE  AGAINST  CAESAR.          xxvii 

call  to  Rome  from  Lepidus  !  He  wants  me  to  be  with  the  other  Augurs  at 
the  dedication  of  the  temple  to  Felicitas.  Go  I  must,  or  else  I  shall  catch 
it.'  J 

About  November  Cicero  delivered  a  speech  pro  Rege  Deiotaro 
before  Caesar,  who  heard  the  case  in  his  own  house.  The  King 
was  accused  by  his  own  grandson,  Castor,  of  having  attempted  to 
poison  Caesar  two  years  before,  when  Caesar  was  his  guest.  Cicero 
had  a  poor  case,  and  did  not  think  much  of  his  speech.2 

The  letters  of  the  early  part  of  next  year  show  much  depression. 
Cicero  begs  Curius  in  February  to  come  to  him,  *  lest  the  very 
seed  of  wit  be  lost  to  Rome,  together  with  her  liberty  '  (697.  2). 
There  is  an  interesting  letter  from  Vatinius  (696)  in  which  lie 
expostulates  with  Cicero  pleasantly  for  writing  in  favour  of  a 
certain  Sex.  Servilius  and  of  one  Catilius,  an  atrocious  criminal. 
Others  avoid  all  allusion  to  public  topics.  We  have  no  letters 
which  express  the  indignation  which  Cicero  must  have  felt  at  the 
extravagant  honours  bestowed  on  Caesar  during  the  early  part  of 
44,  and  at  the  scene  of  the  Lupercalia.  But  we  can  gather  to 
what  force  it  had  attained  from  Cicero's  marked  approval  of  the 
assassination  of  Caesar.3 

We  have  now  followed  the  shiftings  of  opinion  in  the  mind  of 
Cicero  during  more  than  a  year  and  a  half  from  the  time  when, 
in  the  speech  for  Marcellus,  he  declared  (§  32),  *  We  will  stand 
as  sentries  over  your  safety,  and  will  interpose  our  own  bodies 
between  you  and  any  danger  which  may  menace  you,'  to  the 
day  when  (as  would  appear)  he  despatched  to  Basilus  his  excited 


1  681.  2,  3.     The  last  words  are  eatur:    /*$)  <ric6p5ov  (sc.  ^ayw).     The  proverb 
CKopSa,  or  <rK6p$ov  (paye'iv,  for  '  getting  into  trouble,'  is  recognized  by  the  Schol.  on 
Aristophanes,  Lys.  689,  and  is  quite  appropriate  here.  It  involves  hardly  any  change, 
the  MSS.  giving  /J.L  CKTKO  pSov.     The  common  reading,  /itoo-fio  Spv6s,  besides  being 
palpably  absurd,  involves  a  far  greater  departure  from  the  MSS. 

2  Cp.  680.  2  (enclosing  to  Dolabella  a  copy  of  the  speech)  Ham  tibi  misi:  quam 
velim  sic  legas  ut  causatn  tenuem  et  inopem  nee  scriptione  magno  opere  dignam.    Sed  ego 
hospiti  veteri  et  amico  munusculum  mittere  volui  levidense  crasso  Jilo,  ctiiusmodi  ipsius 
solent  esse  munera.     We  rather  wish  Cicero  had  not  written  the  last  clause. 

3  Fam.  vi.  15  (699)  to  Basilus  was  probably  written  on  the  Ides  of  March,  but  it 
cannot  be  proved  to  belong  to  that  date.     We  think  Basilus  was  the  first  person  who 
informed  Cicero  of  the  deed,  and  Ep.   699  is  the  reply.     See  note  on  the  letter. 
Professor  Merrill  wishes  to  put  the  letter  in  47,  and,  comparing  Att.  xi.  5.  3  (416), 
to  refer  it  to  some  intercession  which  Basilus  may  have  made  with  Caesar  in  that 
year  on  Cicero's  behalf  (Classical  Philology  viii  (1913),  pp.  48-56). 

c  2 


xx  viii  INTR  OD  UCTION. 

congratulations  when  he  heard  of  the  death  of  Caesar.  The  two 
expressions  of  feeling  were  equally  sincere.  Cicero  would  never  have 
derogated  from  the  sentiment  of  the  first,  if  Caesar  had  restored 
the  Republic.  The  question  whether  his  projected  measures  were 
as  good  as  Fronde  thinks  them,  and  whether  his  accomplished 
acts  were  valid  or  invalid,  need  not  be  discussed.  For  ourselves 
we  completely  agree  with  Mr.  Strachan -Davidson,  who  has  so 
ably  vindicated  for  Cicero  his  place  among  the  Heroes  of  the 
Nations,  that  Caesar's  action  was  quite  unconstitutional ;  that  to 
appeal  directly  to  the  people  against  the  opinion  of  the  Senate 
was  at  Kome  precisely  what  appealing  to  the  personal  wishes  of 
the  Sovereign  against  the  policy  adopted  by  Parliament  would  be 
in  England;  and  that  he  transgressed  in  just  the  same  way 
as  Charles  I  when  he  met  the  stoppage  of  supplies  by  levying 
ship-money  without  consent  of  Parliament.  Intercessio  and 
obnuntiatio  were,  no  doubt,  constitutional  fictions ;  but  they  were 
fictions  which  were  regarded  as  essential  to  the  working  of  the 
cumbrous  machine  of  government.  When  Caesar  refused  to 
submit  to  the  perfectly  constitutional  obnuntiatio  of  Bibulus,  he  was 
guilty  of  treason  to  the  constitution.  But  whether  his  measures 
were  good  or  bad,  legal  or  invalid,  it  was  not  his  measures  which 
led  to  his  death.  Cicero  puts  the  question  in  a  nutshell  when, 
writing  to  Matius,  the  close  friend  of  Caesar,  he  says : — 

'  You  are  to  be  commended  for  loving  the  memory  of  a  friend  who 
is  no  more  ;  but  you  are  bound  to  prefer  the  liberty  of  your  country  to 
the  life  of  your  friend,  if  you  allow  that  he  made  himself  King.' l 

If  anyone  had  advised  Cicero  to  qualify  the  glowing  eulogy  of 
the  pro  Marcello.  he  would  probably  have  replied  in  words  used 
by  him  three  years  and  a-half  before,  when  certain  expressions  of 
his  in  a  letter  to  Caesar  were  criticized  as  too  adulatory  :  *  When 
my  theme  was  the  liberty  of  my  country,  the  charge  of  adulation 
had  no  terrors  for  me :  in  such  a  cause  I  would  gladly  have 
thrown  myself  at  his  feet.'2 

The  conspiracy  against  the  life  of  Caesar  could  not  be  more 
completely  misrepresented  than  when  it  is  described  by  Froude  as 

1  784.  8,  Si  Caetar  rex  fuerit. 

2  Att.  viii.  9. 1  (340),  Tali  in  re  libenter  me  ad  pedes  abiecissem. 


CICERO'S  CASE  AGAINST  CAESAR.  xxix 

arising  from  the  hatred  felt  by  the  Senate  for  the  person  of  Caesar, 
and  their  indignation  against  his  good  and  righteous  determina- 
tion to  check  their  career  of  misgovernment.  After  the  victory 
at  Pharsalia  it  began  to  grow  clearer  and  clearer  every  day  that 
Caesar  was  determined  not  to  restore  the  Republic.  He  had  a  far 
better  opportunity  than  presented  itself  afterwards  to  Octavian. 
He  had  never  shed  the  blood  of  Roman  fellow-citizens  except  in 
open  fight.  Yet  he  did  not  attempt  to  conceal  his  design  of 
making  himself  King.  He  was  heard  to  say1  that  the  Republic 
was  an  empty  name,  and  that  when  Sulla  threw  down  the  dagger 
and  abdicated  his  dictatorship  he  showed  himself  to  be  a  fool. 
He  had  established  himself  by  refusing  to  respect  the  forms  of  the 
constitution.  When  established,  he  took  a  malignant  pleasure  in 
heaping  scorn  on  them.  Thus  he  made  Caninius  Rebilus  consul 
for  half  a  day.  When  Cicero  jests  (694.  2)  on  the  vigilance  of 
the  consul  who  never  slept  while  he  held  office,  and  during 
whose  tenure  of  it  no  one  breakfasted,  we  can  see  that 

*  The  bubbles  of  Ms  mirth  all  spring 
From  the  deep  anguish  round  his  heart.' 

The  idea  of  taking  Caesar's  life  arose  simultaneously  in  two 
ddely  different  quarters — among  the  vanquished  at  Pharsalia,  and 
among  his  own  victorious  generals  (e.g.  Basilus2),  who,  no  doubt, 
were  also  to  some  degree  indignant  with  him  for  not  having 
given  them  more  substantial  and  honourable  rewards.  Cicero 
says  (Phil.  ii.  26)  that  Cassius  conceived  the  design  of  murdering 
him  on  the  banks  of  the  Cydnus.3  Trebonius  had  already  in 

1  Suet.  lul.  77.  2  Dio  Cass.  xliii.  47.  5  :  cp.  also  note  to  696.  3. 

3  This  is  mentioned  only  by  Cicero.  It  has  been  supposed  that  it  is  a  confusion 
with  the  surrender  of  a  fleet  at  the  Hellespont  by  a  Cassius  who  is  mentioned  by  Suet, 
lul.  63;  Dio  Cass.  xlii.  6.  2.  Appian  (ii.  88,  111)  says  it  was  Gaius  Cassius  the 
tyrannicide  who  surrendered  the  fleet ;  but  Dio  and  Suetonius  both  say  explicitly  that 
it  was  Lucius  Cassius  :  and  it  would  appear  that  this  Lucius  Cassius  was  not  even  the 
brother  of  Gaius  :  he  must  have  been  some  other  Cassius  (cp.  Groebe's  note  to 
Drumann,  ii2.  p.  544).  Gaius  was  near  Sicily  at  the  time  when  Caesar  crossed  the 
Hellespont  in  pursuit  of  Pompey  (Caes.  B.  C.  iii.  101).  If  Cicero  was  not  wholly 
misled  by  a  false  rumour  (and  we  think  it  probable  that  he  was),  it  must  have  been 
in  47,  when  Caesar  was  on  his  way  from  Egypt  to  Asia  to  wage  war  against 
Pharnaces,  that  Gaius  Cassius  conceived  this  idea  of  murdering  Caesar  on  the  Cydnus. 
Yet  Cassius  seems  to  have  been  a  legatus  of  Caesar  at  this  time  :  cp.  Fam.  vi. 
~  LO  (488). 


XXX 


INTRODUCTION. 


August,  45,  thoughts  of  a  plot  to  assassinate  Caesar.1  Cassiuf 
was,  no  doubt,  the  originator  of  the  plot,  which  united  defeatef 
enemies  like  M.  Brutus  and  Cassius  with  attached  generals  lik< 
Trebonius  and  D.  Brutus.  Personally  the  latter  were  not  more 
attached  than  the  former  to  Caesar ;  both  were  equally  animated 
with  hatred  against  the  man  who  set  himself  above  them  all. 
Cicero  was  not  taken  into  the  confidence  of  the  conspirators,  but 
his  well-known  principles  no  doubt  contributed  to  bring  about 
the  event,  and  to  justify  it  when  over,  not  only  by  the  sentiments 
constantly  expressed  in  his  private  letters,  but  by  an  occasional 
thunder- word  in  those  philosophical  works  on  which  he  was  then 
engaged.  '  I  am  ashamed  to  be  a  slave/  he  writes  to  Cassius, 
before  the  murder.2  '  Freedom  never  bites  so  savagely  as  after 
she  has  been  muzzled/ he  writes  in  the  *  De  Officiis/  after  the 
event.3  He  recognizes  himself  that  his  philosophical  works  are 
often  the  vehicles  of  political  reflections.  *  My  books  take  for  me 
the  place  of  the  Senate  and  the  public  assembly';*  and  in  the 
*  Brutus '  he  apostrophizes  his  friend  with  the  words,  *  The  ruin 
of  the  Republic  descended  on  your  triumphant  career  in  the  bloom 
of  your  youth,  and  robbed  it  of  the  glories  that  were  its  due.  The  i 
State  lost  its  Brutus,  and  Brutus  lost  his  State/5 

It  seems  to  have  been  regarded  as  essential  to  the  success  of 
the  conspiracy  that  Brutus  should  take  an  active  part  in  it.  It  is  j 
not  easy  to  see  how  this  young  man — he  was  only  seven-and- 
thirty  when  the  battle  of  Pharsalia  was  fought — had  acquired 
such  a  commanding  position  in  Rome.  His  usurious  transactions 
in  Asia  have  been  exposed  in  the  Introduction  to  vol.  in,  buti 
neither  they  nor  his  cold,  unsympathetic  nature  rendered  him  less 
picturesque  in  Roman  eyes.  Atticus  said  to  Cicero  when  he  was 
starting  for  his  province,  *  If  you  bring  back  nothing  from  it 
except  the  friendship  of  Brutus,  you  will  have  done  well  '6 ;  and 
Cicero  wrote  to  Appius  Claudius  about  the  same  time,  *  He  is 

^Plut.  Ant.  13 :  Cic.  Phil.  ii.  34.  2  Fam.  xv.  18.  1  (530).  3  ii.  24. 

4  De  Div.  ii.  7,  in  libris  enim  sententiani  dicebamus,  contionabamur,  philosophiatn 
nobit  pro  rei  publicae  procuration  substitutam  putabamus. 

*  Brut.  331,  Sfd  in  te  intuens,  Erute,  doleo,  cuius   in  adulescentiam  per  medias 
laudei  quMi   qttadrigis  vehentem    traversa  incurrit  misera  fortuna   rei  publicae.  .  .  .  | 
Ex  te  duplex  nos  afficit  sollicitudo,  quod  et  ipse  re  publica  careas  et  ilia  te. 

•  Att.  vi.  1.  7  (252). 


CICERO'S  CASE  AGAINST  CAESAR.  xxxi 

already  the  most  promising  of  our  youth  ;  soou  I  hope  he  will  be 
the  leading  man  in  the  State.'1  It  was  perhaps  the  extreme 
respectability  of  Brutus,  affording  such  a  contrast  to  the  black- 
guardism of  the  Milos,  Antonys,  and  Dolabellas  of  the  time, 
which  attracted  a  people  who  still  remembered  what  gravitas  was. 
*  Who  was  ever  more  respectable  (sanctior)  or  more  genial  (dulcior) 
than  you  ? '  exclaims  Cicero  in  the  '  Orator '  34,  which  he  dedicated 
to  this  paragon.2  Yet  he  was  really  cold  and  unsympathetic. 
When  lie  sent  Cicero  a  copy  of  the  speech  which  he  delivered 
in  the  Capitol  in  the  crisis  that  occurred  after  the  death  of  Caesar, 
Cicero's  criticism  is,  '  It  is  excellent  as  an  example  of  his  method 
of  oratory  ;  but  on  such  a  theme  I  should  have  written  with  more 
fire  (ardentius)  '3  To  Brutus  he  writes  with  warm  eulogies  on  the 
speech ;  but  we  meet,  in  a  letter  to  Atticus,  a  very  shrewd 
reflection  which  qualifies  his  praise  : — 


, 


'  Here  is  a  fundamental  axiom  for  you,  on  a  subject  of  which  I  am 
a  past  master:  Never  was  there  poet  or  orator  who  thought  any  one  better 
than  himself.'* 


11  this  same  letter  (727.  3]  Cicero  writes  :  *  You  think  I  am  wrong 
in  saying  the  State  depends  on  Brutus.  It  does.  It  will  be  lost 
or  will  be  saved  by  him';  and  again  (§5)  in  reproaching  his 
friend  for  daring  to  plead  Epicurus  as  an  authority  for  abstention 
from  politics,  he  says,  *  Does  not  the  phiz  (vulticulus)  of  Brutus 
scare  you  away  from  such  an  idea  ? '  He  uses  a  jocular  word  to 
describe  the  severe  face  which  spoke  the  unbridled  respectability, 
as  well  as  the  boundless  influence,  of  the  incomparable  prig. 

Brutus,  if  left  to  himself,  would  probably  not  have  put  him- 
self at  the  head  of  the  conspirators.  Shakespeare  justly  makes  him 
say  of  himself  (i.  2.  28),— 

'  I  do  lack  some  part 
Of  that  quick  spirit  that  is  in  Antony,' 

1  Fam.  iii.  11.  3  (265). 

2  In   722.    5,   he  ascribes  his  affection   for  Brutus  to  his  brilliant  talents,  his 
charming  manners,  and  his  remarkable  moral  excellence  and  firmness  of  purpose. 

3  731.  2. 

4  727.  3.     Cicero  had  complained  (557.  1)  somewhat  bitterly  of  the  coldness  of 
Brutus'  commendation  of  his  consulship  in  his  Cato  :  '  an  excellent  (optimum)  consul, 
indeed  ;  could  an  enemy  be  more  niggard  of  his  praise  ?  ' 


xxxii  IN  TROD  UCTION. 

to  whom  Cicero  afterwards  ascribes  Caesariana  celeritas.1  Caesar, 
on  his  return  to  Rome,  had  given  him  the  very  desirable  province 
of  Cisalpine  Gaul.2  Thapsus  had  been  fought  and  won.  His 
uncle  Cato  was  dead,  and  he  had  experienced,  in  the  Pompeian 
camp,  the  horrors  of  civil  war.  Probably,  not  even  the  bitter 
epigrams  of  Cicero,  the  taunts  of  Cassius,  and  the  hints  conveyed 
to  him  constantly  in  anonymous  letters, 

'  In  several  hands  in  at  his  windows  thrown,' 

would  have  influenced  him,  were  it  not  that  his  marriage  with 
his  cousin  Porcia,  daughter  of  Cato  and  widow  of  Bibulus,  served  at 
this  juncture  to  outweigh  the  influence  of  his  mother  Servilia,  who 
hitherto  had  used  all  her  efforts  to  draw  him  under  the  influence 
of  her  old  lover  Caesar.  Brutus,  as  we  can  infer  from  Cicero's 
letters,3  was  much  influenced  by  the  ladies  of  his  household.  To 
this  may  be  added  a  motive  ingeniously  suggested  by  0.  E.  Schmidt, 
in  his  monograph  on  Brutus.4  In  the  autumn  of  45  Caesar  had 
adopted  Octavian,  thus  crushing  all  the  hopes  of  Brutus  and  his 
friends  that  he  would  be  Caesar's  successor.  That  such  surmises 
were  rife  appears  from  a  passage  in  Plutarch,  (Brut.  8)  :— 

'When  Brutus  was  denounced  to  Caesar,  the  latter  said,  "  What!  do  you 
not  think  Brutus  can  wait  till  this  poor  body  of  mine  (o-apitiov)  goes  the 
way  of  all  flesh  ?  " — thus  implying  that  Brutus  was  his  natural  successor.' 

The  hesitation  of  Brutus  to  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  con- 
spirators was  of  a  piece  with  his  subsequent  action.  It  was  mainly 
his  fault  that '  when  the  despot  was  slain,  contrary  to  all  experience, 
the  despotism  survived.'5  Cicero  was  not  admitted  to  their 

1  Alt.  xvi.  10.  1  (801). 

2  Later  on  Caesar  made  Brutus  Praetor  urbanus.   Dr.  Arnold  (History  of  the  Later 
Roman  Commonwealth  (1849),  ii.  97)  is  justly  severe  on  M.  Brutus  for  thus,  after  having 
been  his  opponent,  twice  taking  office  under  Caesar,  and  then  becoming  his  assassin :  he 
says  :  '  Sir  Matthew  Hale  did  well  to  accept  the  place  of  judge  during  the  usurpation 
of  Cromwell ;  but  what  should  we  think  of  him  if,  whilst  filling  that  office,  he  had 
associated  himself  with  Colonel  Titus  and  other  such  wretches  in  the  plans  to  remove 
the  Protector  by  assassination  ? ' 

8 635.  4;  744.  1,  2. 

4  4Verhandlungen  der  40  Philologenversammlung '  Gbrlitz  (1889),  pp.  177,  178. 
Cp.  vol.  vi,  p.  ci. 

•712.2:  cp.  719.2. 


CICERO'S  CASE  AGAINST  CAESAR.        xxxiii 

•councils ;  but  we  think  that  if  he  had  been  he  would  have 
contributed,  especially  by  the  influence  he  exercised  on  Cassius,  to 
make  the  wretched  business  a  success.  Antony,  at  least,  should 
have  felt  the  daggers  that  despatched  Caesar.  '  Oh  that  you  had 
asked  me  to  the  banquet !  There  would  have  been  no  leavings,' 
writes  Cicero  to  Cassius  and  Trebonius,  at  the  beginning  of 
February,  43,1  in  words  severely  condemned  by  Froude,  and 
which,  we  will  allow,  are  very  savage.  Yet  his  view  of  the 
situation  was,  according  to  the  ethics  of  his  time,  just.  If 
murder  is  to  be  accepted  at  all  as  a  political  expedient,  it  ought 
certainly  to  be  thoroughgoing.  We  must  not  forget  that  till 
comparatively  recent  times,  among  Southern  nations,  political 
assassination  was  regarded  as  quite  defensible  morally.  Cicero 
-confesses2  that  he  urged  Octavian  to  the  attempt  which  he  made 
on  the  life  of  Antony  on  October,  5  or  6.3  The  death  of  Antony 
might  have  spared  Rome  the  horrors  of  Octavian's  proscriptions. 
At  all  events,  the  agony  of  the  death  of  the  Roman  Republic 
might  have  been  shortened. 

Brutus  was  all  for  peace — '  peace,  peace,  when  there  was  no 
peace/  In  Cicero's  letters  he  is  synonymous  with  peace.  Cicero 
calls  his  friend  Matius  *  a  bitter  foe  of  peace,  by  which  I  mean 
Brutus.'4  Brutus  no  doubt  suffered  the  public  funeral  and  the 
demonstration  which  Atticus  in  his  wisdom  declared  to  be  fatal.5 
Another  remark  of  Cicero's  in  the  same  letter  is  so  good  that 
Gronovius  and  Baiter  have  grudged  it  to  him.  Cicero  distinctly 
records  ids  conviction  that  if  the  Pompeians  had  taken  a  firm  stand 
after  the  assassination  they  would  have  prevailed  over  theCaesareaus. 

*  It  would  have  been  better,'  he  writes,  *  that  at  his  death  we  should 
all  have  been  destroyed — which  would  n«ver  have  happened — than  that 
we  should  have  to  look  on  the  present  state  of  public  affairs.' 

1  Fara.  xii.  4  (818);    x.  28  (819),   Quam  vellem   ad  illas  pulcherrimas  epulas  me 
Idibus  Martiis  invitasses  !  reliquiarum  nihil  habereinus. 
*PM1.  iii.  19. 

3  Kam.  xii.  23.  2  (792)  Rerum  urbanarum  acta  tibi  mitti  certo  scio  :  quod  ni  ita 
putarem,  ipse  perscriberem,  in  primisque  Caesaris  Octaviani  conatum  :  de  quo  multitudini 
Jictum  ab  Antonio  crimen  videtur  ut  in  pecuniam  adulescentis  impetwn  faceret :  pruden- 

tes  autem  et  boni  viri  et  credunt  factum  et  probant.  Quid  quaeris  ?  Magna  spes  est  in 
to:  nihil  est  quod  non  existimetur  laudis  et gloriae  causa  facturus. 

4  704.  3  Inimicissimum  oti,  id  est,  Bruti. 

5  713.  1.  Meministine  te  clamare  causam  perisse  sifunere  elatus  esset  ? 


xxxiv  INTRODUCTION. 

These  editors  make  this  remark  almost  pointless  by  reading  utinam  \ 
for  numquam  in  the  words  quod  numquam  accidisset.  In  fact,  as 
we  read  the  letters  of  this  period,  we  find,  indeed,  Cicero  dis- 
tracted by  alternate  hopes  and  fears,  but  very  wise  in  his  counsel 
and  his  forecast  of  events.  He  is  'a  reed  shaken  with  the  wind/ 
but  he  is  also  *  a  prophet,  and  more  than  a  prophet.'  He  is  a 
prey  to  conflicting  emotions ;  but  when  we  enter  the  perplexed 
paths  of  the  wood  that  spreads  betwixt  republican  Kome  and 
the  Empire,  his  dead  finger  points  out  to  us  the  way.  But 
in  a  very  interesting  letter  to  the  exiled  A.  Caecina1  he  enumerates 
the  occasions  on  which  he  may  fairly  claim  to  have  made  a  just 
forecast  of  the  future,  premising  the  remark,  '  I  am  only  afraid 
you  will  think  I  have  manufactured  the  prophecy  after  the  event/ 
Early  next  year  he  says  in  the  Senate  :  — 

'  If  the  resolutions  of  this  house  are  to  be  at  the  beck  and  call  of  the 
veterans,  it  is  better  to  take  refuge  in  death,  which  Romans  have  always^ 
preferred  to  slavery.'2 

In  these  words  Cicero  foreshadowed  the  history  of  the  Empire. 

With  the  exception  of  the  colonies  of  veterans,  Italy  welcomed! 
with  delight  the  death  of  Caesar,  but  the  Liberators  were  without 
plans,  and  did  nothing.  Some  champions  of  the  murdered 
Dictator  erected  an  altar  and  a  memorial  column  to  Caesar  in  the 
Forum.  It  was  Dolabella,  a  close  friend  of  Caesar,  who  pulled  it 
down  and  punished  the  promoters  of  the  object.3  It  was  th( 
inaction  of  the  Liberators  which  placed  the  destinies  of  Eome  at 
the  mercy  of  the  standing  army.  Antony  had  succeeded  earlj 
in  June  in  having  Brutus  and  Cassius  nominated  commissiom 
to  buy  corn  in  Asia  and  Sicily — a  very  clever  move.  Cic 
describes4  a  sort  of  council  of  state  which  was  held  at  Antium 
on  June  8,  to  discuss  the  situation  thereby  caused.  At  th« 
conference  there  were  present  Brutus,  his  mother  Servilia^ 


LFam.  vi.  6.  4  (488),  Dicerem  quae  ante  futura  dixissem  ni  vererer  ne  ex 
fingert  viderer. 

2  Phil.  x.  19.    Postremo — erumpat  enim  aliquando  vera  et  me  digna  vox  ! — 
ranorum  nutu  mentes  huius  ordinis  yubernantur  omniaque  ad  eorum  voluntatem  nostt 
dicta  facta  referuntur,  optanda  mors  estt  quae  civibus  Romania  semper  fuit  servitutt 
potior. 

»  Cp.  Cicero's  letter  to  Dolabella,  722.  *  744.  1-2. 


CICERO'S  CASE  AGAINST  CAESAR.  xxxv 

*  dear  Tertia '  (Tertulla)  his  sister,  and  Porcia  his  wife,  together 
with  Cicero,  Cassius,  and  Favonius,  whom  Mommsen  calls 
Cato's  Sancho. 

'  1,'  writes  Cicero,  '  advised  that  Brutus  should  accept  the  Coramis- 
sionership  of  the  corn  supply  and  go  to  Asia.  When  Cassius  came  in,  I 
repeated  what  I  had  said.  "  What!"  said  Cassius,  with  a  look  of  great 
determination,  his  soul  in  arms  and  eager  for  the  fray,  "  could  I  ever 
have  accepted  from  Antony  an  insult  in  the  guise  of  a  favour  ?  I  will  not 
go  to  Sicily:'  "  What  then  will  yon  do  ?"  said  I.  "  I  will  go  to  Greece." 
"  Well,  what  will  you  do,  Brutus?1'  "I  will  go  to  Rome,  if  you 
approve."  "  Certainly  not  :  you  would  not  be  safe  there"  ll  What 
if  I  could  be  safe  there  ?  Would  you  approve  of  it  then  f"  "  Certainly  ; 
but  I  don't  advise  you  to  risk  living  in  Rome."  Then  Cassius  dwelt 
bitterly  on  the  opportunities  we  had  lost,  and  complained  of  D.  Brutus 
[how  he  had  been  making  raids  on  the  mountaineers  of  Savoy  and 
Piedmont  with  a  view  to  a  triumph,  instead  of  opposing  Antony].  I  said 
there  was  no  use  in  dwelling  on  the  past,  but  agreed  with  him.' 

Then  followed  what  was  nearly  an  altercation  between  Cicero  and 
Servilia.  Cicero  winds  up  his  account  of  the  scene  with  the 
remark  that  he  got  no  good  out  of  it  but  the  applause  of  his 
conscience,  for  having  done  what  he  did  not  want  to  do,  but  what 
he  knew  was  his  duty,  in  going  to  attend  the  conference.  The 
letter  puts  in  a  strong  light  the  complete  want  of  concert  and 
mutual  trust  in  the  Republican  party.  But  not  only  as  regards 
the  sparing  of  Antony  on  the  Ides  of  March  was  Cicero 
opposed  to  Brutus.  His  whole  attitude  towards  Antony,  and  the 
violent  invectives  of  the  Philippics,  were  gall  and  wormwood 
to  Brutus,  who  hated  to  see  vehement  recriminations  intro- 
duced into  public  matters.  Still  less  did  he  like  to  see  Cicero 
throwing  the  Republic  at  the  feet  of  the  young  man  '  to 
whom  divine  and  immortal  honours  were  due  for  his  divine 
and  immortal  services/1  As  to  him,  Brutus  was  right  and 
Cicero  was  wrong.  But  we  cannot  accuse  Cicero  of  any  want  of 
public  spirit  in  his  enthusiasm  for  Octavian.  He  looked  on  him 
as  the  only  counterpoise  to  Antony,  that  debauchee  whom  he 
boasts  of  having  cast,  'belching  and  puking,'  into  the  toils  of 

1  Phil.  iv.  4.     The  whole  of  the  two  letters  of  Brutus  i.  16  and  17  (864  and  865) 
are  formal  protests  against  Cicero's  policy,  of  which  this  excessive  praise  of  Octavian 
no  small  part  of  the  censure. 


INTRODUCTION. 


' 


xxxvi 

Octavian.1       Cicero's   first    judgment  on    him    expresses    som 

uneasiness  :  *  Tell  me  about  Octavius.  Are  there  crowds  to  mee 

him,   and    is    there    anything   which  suggests   a   coup  d'etat?1 
His  next  is  not  unfavourable— 

'  We  have  here  Octavius,  who  is  most  complimentary  and  quite  friendly  1 
to  me,  whom  his  friends  call  Caesar,  though  his  stepfather  Philippus  does  ) 
not,  and   I  follow  his  example.     I  maintain  that  he  cannot  be  a  good 
patriot.     Too  many  stand  round  him  threatening  death  to  our  friends.'3 

About  two  months  afterwards  he  writes : — 

*  I  find  in  him  much  talent  and  spirit,  and  I  think  he  will  have  the! 
right  feeling  towards  our  heroes.  But  it  is  a  very  serious  matter  of  j 
consideration  how  far  we  can  trust  him  when  we  think  of  his  age,  his  \ 
name,  whose  heir  he  is,  and  what  has  been  his  upbringing.' 4 

And  to  this  judgment  he  recurs  more  than  once.  He  tells  us, 
'  the  country  towns  are  wonderfully  enthusiastic  for  the  lad ' 5 ; 
nnd  again,6  that  '  Oppius  guarantees  that  he  will  not  only  renounce 
all  enmity  against  the  tyrannicides,  but  will  frankly  accept  their 
friendship.'  Cicero  afterwards7  takes  this  pledge  on  himself. 
Writing  in  October  to  Cornificius,8  he  says,  in  reference  to  a 
rumoured  attempt  made  by  Octavian  on  the  life  of  Antony,  *  He 
inspires  high  hopes  :  he  is  regarded  as  capable  of  anything  that 
will  win  for  him  glory/ 

It  is  not  till  the  middle  of  November  that  we  find  his  con- 
fidence wavering. 

'  If  Octavian  succeeds,  all  Caesar's  acts  will  be  more  valid  than  ever, 
and  that  will  be  bad  for  Brutus.  If  Antony  prevails,  he  will  be  absolutely 
intolerable.' a 

And  again  in  the  same  letter  (§2),  *  Octavian  has  plenty  of  spirit, 
but  very  little  influence.'  And  about  the  same  time,  while  agreeing 

1  Fam.  xii.  25.  4  (825)   Quern  ruetantem  et  nauseantem  conieci  in  Caesaris  Octaviaw 
plagas. 

2  707.  3.     The  populace  were  still  in  a  very  inflammable  state. 

3  715.  2.     See  note.  «  745.  2. 

5  Att.  xvi.  11.6  (799),    Puero   municipia   mire   favent  ..  Mirifica    airdvr-nffis    et 
cohortatio. 

6  Att.  xvi.  15.  3.  (807).  7  Phil.  v.  51.  •  Fam.  xii.  23.  2  (792). 
9  Att.  xvi.  14.  1  (805). 


CICERO'S  CASE  AGAINST  CAESAR.        xxxvii 

with  Atticus  that  '  the  lad  is  checking  Antony  beautifully,'  he 
strongly  condemns  a  harangue  of  his  to  the  people,  and  exclaims 
n  Greek,  *  I  would  not  have  such  a  man  even  for  a  deliverer.'1 

If  at  last  he  grovels  before  this  '  mere  lad,'  after  he  has  un- 
mistakably abandoned  the  cause  of  the  Republic,  it  is  because  he 
jtill  fosters  *  hope's  wan  bloom  '  that  he  may  be  able  to  kindle  a 
jpark  of  patriotism  in  the  breast  of  this  cruel  and  heartless  youth, 
and  is  willing  to  stoop  for  the  sake  of  his  country  to  an  attitude 
)f  submission  which  he  never  would  have  assumed  to  save  his  own 
ife.  We  read  among  the  fragments  of  his  letters  to  Octavian, 
Henceforth  let  me  know  what  you  want  me  to  do  :  I  shall  surpass 
your  expectations  in  carrying  out  your  commands.'2 

But  we  are  anticipating.  Long  before  he  wrote  these  words 
of  self-abasement  and  despair  we  find  him,  three  weeks  after  the 
eventful  Ides,  indignant  with  Matius  for  exulting  over  the  inextri- 
cable tangle  into  which  things  had  come  in  Rome  ;  and  mentioning 
with  a  kind  of  affection  certain  sayings  of  Caesar  which  were 
going  the  rounds  in  Rome  :  his  well-known  criticism  on  Brutus, 
;hat  'if  he  wants  a  thing,  he  wants  it  in  earnest';  and  a  com- 
)limentary  allusion  to  himself,  *  If  a  man  like  Cicero  is  kept 
waiting  for  an  audience,  he  cannot  but  hate  me,  good-natured  as 

is.'8  Yet  Cicero  did  not  hate  Caesar,  much  as  he  detested  King 
Jaesar.  In  a  letter  written  a  month  after  this  time,  he  says  : — 

'  It  would  have  been  less  dangerous  to  speak  against  that  rascally  junto 
(the  Caesareans)  in  the  lifetime  of  the  tyrant  than  now  that  he  is  dead. 
For  me  at  least  his  tolerance  was,  somehow  or  other,  simply  amazing.' 4 

He  now  sees  that 

'  the  Ides  have  given  us  nothing  more  than  the  pleasant  satisfaction  of  our 
indignation  at  his  usurpation,  and  the  joy  of  having  seen  with  our  own 
eyes  his  well-deserved  death.'5 

He  begins  to  adopt  a  very  despondent  tone.  '  Brutus  is  thinking 
about  going  into  exile  ;  but  anything  is  better  than  submission  6  ; 

1  Alt.  xvi.  15.  3   (807),  MrjSe  (ra>0€irjj>  viro  ye  TOIOVTOV. 

2  Posthac  quod  voles  a  me  fieri  scribito  ;  vineam  opinionem  tuatn  (Nonius,  p.  356.  22  : 
see  vol.  vi,  p.  300). 

3  703.  2.  *  724.  6.  5  715.  1 ;  719.  4.  «  725.  1 ;  733.  1. 


xxxviii  INTROD  UCT10N. 

'  the  tree  has  only  been  lopped,  not  plucked  up  by  the  roots,  an< 
so  it  is  putting  forth  shoots  afresh/  l 

'  If  things  go  on  as  they  are  going — forgive  me  for  what  I  am  about 
say— I  have  no  pleasure  in  the  Ides.  I  enjoyed  such  an  influential  position 
with  Caesar  (damn  him  all  the  same  !)  that  I  need  not  have  shrunk  from 
such  a  master  at  my  age,  the  more,  seeing  that  even  after  the  master's 
death  we  are  still  not  free.  I  blush,  believe  me.  But  I  have  written  the 
words,  and  I  won't  strike  them  out.' 2 

He  laughs  at  Servius  Sulpicius,  who  took  on  himself  the  task  of 
bringing  about  a  general  good  feeling  by  his  personal  exertions. 
He  ought  to  have  known  that  there  is  now  no  appeal  but  to  the 
sword.  Ridiculing  his  abortive  mission,  he  writes  that 

'  he  and  his  young  secretary  appear  to  have  gone  on  an  embassy  of  their  < 
own,  armed  as  lawyers  against  all  the  quips  and  quiddities  of  the  law.'3 

By  the  middle  of  the  year  he  has  made  up  his  mind  that  therej 
will  be  an  appeal  to  arms,4  and  that  Antony,  who  has  surrounded! 
himself  with  a  body-guard  in  pretended  fear  of  a  plot  against  his 
life,5  is  meditating  a  massacre.     His  aspiration  now  is  to  die  inj 
open  fight,  not  in  the  massacre  which  he  apprehends.     He  think* 
Antony — *  Cytheris'  man,'  as  he  calls  him — will  give  no  quarter 
if  victorious  (755).  Writing  to  Capito,  a  partisan  of  Caesar,  in  July, 
he  uses  a  curiously  neutral  word  about   the  death  of   Caesar  : 
'  Pending  the  matter,  the  sudden  death  of  Caesar  occurred.' 6     S< 
Matius  speaks  of  Caesar's  obitum  or  *  demise.'    The  excellent  lettei 
of  Matius  to  Cicero,  together  with  the  letter  of  Cicero  to  which  il 
is  a  reply,7  give  a  valuable  indication  of  divergent  opinions  01 
the  question  of  the  moral  import  of  Caesar's  death.     They 
familiar  to  most  readers  of  the  letters,  and  should  be  read  ii 
their  entirety. 

We  have  now  followed  the  fluctuations  of  Cicero's  mind  froi 

1  734.  2.  2  734-  3< 

•  739,  Serviut  .   .   .  cum  librariolo  .    .    .  videntur.     The  plural   verb   is  a  r.eal 
hint  that  the  young  secretary  has  as  much  chance  as  the  jurisconsult  himself   c 
bringing  about  tbe  desired  result.     In  the  case  of  a  substantive  connected  with  anotht 
by  cum,  the  plural  may  be  used  when  the  thing  predicated  applies  equally  to  both. 

750.  2  ;  752.  4.  s  752.  4,  Qui  umbras  timel. 

•  778.  11,  Accidit  ut  subito  ille  interpret.  "  784,  785. 


CICERO'S  CASE  AGAINST  CAESAR.          xxxix 

the  time  when  he  fondly  hoped  that  he  could  see  in  Caesar  a 
restorer  of  the  Republic  to  the  bitter  hour  when  he  has  to  own  that 
he  has  no  pleasure  in  the  Ides,  and  that  the  death  of  Caesar  was  no 
benefit  to  the  State  and  a  loss  to  himself  personally.  Hencefortli 
Caesar  drops  out  of  the  correspondence,  though  he  alludes  to  his 
death  more  than  once  as  a  glorious  deed,  and  no  less  sounding 
title  than  heroes  or  '  demigods  '  will  serve  him  for  those  poor  semi- 
demigods  who  plunged  their  daggers  into  the  body  of  Caesar.  His 
place  is  taken  by  Antony.  Immediately  after  the  death  of  Caesar, 
we  find  the  comments  of  Cicero  on  Antony  uniformly  unfavourable, 
though  he  declares  himself,1 

*  I  was  always  friendly  to  him  until  I  saw  that  he  was  openly,  and  even 
with  joy  (libenter),  making  war  on  the  Republic.' 

We  hear  how  he  has  helped  himself  to  the  treasure  in  the  temple 
of  Ops ; 2  how  corn  is  being  collected  in  his  house  in  Eome, 
for  a  purpose  of  which  we  cannot  be  sure,  perhaps  as  supplies 
for  the  soldiers  whom  lie  intended  to  bring  to  Home  (705.  1)  ;  how 
he  forges  documents  (the  word  \f;£v$tyypa(]>ov,  '  bogus,'  now 
appears  in  his  letters3)  purporting  to  be  Caesar's,  and  his  wife 
Fulvia  disposes  of  them  for  money.  He  states  distinctly*  that 
Antony  received  '  a  large  sum  of  money '  for  producing  a  law 
enfranchising  the  Sicilians,  and  that  a  bribe  administered  to  Fulvia 
restored  the  tetrarch  Deiotarus  to  his  kingdom  of  Little  Armenia. 
He  repeats  the  same  charge  in  Phil.  ii.  93-95,  and  says  that  the 
bribe  given  by  Deiotarus  was  ten  millions  of  sesterces,  or  nearly 
£90,000. 

We  are  familiar  with  the  fierce  invectives  with  which  he 
lashed  Antony — after  the  latter  made  on  him  in  the  Senate 
an  attack  which  was  incoherent  and  almost  inarticulate  with 
rage — in  the  Letters5  as  well  as  in  the  Philippics.  We  find, 
however,  a  very  different  state  of  feeling  expressed  in  a  letter 
rom  Antony  to  Cicero,  written  a  little  more  than  a  month 
the  Ides  of  March,  and  in  Cicero's  reply.6  The  letter  of 

1  Fam.xi.  5.  2  (809).  2  719.  5. 

3  763.  1  ;  cp.  723.  1.  4  715.  1. 

8  Fam.  xii.  2.  1  (790),  Omnibus  est  visus  vomere  suo  more  non  dicere ;  Fam.  x.  1.  1 
J7),  Cuius  tanta  est  non  insolentia  (nam  id  quidem  volgare  vitium  est)  sed  immanitas. 
6  716,  717. 


xl  INTRODUCTION. 

Antony  begs  the  good  offices  of  Cicero  in  helping  him  to  bring 
about  the  restoration  of  Sex.  Clodius,  a  retainer  and  henchman  of 
Cicero's  old  enemy,  who  had  now  spent  eight  years  in  exile.  He 
urges  the  excellent  moral  effect  which  such  an  act  on  the  part  of 
Cicero  would  have  on  young  Clodius,  now  an  inmate  of  the  house- 
of  Antony,  who  had  married  the  young  man's  mother  Fulvia, 
the  widow  of  P.  Clodius.  The  letter  is  not  very  well  expressed 
(see  notes),  but  it  is  friendly  in  tone.  However,  we  are  not  herej 
so  much  concerned  with  Antony's  Latin  (which  Cicero  criticizes- 
in  Phil.  xiii.  43)  as  with  a  charge  against  Cicero  which  has  been 
most  unjustly  based  upon  his  reply.  Cicero,  in  a  well-expressed 
letter,  professes  the  highest  goodwill  towards  Antony,  though 
we  know  that  at  the  time  he  represents  him  to  Atticus  in  his 
true  light. 

»  M .  Antonius  has  written  to  me  about  the  restoration  of  Sex.  Clodius. 
You  will  see  by  his  letter,  of  which  I  enclose  a  copy,  how  polite  he  is. 
But  the  unprincipled,  scandalous,  and  pernicious  nature  of  his  request, 
which  sometimes  makes  one  even  wish  Caesar  back  again,  you  will  not  fail 
to  observe.  What  Caesar  would  never  have  done,  nor  permitted,  is  now 
done  on  the  authority  of  forged  minutes,  alleged  to  he  his.  However, 
I  fell  in  with  his  humour  perfectly  in  my  reply,  which  also  I  enclose. 
Having  found  out  that  he  can  do  what  he  likes,  he  would  have  done  it 
in  this  case,  whether  I  complied  or  not.' 

Antony  afterwards  read  this  letter  out  in  the  Senate  to  show  the 
hypocrisy  of  Cicero.1  Let  us  face  the  question  with  sincerity.  Is 
there  or  was  there  ever  a  public  man  whose  private  correspon- 
dence would  never  run  counter  to  his  publicly  expressed  opinions  ? 
Surely  there  is  such  a  thing  as  official  language,  and  a  public  man 
writing  to  a  public  man  adopts  a  tone  different  from  that  which 
he  would  use  in  discussing  the  same  matter  in  a  private  letter  to 

1  Cicero  rebuked  him  sternly  for  his  ill-breeding  and  ignorance  of  what  i& 
gentlemanly  conduct  (Phil.  ii.  7).  This  passage  deserves  quotation.  At  etiam 
litterus,  quat  me  sibi  misisse  diceret,  recitavit  homo  et  humanitatis  expers  et  vitae 
communis  ignarus.  Quis  enim  umquam  qtti  paullum  modo  bonorum  consuetudinem  nosset 
litterat  ad  te  ab  amico  mitsas  ojfensione  aliqua  interposita  in  medium  protulit  palamque 
recitavit  ?  Quid  eat  aliud  toilers  ex  vita  vitae  societaiem,  tollere  amicorwn  conloguia  ab~ 
tentium  ?  Quam  multa  ioca  solent  esse  in  epistulis,  quae  prolata  si  sint,  inepta  vid- 
eantur  !  Quam  multa  seria  neque  tamen  ullo  modo  divulganda  !  The  great  truth  of 
the  la«t  sentence  but  one  is  often  brought  home  to  commentators  on  Cicero's  epistles. 


CICERO'S  CASE  AGAINST  CAESAR. 


xli 


an  intimate  friend.  This  distinction  seems  obvious,  but  it  is 
invariably  treated  as  non-existent  in  analysing  the  character  of 
Cicero ;  and  those  who  urge  it  are  treated  as  special  pleaders  of  a 
bad  cause.  With  the  letter  of  Cicero  to  Antony  should  be  read 
the  dignified  letter  of  Brutus  and  Cassius  to  Antony  about  a 
month  later  (740),  and  also  a  very  severe  manifesto  (782)  written 
nearly  four  mouths  after  from  Naples.  The  whole  missive  is 
admirable.  We  will  quote  only  the  concluding  words  :— 

*  We  desire  to  see  you  hold  a  high  and  honourable  position  in  the 
State.    We  are  far  from  defying  you,  but  we  hold  our  independence  to  be 
a  more  precious  possession  than  your    friendship.     Consider  again  and 
again  what  you  are  really  undertaking,  and  what  you  are  able  to  carry  out. 
Reflect  not  on  the  length  of  Caesar's  life,  but  on  the  shortness  of  his  reign 
(quamdiu  repnarit}.  God  grant  that  your  policy  maybe  good  for  the  State 
and  yourself.     If   that   is  past  praying  for,   God  grant  that,   without 
imperilling  the  welfare  and  honour  of  the  State,  it  maybe  as  little  harmful 
as  possible  to  yourself  personally.' 

As  regards  his  public  position,  at  the  beginning  of  his  famous 
struggle  with  Antony,  Cicero  was  now  in  the  forefront  of  political 
life.  He  was,  in  fact,  in  the  words  of  Mr.  Strachan-Davidson 
(op.  cit.  406),  prime  minister  of  Rome  : — 

'  Under  the  Roman  constitution  the  duty  of  leading  the  debates  and 
guiding  the  counsels  of  the  Senate  was  not  bound  up,  as  it  is  under  our  own 
parliamentary  system,  with  the  tenure  of  executive  office.  It  was  open 
to  the  private  senator  to  make  any  motion  on  the  subject  in  hand  ;  and 
this  motion,  if  approved  by  a  majority  of  voices,  became  a  binding 
instruction  to  the  executive.  Thus  Cicero,  though  without  any  formal 
office,  took  the  responsibility  of  the  initiative,  and  shaped  the  policv  of 
the  Republic.' 

His  private  life  was  far  from  happy,  and  would  have  been 
almost  intolerable  but  for  his  devotion  to  literature,  which  has 
left  for  us  that  admirable  series  of  philosophical  works  of 
which  he  speaks  with  such  modesty — '  they  are  translations :  I 
have  only  to  supply  the  words,  and  of  them  I  have  plenty/1 — 
but  which  are  quite  unrivalled  as  literary  feats. 

*  If  we  were  required,' writes  Mr.  Strachan-Davidson  (p.  369),  'to 
decide  what  ancient  writings  have  most  directly  influenced  the  modern 
world,  the  award  should  probably  go  in  favour  of  Plutarch's  "Lives  "  and 
of  the  philosophic  works  of  Cicero.' 


599.  3, 


VOL.    V. 


xlii 


INTRODUCTION. 


It  is  not  only  their  matchless  charm  of  style  which  gives  to 
these  masterpieces  their  paramount  place  in  literature.  Without! 
claiming  for  them  philosophic  insight  or  originality  of  speculation, 
qualities  which  Cicero  himself  expressly  disclaims,  we  owe  him 
inestimable  debt  for  the  vast  body  of  philosophic  thought  which 
he  has  preserved  and  embellished,  first  for  his  contemporaries,  and 
then  for  posterity.  One  could  not,  of  course,  seek  a  system  in  these 
works.  This,  we  suppose,  is  the  ground  on  which  Mommsen 
(R.  H.  iv.  613)  pronounces  the  philosophical  work  of  Cicero  a 
complete  failure,  adding — 

*  Anyone  who  seeks  classical  productions  in  works  so  written  can  only 
he  advised  to  study  in  literary  matters  a  becoming  silence.' 

This,  of  course,  depends  on  what  we  mean  by  *  classical  produc- 
tions.' Cicero  was  born  in  an  age  of  eclecticism  (cp.  Zeller,  The 
Eclectics,  p.  146,  Eng.  trans.),  and  he  picked  out  just  what  com- 
mended itself  to  him  without  any  very  wide  or  profound  philoso- 
phical ideas.  He  wrote  for  the  ordinary  educated  man  for  the 
most  part.  But  he  had  a  high  view  of  the  principles  on  which 
conduct  should  be  based,  and  he  set  forth  that  view  and  the 
reasons  for  which  he  held  it  with  a  grace  of  language  which  has  < 
captivated  all  ages  down  to  our  own. 

His  anguish  for  the  death  of  Tullia  was  acute  :  he  writes,  *  My 
agony  haunts  me ;  not,  God  knows,  because  I  foster  it,  but  in  spite 
of  my  struggles  against  it.'1     His  only  comfort  is  the  thought  of' 
the  shrine  which  he  has  vowed  to  consecrate  to  her  memory,  and 
the  reflection  that  (549.  1) 

*  the  long  ages  when  I  shall  be  no  more  are  more  important  in  my  eyes 
than  the  brief  span  of  present  life,  which  indeed  seems  all  too  long.' 

This  beautiful  sentiment,  found  also  in  Sophocles,2  is  the  motto 
of  George  Eliot's  poem,  '  Oh  may  I  join  the  choir  invisible  ! '  Hia| 
divorced  wife,  Terentia,  seems  to  have  been  harassing  him  with 
proposals  about  some  pecuniary  transactions  whicli  he  does  nod 
consider  sincere  (552.  4).    On  this  subject   he  finally  writes  to 

1  546.  Here  the  editors  insert  a  non,  and  ascribe  to  Cicero  a  sentiment  the  very 
opposite  to  that  which  the  MSB,  our  only  evidence,  present  to  us— a  sentiment 
inconsistent,  too,  with  other  letters  of  this  period. 

2Antig.  74. 


CICERO'S  CASE  AGAINST  CAESAR.  xliii 

Atticus,1  '  Let  the  first  consideration  be  what  my  duty  demands, 
If  it  proves  to  be  a  bad  bargain  for  me,  I  would  prefer  to  feel 
dissatisfied  with  her  for  overreaching  me  than  with  myself  for 
any  neglect  of  duty  on  my  own  part '  (557.  3).  The  divorce  of 
Publilia,  the  extravagance  of  his  son  at  Athens  under  the  tutelage 
of  Gorgias  (cp.  786.  6),  who  seems  to  have  been  an  ancient 
Dr.  Pangloss,  and,  above  all,  the  nnkindness  of  his  brother  and 
nephew,  who  are  seeking  to  influence  Caesar  against  him,  fill  the 
cup  of  his  affliction.  Yet  of  his  son  he  writes  in  the  most  fatherly 
manner.  He  owns  that  he  does  not  quite  believe  the  favourable 
reports  of  Herodes  and  other  Greek  professors,  but  he  adds 
frankly,  *  In  a  matter  like  this  I  readily  allow  myself  to  be  imposed 
upon,  and  find  a  pleasure  in  my  own  gullibility.'2  Of  young 
Quintus  he  speaks  most  bitterly  as  '  our  blackguard  kinsman/3 
In  fact,  the  project  of  deifying  his  daughter,  and  his  literary 
activities,  are  the  only  sole  solace  of  his  *  life's  downward  slope.'4 
His  indifference  to  money  matters  is  a  very  marked  trait  in  his 
character  :  — 

'  I  am  more  vexed  that  [through  Tullia's  death  and  the  misconduct  of 
Marcus]  I  have  no  one  to  leave  anything  to,  than  pleased  that  I  have 
a  competency.' 5 

He  constantly  asserts  his  indifference  to  the  minor  vexations  of 
life.  He  receives  the  news  of  the  fall  of  two  houses  belonging  to 
him  and  the  insecure  condition  of  others  with  the  words,  '  Men 
generally  call  such  things  misfortunes ;  to  me  they  are  hardly 
even  inconveniences.'6  He  alludes  with  a  jest  to  the  difficulty 
of  recovering  Tullia's  dower  from  Dolabella. 

*  Yes  ;  Dolabella  is  acting  well.  A  score  for  him  !  I  wish  he  could  be 
got  to  think  of  the  score  he  has  got  to  settle  with  me.' 7 

Cicero,  though  he  had  the  intellect  of  a  man,  we  might  almost 
say  of  more  than  a  man,  had  the  heart  of  a  child.  Except  with 
political  enemies,  he  could  not  bear  to  be,  in  the  child's  phrase, 

1  557.  3.  2  746.  3  5811  2.  Impuro  nostro  cognato. 

4  601.  2  KaTa£ia>crti/.  6  637.  3,  where  see  note. 

6  712.  1  Hanc  ceteri  calamitatem  vacant,  ego  ne  incommodum  quidem. 
1  725.  5.  me  facere  magnatn  irpa^iv  Dolabellae  .  .   .   Tibi  vero  assentior  maiorem 
T/m|ti/  eius  fore  si  mihi  quod  debuit  dissolverit. 

d2 


xljv  INTRODUCTION. 

1  out  with  '  anyone.  He  would  sacrifice  some  of  those  feelings 
which  we  miscall  manly  rather  than  endure  that  aloofness  from 
natural  friends,  the  sting  of  which  was  felt  by  Coleridge  when  he 
wrote  the  immortal  lines  : 

'  And  to  be  wroth  with  one  we  love 
Doth  work  like  madness  in  the  brain.' 

Hence  his  noble  forgiveness  of  Quintus  and  his  *  blackguard  '  son. 
Hence  even  his  complaisance  towards  Dolabella,  who  had  rendered 
miserable  the  last  years  of  the  life  of  Tullia,  the  daughter  on  whom 
Cicero  poured  out  all  the  riches  of  his  loving  heart.  We  cannot 
but  feel  surprised  to  find  Cicero  quite  cordial  with  the  man  whom 
his  daughter  had  at  last  been  compelled  to  divorce  after  repeated 
provocations  patiently  endured.  In  Rome  the  marriage  bond 
held  no  sanctity,  and  hardly  even  gathered  round  it  tender  asso- 
ciations. This  is,  according  to  some  of  our  modern  novelists,  *  a 
consummation  devoutly  to  be  wished/  When  we  find  Cicero, 
who  was  so  much  superior  to  his  contemporaries  in  refinement, 
divorcing  Terentia  after  having  been  married  to  her  for  over  thirty 
years,  owing  to  some  misunderstanding  about  money ;  marrying 
Publilia,  who  might  have  been  his  granddaughter ;  almost 
immediately  divorcing  her,  and  living  on  friendly  terms  with  the 
divorced  husband  of  his  beloved  Tullia,  we  are  enabled  to  judge- 
how  baneful  the  old  Roman  attitude  towards  marriage  would  be 
to  the  rank  and  file  of  modern  humanity.  A  short  letter  to 
Atticus1  on  the  death  of  a  favourite  slave  or  freedman  in  his 
friend's  household,  puts  in  a  strong  light  Cicero's  gentleness  of 
disposition  : — 

"  Poor  Athamas !  My  dear  Atticus,  your  grief  is  natural,  but  you. 
must  struggle  against  it.  There  are  many  forms  of  consolation  ;  but 
this  is  the  soundest — let  philosophy  bring  about  the  result  that  time  must 
effect.  Now  let  us  take  care  of  your  Tiro,  that  is  Alexis,  whom  I  am 
sending  back  to  Rome  rather  ill.  Js  the  Quirinal  insanitary?  If  so, 
you  must  send  him  and  Tisamenus,  who  is  in  charge  of  him,  to  my  house. 
The  whole  upper  part  is  empty,  as  you  know.  The  change  might,  I 
think,  have  the  most  striking  effect.' 

It  is  interesting  to  observe  the  deep  interest  which  Cicero  takes- 

1  651. 


CICEEO'S  CASE  AGAINST  CAESAR.  xlv 

in  questions  of  diction  and  style.  We  are  told  by  Quintilian  l 
that  he  was  a  severe  critic  of  his  son's  latinity,  which  indeed 
called  for  animadversion  if  it  is  true,  as  Servius  tells  us  on 
.33n.  viii.  168,  that  young  Cicero  once  wrote  direxi  litteras  duas,  a 
sentence  which  must  have  grieved  his  'judicious'  father.2  He 
expresses  his  satisfaction  that  his  son's  letters  are  written  *  in 
classic  style '  on  one  occasion,3  but  we  suspect  that  the  Greek 
tutors  could  have  explained  that  circumstance.  It  has  often  been 
observed  that  Cicero  reminds  one  of  a  modern  Englishman  more 
than  any  other  character  in  so-called  ancient  history.  We  might 
almost  be  reading  a  translation  from  Cicero  in  this  passage  from 
Chesterfield's  Letters  to  his  Son  (vol.  ii.  16),  except  that  Cicero 
would  have  been  less  severe  in  his  language  : — 

'  I  come  now  to  another  part  of  your  letter,  which  is  orthography,  if  I 
may  call  bad  spelling  orthography.  You  spell  induce  enduce,  and  grandeur 
you  spell  grandure,  two  faults  which  few  of  my  housemaids  would  have 
been  guilty  of.  Orthography  is  so  necessary  for  a  gentleman  that  one 
false  spelling  may  fix  upon  him  a  ridicule  for  the  rest  of  his  life.' 

It  is  not  only  to  his  son  that  he  plays  the  censor.  He  accuses 
Tiro  (653.  1)  of  a  solecism  (aicvpov)  for  writing  valetudini  fideliter 
inserviendo.  Tiro  should  have  said  diligenter.  The  word,  fideliter, 
it  is  said,  can  only  be  applied  to  duties  towards  others,  not  towards 
oneself  (yet  see  note  on  the  passage).  But  the  most  striking 
example  of  Cicero's  purism  about  words  is  to  be  found  in  a  letter 
to  Atticus.4  He  needed  a  Latin  word  to  represent  tiro^n  in  the 
philosophic  sense  of  the  suspension  of  judgment.  He  had  hit 
on  sustinere,  but  Atticus  had  suggested  inhibere,  with  which  at 
first  he  was  delighted  ;  but  he  writes : 

4  Now  I  do  not  like  it  at  all.  Inhibere  is  a  nautical  expression,  but 
I  thought  it  meant  to  lie  on  the  oars  and  keep  the  vessel  stationary. 
I  learned  that  I  was  wrong  when  a  ship  put  in  yesterday  here  at  Astura. 
Inhibere  does  not  mean  to  keep  the  vessel  stationary,  but  to  row  backwards, 
which  is  quite  unsuitable  to  illustrate  the  meaning  of  philosophic  suspense 
in  the  Academical 


1  i.  7.  34. 

2  Duas  should  have  been  Unas,  and  dirigere,  '  to  draw  up,'  can  be  paralleled  only 
late  Latin. 

3  746  ireTn^eVws,  cp.  709.  1 ;  749.  2.  *  652.  3. 


INTRODUCTION. 

He  then  goes  on  to  give  authority  for  the  use  of  sustinere,  which 
he  wishes  to  be  restored,  and  finally  remarks  :— 

'  You  see  how  much  more  interest  I  take  in  the  exact  meaning  o 
inhtbere  than  in  the  political  news,  than  in  the  career  of  Pollio,  Pansa 
or  Critonius,  and,  certainly,  than  in  the  news  about  Metellus  am 
Balbinus.' 

Caesar  could  forgive  his  enemies,  especially  those  who  use< 
against  him  only  the  sword  and  not  the  pen.     But  his  clemency 
was  not  always  based  on  the  noblest  motives.    He  left  the  learne( 
Nigidius  Figulus  to  die  in  foreign  exile,  while  he  permitted  the 
return,  at  least  to  Sicily,  of  the  contemptible  Caecina,  who  pur 
chased  his  pardon  by  his '  Whines '  (liber  Querelarum  he  calls  i 
himself),  in  which  he  sounded  the  lowest  note   of  self-abasemen 
and  adulation.    And  Caesar's  clemency  has  been  much  exaggerate( 
by  writers  like  Froude.     Gaul  was  the  scene  of  terrible  acts  of 
retribution.    He  executed  the  whole  Senate  of  the  Yeneti ;  he  per- 
mitted what  was  almost  a  massacre  of  the  Usipetes  and  Tencteri ; 
he  flogged  Gutruatus  to  death,  and  cut  the  right  hands  off  all  the 
brave  men  whose  only  crime  was  that  they  held  to  the  last  against 
him   their  town  Uxellodunum.1     Indeed,  he  seems  to  have  had 
very  few  scruples  when  the  interest  of  the  dominant  race  clashed 
with  those  of  the  subject  peoples.     It  is  amazing  that   he   seems 
to  have  completely  failed  to  recognize  the  nobleness  of  Vercin- 
getorix.     Bacon,  in  his  Essay  on  Eeveuge,  quotes  the  '  desperate 
saying    of    Cosmus,    Duke    of   Florence,    against    perfidious  or 

1  B.  G.  iii.  16  ;  iv  15  ;  viii.  38,  44.  Pliny  (H.  N.  vii.  92)  [cp.  Plutarch  Caes. 
15  fin.]  says  that  Caesar  acknowledged  himself  that  he  had  killed  in  battle  1,192,000, 
exclusive  of  those  who  fell  in  the  Civil  Wars,  and  Pliny  adds  non  equidem  in  gloria 
potuerim  tantam  etiam  coactam  hutnani  generis  iniuriam.  Dr.  Arnold  (op.  cit.  ii.  110) 
says  in  reference  to  this  passage  :  '  We  may  judge  what  credit  ought  to  be  given  him 
[Caesur]  for  his  clemency  in  not  opening  lists  of  proscription  after  his  sword  had 
already  cut  off  his  principal  adversaries,  and  had  levelled  their  party  with  the  dust '  : 
cp.  p.  63;  *  The  security  of  his  government  could  not  be  ensured  by  massacres,  when 
everyone  seemed  ready  to  submit  to  his  power.'  There  is  a  great  deal  in  this  ;  but 
one  rtust,  in  our  opinion,  concede  to  Caesar  that  he  conducted  the  Civil  Wars  with 
much  greater  clemency  than  might  have  been,  and  indeed  was,  expected,  while  his 
opponents  were  still  very  strong.  His  doing  so  was  self-interest  perhaps,  but  it  was 
»  new  and  lofty  form  of  self-interest :  in  his  own  fine  words  Haee  nova,  sit  ratio 
rincendi  vt  muericordia  ct  liberalitate  nos  muniamus  Att.  ix.  7  C.  3  (347) :  cp.  ix.  16.. 
1,  2  (374)  and  Marcell.  12. 


CICERO'S  CASE  AGAINST  CAESAR. 


xlvii 


leglecting   friends,'  that  though  we  are  commanded  to  forgive 

>ur  enemies,  it  is  nowhere  enjoined  on  us  to  forgive  our  friends. 

Jicero,  as  we  have  seen,  could  pardon  even  his  friends.     When 

tis  '  blackguard  kinsman/  young  Quintus,  had  grace  enough  to 

Itell  him  that  he  felt  keenly  the  estrangement  between  himself  and 

mis  uncle,  Atticus,  Cicero  replied  (681.  1)  at  once  with  exquisite 

kindness,  '  Why  then  do  you  permit  the  estrangement  to  exist  ?  '- 

adding,  '  I  used  the  word  pater  is  in  preference  to  committis'  which 

would  have  meant,  '  Why  do  you  bring  on  yourself  his  anger  ? ' 

and    which   indeed    would    have   been   none  too   hard.     At   the 

beginning  of   the   epoch  which    we   have   been   considering,   in 

April,  46,  Cicero  wrote  to  his  learned  friend  Varro,1  words  which 

!  nearly  sum  up  his  view  of  the  way  in  which  men,  such  as  they 

were,  should  get  through  the  troublous  times  on  which  they  had 

fallen  : 

'  Be  it  ours  to  adhere  firmly  to  a  life  of  study,  a  practice  once  essential 
to  my  happiness,  but  now  essential  to  my  existence ;  to  be  ready  to  come, 
ay  and  eager  to  run,  to  help  in  building  up  the  constitution,  if  called  to 
that  task,  whether  as  master-builder  or  even  only  as  common  workman  ; 
if  not  wanted,  to  write  and  read  about  the  science  of  politics,  and  from 
our  study,  if  the  Senate  and  Forum  are  closed  to  us,  to  do  our  best  in  our 
writings  and  books  to  guide  the  destinies  of  the  State,  and  to  pursue  our 
inquiries  on  morals  and  legislation.' 

1  Fam.  ix,  2.  5  (461). 


xlviii 


INTRODUCTION. 


II— ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAR1 

IT  was  about  half-past  eleven  o'clock  on  the  Ides  of  March  when 
Caesar  fell  dead.  The  suddenness  and  unexpected  nature  of  the 
event  struck  with  panic  those  senators  who  were  not  in  the  con- 
spiracy, and  they  fled  :  so  that  when  Brutus  turned  to  justify  his 
deed,  as  he  had  no  doubt  arranged,  he  found  no  one  to  address. 
Accordingly,  the  conspirators  proceeded  out  from  the  Senate 
House  brandishing  their  daggers,  carrying  aloft  a  pilleus,  the! 
symbol  of  liberty,2  and,  as  is  stated,  many  times  calling  on  the 
name  of  Cicero  as  on  one  whose  devotion  to  the  free  State  and 
whose  high  character  assured  them  that  he  would  approve  their 
action.  But  outside  all  was  confusion,  everyone  trying  to  fly, 
as  they  did  not  know  what  was  going  to  happen  next.  Brutus 
attempted  to  speak,  but  failed.  With  the  escort  of  some  gladiators 
whom  Decimus  Brutus  had  hired  for  the  games  that  were  in! 
progress,  they  made  their  way  to  the  Capitol,  ostensibly  to  return 
thanks  to  the  gods  for  the  success  of  their  enterprise.  There  they 
fortified  themselves,  and  thence  sent  messengers  to  some  of  the 
more  prominent  Republicans  whom  they  had  not  indeed  enrolled 
among  themselves  to  take  actual  part  in  the  deed,  but  on  whose 
sympathy  they  could  rely.  Cicero  was  no  doubt  one  of  these.* 

1  Cp.  712.  2  vivit  tyrannis,  tyrannus  occidit,  cp.   719.   2;    728.  3  Quis  enim  non 
vidit  regni  heredcm  relictum?    Also  718.  6  ;    723.   1  ;    724.  6  ;  Dio  Cass.  xliv.  53.  6J 
('Arrwi/ios)  avrbs  5'  us  Kal  K\r}pov6/j.os  ov  fi6vov  rrjs  ovffias  a\\a  Kal  rrjs  8vva<rrfias 
rov   Kaiffapos  &>v  iravra  5texei>C«  5    *lv.    41.  43    irpbs    r^v  5m5oxV    rrjs  SvvaffT 
aurov  (Kaiffapos)  tireiyonevos ;   Appian  iii.  15  rys  rvparvioos  SidSoxof,  Plut.  Brut.  21 
'AvTuptov  o-xcSbp  fls  povapxiav  Ka.6iffTaiJ.tvov. 

2  The  narrative  of  events  immediately  following  the  murder  is  found  in  Dio  Cass. 
xliv.  20  ff.  ;  Appian  Bell.  Civ.  ii.  118  ff. ;  Plut.  Brut.  18  ;  Nic.  Dam.  25  ff.    A  well- 
known  coin  of  Brutus  represents  on  the  obverse  a  '  pilleus '  between  two  daggers  and 
underneath  BID  MAR.     But  these  coins  were  not  struck  until  two  years  later  (Dio 
xlvii.  25.  3.).     See  Eckhel,  vi.  24. 

3  We  do  not  believe  that  Cicero  was  present  in  the  Senate  at  the  time  of  the 
assassination ;  for  we  should  probably  have  heard  more  from  him  of  the  exciting 
scene  if  such  had  been  the  case.     The  passage  (719.  4)    Quid  mihi  attulerit  ista 
domini  mutatio  praeter  laetitiam  quam  oculis  cepi  itisto  interittt  tyranni,Tn&y  mean  that 
he  actually  gazed  on  Caesar's  corpse,  or  it  may  imply  no  more  than  that  he  saw  the 
whole  altered  state  of  things  at  Rome  which  resulted  from  the  death  of  Caesar. 


ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAR.  xlix 

He  would  appear  to  have  already  received  a  note  from  L.  Minucius 
Basilus,  one  of  the  actual  participants,  telling  of  the  assassination  ; 
and  the  little  note  Fam.  vi.  15  (699)  is  probably,  but  by  no  means 
certainly,  an  excited  acknowledgment  of  the  bewildering  news. 

Arrived  at  the  Capitol,  the  conspirators  had  time  to  think ; 
and  to  realize  with  some  dismay  that  they  had  not  considered 
what  they  would  do  next  when  their  victim  had  been  sacrificed. 
Many  senators  and  other  constitutionalists  repaired  to  the  Capitol 
in  the  early  afternoon,  and  a  long  and  anxious  deliberation  began. 
There  was  no  doubt  at  all  that  the  essential  thing  to  do  was  to 
summon  the  Senate :  the  question  was,  who  was  to  summon  it  ? 
Should  it  be  the  proper  authority  to  do  so,  the  surviving  consul, 
Antony  ?  They  might  reasonably  reflect  that  he  was  not  by  any 
means  so  opposed  to  them  and  their  deed  as  he  afterwards  showed 
himself  to  be.  He  had  only  recently  been  reconciled  to  Caesar, 
who  had  not  approved  of  his  vigorous  action  against  the  demo- 
cratical  party  in  47,  and  had  not,  prior  to  his  return  from  Spain 
in  the  late  summer  of  45,  received  him  back  into  favour.  Antony 
had  no  doubt  grown  in  years  and  in  prudence,  and  Caesar  may 
have  seen  no  stronger  and  more  trustworthy  man  to  leave  at  Rome 
to  manage  affairs  while  he  himself  was  absent  on  the  Parthian 
War.  But  Antony  was  plainly  not  absolutely  devoted  to  Caesar  ; 
for  he  knew  of  the  plot,  and  does  not  appear  to  have  given1  Caesar 
the  information  which  he  could  have  given.  Cicero,  who  naturally 
disapproved  of  and  distrusted  Antony  (hardly  any  two  men  could 
have  been  more  opposite  to  one  another),  urged  vigorous  measures. 
The  two  praetors,  Brutus  and  Cassius,  who  had  been  leaders  of  the 
conspiracy,  should  take  upon  themselves  the  duty  of  the  suspected 
consul,  and  summon  the  Senate  to  deliberation  and  the  people  to 
arms  (713.  1 ;  744.  2). 

This  would  have  been  the  wise  course,  but  it  was  not 
adopted.  After  long  deliberation,  it  was  decided  that  Antony 
should  be  asked  to  come  to  the  Capitol,  and  discuss  with  the 
liberators  as  to  the  restoration  and  defence  of  the  Republic. 
Their  making  this  suggestion  was  a  guarantee  that  Antony 
should  not  lose  any  of  the  honours  which  he  had  obtained  from 

1  Cicero  (Phil,  ii  34)  says  it  was  notorious  that  Trebonius  had  sounded  Antony  on 
the  point  atNarbo  during  the  previous  summer  :  cp.  Plut.  Ant.  13. 


1  INTRODUCTION. 

Caesar.  This  appeal  to  the  consul  was  the  legal  and  constitu- 
tional course ;  but  Cicero  still  disapproved,  and  refused  to  take 
any  part  in  the  deputation  to  Antony.1  It  was  evening  when  the 
deputation  reached  Antony's  home.  He  must  have  been  durinj 
all  that  afternoon  in  sore  perplexity.  When  the  murder  had 
been  perpetrated,  he  cast  away  the  insignia  of  his  office  and 
hastened  homeward.  Of  the  Caesareans  no  one  except  Lepidus 
came  to  his  house  that  afternoon.  Hirtius  was  in  the  city,  and 
conferred  witli  Antony  later;  but  the  other  prominent  Caesareans, 
Balbus,  Oppius,  Pansa,  Calenus,  and  Sallust,  did  not  appear  at  all 
upon  that  fatal  day.  The  fact  that  Lepidus  alone  came  must  have 
made  Antony  uncertain  as  to  the  extent  of  the  conspiracy — so 
well  was  the  secret  kept ;  and  when  he  found  out  on  the  arrival 
of  the  deputation  that  the  conspiracy  embraced  in  large  numbers 
Caesareans  as  well  as  Pompeians,  he  must  have  feared  that  the 
request  to  come  to  the  Capitol  was  a  ruse  on  the  part  of  the 
conspirators,  and  that,  once  arrived  there,  Caesar's  colleague  in 
the  consulship  would  share  his  fate.  He  may  have  thought,  too, 
that  they  had  their  plans  well  considered,  that  they  were  full  of 
resolution  and  vigour,  and  that,  if  he  refused  their  proposal 
straight  off,  they  would  speedily  come  and  make  an  end  of  him. 
So  delay  seemed  his  best  chance.  Accordingly  he  asked  for  a  day 
to  consider  his  position ;  and,  probably  to  his  great  surprise,  the 
deputation  agreed  to  this  request. 

We  can  imagine  the  thrill  of  joy  and  hope  that  Antony  must 
have  felt  when  his  request  was  granted  and  the  deputation  with- 
drew. Once  he  and  Lepidus  were  again  alone,  with  all  the 
additional  knowledge  they  had  obtained  from  the  interview,  they 
quickly  formed  their  resolutions.  Kesistance  must  be  made.  They 
would  appeal  to  the  people  and  to  the  soldiers  against  the  con- 
spirators. The  heads  of  the  collegia  would  organize  the  populace ; 
and  Caesar's  veterans  would  quickly  unite  to  revenge  their 
murdered  commander.  Lepidus,  too,  had  some  small  military 
contingent  at  hand  which  he  was  going  to  lead  to  his  province  of 
Narbonensis.  They  would  form  a  nucleus  round  which  the 

Phil.  ii.  89.  He  attributed  the  adoption  of  this  course  not  to  Decimus  anij 
Marcus  Brutus,  but  to  those  other  dullards  (aliorum  brtttorum)  among  the  constitu- 
tionalists who  called  their  lack  of  enterprise  prudence  and  wisdom  (719.  2). 


ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAR.  Ii 

eterans  in  the  city  and  its  vicinity  might  group.  Lepidus,  who 
howed  much  vigour  in  this  crisis,1  at  once  set  to  work  to  organize 
hese  forces,  while  Antony  proceeded  to  get  from  Calpurnia, 
Caesar's  widow,  all  the  papers  and  money,  said  to  be  a  hundred 
lillion  sesterces  (say  £800,000),  which  were  at  his  house. 
Calpurnia  naturally  gave  them  to  the  chief  magistrate,2  to  whom 
Jaesar  himself  had  already  entrusted  several  documents  dealing 

;h  the  conduct  of  affairs  during  his  absence  in  the  East.  The 
onspirators  seem  to  have  never  thought  of  obtaining  possession 
f  Caesar's  effects.  Antony  kept  his  head,  and  in  all  his  actions 
howed  much  practical  wisdom,  resolute  energy,  and  devotion  to 
is  murdered  friend.  He  co-operated  with  Lepidus  during  the 
ight  in  organizing  the  populace  and  the  veterans.3  The  con- 
pirators,  too,  made  preparations  for  a  demonstration  next  day, 
iid  hired  a  number  of  people  to  support  and  applaud  whatever 
ley  might  do  or  say.  We  cannot  think  that  there  was  much 
Leep  in  Eome  during  that  exciting  night. 

Next  morning  the  populace  were  still  undecided.  But  there 
iras  no  doubt  about  the  veterans  and  the  colonists  (those  who 
irere  waiting  for  assignments  of  lands  in  the  colonies  which 
)aesar  was  in  process  of  planting),  who  kept  streaming  into 
tome  during  the  night  and  morning.  Antony  appeared  in 
ublic,  and  performed  his  ordinary  duties  as  consul.  The 
aagistrates  in  the  Capitol,  however,  did  not  come  down :  they 

1  Dio  xliv.  34.  5,  represents  the   vigour  displayed  by  Lepidus  at  this  time  as  due  to 
n  ambition  to  gain  the  supreme  power,  as  he  alone  had  military  forces  at  hand ;  and 
Dio  regards  Antony  as  virtually  his    rival,    who  succeeded  by    his    cleverness  in 

ersuading  him  to  yield  to  the  opinion  of  the  majority.  Antony  conciliated  him 
ater  on  by  engaging  his  daughter  to  the  son  of  Lepidus  (Fam.  xii.  2.  2,  Ep.  790),  and 
y  having  him  appointed  pontifex  maximus  (though  irregularly  by  co-optation  by 
ae  priests,  and  not  by  election  by  the  people)  with  the  same  object  of  weakening  his 
pposition  (cp.  xliv.  53fin.).  This  is  a  theory  that  probably  arose  from  the  insignificant 
art  played  in  the  Triumvirate  by  Lepidus,  '  that  slight  unmeritable  man,  meet  to  be 
ent  on  errands. ' 

2  Appian  (ii.  125)  seems  to  put  this  on  the  night  of  the  16th,  not  of  the  loth ;  but 
n,  iii.  17  he  says  it  was  done  'immediately  after  the  murder.' 

3  They  were  already  organized  to  a  considerable  extent :  cp.  Appian  ii.  120  TO  re 
r\rfdos    riav    airoa'Tpa.Tevo/ufi'ooi'   ov    5ia\v6/*6i'0i>    fs    ras    Trarpioas    .    .    .    &Qpovv    Tore 

ffTadfj.evev  eV  TO?S  Itpo'is  Kal  re/mffeffiv  vfy1  evl  (TTj/uei'o)  /ecu  £<£>'  evl  &pxovn  TT)S  a' 
ra  /J.ev  ovTa.   fffyiaiv   us   eV    %£o8ov    ^5rj    otcnreTrpaKOTes,    evwvoi    S'e's    o,* 
Cp.  c.  133. 


Hi  INTRODUCTION. 

were  plainly  afraid.    Their  hired  supporters,1  too,  had  little  couragej 
in   face   of  the   indignation   of   the   veterans.     Still   a   praetor, 
Cornelius  Cinna,  declared  he  would  only  hold  his  praetorship      ' 
grant  from  the  people,  and  threw  aside  the  insignia  of  his  office.i 
Antony  entered  into  further  negotiations  with  the  conspirators  ini 
the  Capitol.     He   asked  that   Decimus   Brutus,    one  of   his  old! 
comrades  in  the  Gallic  War,  might  come  down  and  discuss 
situation    with  him.     Antony  seems   to   have   thought    that   hei 
might  induce  Decimus  to  give  up  Cisalpine  Graul,  to  which  he  had  I 
been  appointed  by  Caesar.2    That  province,  if  properly  used  in  the  I 
interests  of  the  conspirators,  would  easily  assure  them  the  upper  I 
hand;  and  so  it  was  of  the  utmost  importance  for  Antony  that 
Decimus  should  be  deprived  of  it.     To  this  end  all  the  efforts  I 
of  Antony  up  to  the  Lex  de  permutatione  were  directed.     Antony 
was  agreeably  surprised  to  find  a  friendly  disposition  on  the  part 
of  the  conspirators,  and  especially  a  readiness  to  comply  with  his 
request   for  an  interview  with  Decimus.     He  began  to  see  that 
they  were  getting  more  frightened  and  irresolute.     The  veterans  I 
were  no  doubt  the  principal  cause  of  alarm.     The  conspirators 
were  afraid  to  come  down  and  address  the  people,  lest  they  should 
suffer  violence.     Meanwhile  during  the  morning  Dolabella,  who 
was  consul  suffiectus  (though  not  acknowledged  as  such  by  Antony), 
appeared  in  the  forum  with  the  insignia  of  the  consulship,  and 
declared  for  the  conspirators,3  and  then  went  and  joined  them. 
This  gave  them  some  heart  ;  and  it  was  resolved  that  the  principal  | 
conspirators  should  go  down  and  explain  to  the  people  the  object! 
of  the  assassination  and  the  motives  by  which  the  perpetrators  of  iti 
were  actuated.     They  did  so,  and  Brutus  made  a  speech  to  that! 
effect,  which  was,  however,  coldly  received,  but   there   was  no 


1  Appian  talks  a  great  deal  about  these  /jnffdcaroi  (ii.  120,  121,  122,  126,  131,  132  A 
cp.  iii.  24).  He  says  (c.  121)  that  they  kept  constantly  shouting  for  peace,  in  order 
to  secure  the  safety  of  the  murderers  :  for  there  could  he  no  peace  without  amnesty 
for  them.  Cupere  pacem  (727.  4)  is  a  phrase  that  Cicero  uses  for  the  desires  of  the 
constitutionalists,  and  otium  timere  (cp.  note  to  728.  2)  for  the  attitude  of  the] 
Caesareans. 

•  Later  in  the  summer,  at  the  time  of  the  Lex  de  permutatione  provinciarum,  Antony 
seemt  to  have  thought  that  he  could  influence  Decimus  to  submit  to  the  exchange  : 
cp.  Dio  xlv.  14.  1. 

3  Dio  xliv.  22.  1.  It  was  even  said  that  he  proposed  that  the  Ides  of  March  should 
be  decreed  the  birthday  of  the  State  :  cp.  Appian  ii.  122. 


ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAR.  liii 

Interruption  or   violence.1     This   was   disheartening,    and    they 
l*etired  to  the  Capitol.     Any   resolution   they   had  acquired  by 
the  events  of  the  morning  was  evaporating. 

Veterans  continued  to  come  in,  and  the  populace  were  em- 
Lboldened :  so  that  late  in  the  afternoon  Antony  resolved  to  have 
[no  more  negotiations  with  the  conspirators,  but  to  call  a  meeting 
Ijof  the  Senate  for  the  next  morning  in  the  Temple  of  Tellus ;  this 
[jkemple  was  near  Pompey's  house,  which  now  was  Antony's.2  He 
[jiid  not  expect  that  any  considerable  number  of  supporters  of  the 
conspirators  would  put  in  an  appearance  at  this  meeting,  especially 
ilis  danger  would  be  incurred  from  the  hostility  of  the  populace 
fend  the  veterans ;  and  thus  he  would  succeed  in  getting  measures- 
Ipassed  which  would  prove  detrimental  to  the  conspirators,  and 
lie  himself  would  be  able  afterwards  to  plead  that  the  Senate  had 
iso  decided.  He  sent  Hirtiusto  Decimusto  tell  him  that  he  could 
:iot  consent,  owing  to  the  violence  it  would  arouse,  to  allow  him- 
lo  have  the  province  of  Cisalpine  Graul,  and  to  urge  him  and  the 
pther  conspirators  to  leave  Eome.3  This  was  very  vigorous  conduct 
1,-iideed,  and  it  daunted  Decimus  at  least  for  a  time,  as  may  be 
teen  from  a  letter  (700)  he  wrote  very  early  next  morning  to 
Brutus  and  Cassius. 

Decimus  was  neither  an  energetic  nor  a  courageous  man  (Plut. 
Brut.  12  OVK  ovra  ptKTTjv  ov&  OappoXeov).  In  this  letter  (700)  he 
appears  so  alarmed  that  he  thinks  (§2)  of  obtaining  any  plausible 
sxcuse  to  fly  from  Eome,  so  violent  did  he  deem  the  hostility  of 
the  people.  Eesistance  might,  he  thought,  be  organized  abroad, 
Dr  at  worst  they  can  live  in  exile  or  die  (§  3).  He  sees  no  place 
where  they  can  be  safe  except  with  Sextus  Pompeius  in  Spain  or 
Caecilius  Bassus  in  the  East  (§  4).  He  wants  to  know  what  he 
should  do  (§  5).  Before  despatching  this  letter  and  before  the 
meeting  of  the  Senate,  he  had  another  talk  with  Hirtius,  and  gave 
up  his  intention  of  leaving  Eome.  He  proposed  to  ask  Antony 

1  Plutarch   (Caes.   67)   says   that  the  people  listened  without  expressing  either 
indignation  or  approval  of  what,  was  done,  and  showed  by  their  profound  silence 
that  they  pitied  Caesar  and  respected  Brutus. 

2  Appian  (ii.  126)  says  he  was  afraid  to  go  to  the  Senate  House  below  the  Capitol 
(the  Curia  Hostilia)  owing  to  the  gladiators  of  the  conspirators. 

3  Appian  (ii.  124)  represents  Antony  and    Lepidus  as  being  especially  afraid  of 
Decimus  Brutus,  owing  to  his  having  a  province  and  a  large  army. 


liv  INTRODUCTION. 

for  State  protection,  not  expecting  to  get  it,  but  Loping  to  raisi 
a  prejudice  against  him  (§  6).1  Late  in  the  night  Antony  held  i 
meeting  of  his  friends,  of  which  an  account  is  given  by  Nicolaus  o 
Damascus  (see  introd.  note  to  700).  Hirtius  advised  co-operatioi 
with  the  conspirators  to  restore  the  Eepublic.  Lepidus  and  sonH 
others  were  for  open  war,  for  slaying  the  conspirators,  and  thui 
both  avenging  Caesar  and  rendering  their  own  position  mor< 
hecure.  Antony,  with  much  prudence,  was  on  the  whole  for  tin 
proposal  of  Hirtius.  The  population  of  Italy  would  for  the  rnosi 
part  favour  the  conspirators :  and  so  it  was  advisable  that,  if  anj 
action  was  taken  against  them,  it  should  have  the  sanction  oi 
the  Senate,  which  he  hoped  would  be  poorly  attended  and  b« 
intimidated  by  the  outcry  and  violence  of  the  mob  and  the 
veterans. 

But  he  was  mistaken.  During  the  night  the  conspirators  senl 
messages  to  the  senators  who  were  their  supporters,  asking  then 
to  attend  the  meeting.  The  actual  murderers  were  afraid  t( 
attend  themselves ;  but  the  senators  who  were  not  in  the  conspiracj 
appeared  in  such  numbers  as  precluded  any  chance  that  measurei 
would  be  adopted  which  would  be  very  prejudicial  to  the  con< 
spirators.  These  senators  showed  no  little  courage  in  facing  tin 
storm  of  unpopularity  which  greeted  them  as  they  made  theii 
way  to  the  Temple  of  Tellus;  however,  no  actual  violence  wai 
offered  to  any  of  them,  except  to  Cornelius  Cinna,2  who  hac 
made  the  demonstration  of  resigning  his  praetorship  the  day  before 
(p.  Ivi),  but  now  appeared  again  in  his  dress  of  office.  Antonj 
showed  no  little  prudence  in  that  he  took  care  to  have  at  hii 
disposal  on  the  spot  sufficient  forces  to  prevent  any  of  the  seiiaton 
suffering  in  life  or  limb,  and  prejudice  to  his  interests  being 
thereby  caused.  The  debate  that  ensued  must  have  been  one  oj 
great  earnestness  ;  but  we  cannot  reproduce  it  in  full.  It  is  wel 
described  by  Appian  (ii.  127-135).  At  first  the  discussion  was  at 
to  the  attitude  the  Senate  should  take  up  with  regard  to  the  actual 

1  0.  E.  Schmidt's  remarkable  insight  in  fixing  the  exact  date  of  this  letter  (Jahrb 
1884,  p.  334  if.)  has  added  a  very  interesting  document  to  the  history  of  the  crisis  :  i 
letter  which  shows  in  a  strong  light  the  irresolution  of  the  conspirators,  the  paltrinea 
of  Decimus,  and  the  vigour  of  Antony. 

3  Appian  ii.  126.  This,  says  Apnian,  was  the  first  decided  expression  of  opinion  ir 
favour  of  Caesar. 


ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAR.  Iv 

erpetrators  of  the  murder.  Should  they  be  regarded  as  having 
roceeded  against  a  tyrant  who  had  been  justly  slain  ?  and,  if  so, 
bould  they  be  actually  rewarded,  or  only  praised  ;  or  not  even  that, 
ut  be  left  to  the  reward  of  being  conscious  that  they  had  done 

noble  deed  ?  Antony,  when  he  intervened,  showed  with  great 
bility  that  the  real  question  was  whether  Caesar  should  be 
egarded  as  a  tyrant  or  not.  For  if  he  was  a  tyrant,  then  all 
is  grants,  appointments,  nominations,  and  regulations  for  several 
ears  past  and  several  years  to  come  would  be  at  once  rendered 
.ull  and  void.  This  was  indeed  going  to  the  root  of  things : 
or  even  the  conspirators  and  their  relations1  had  obtained 
rants  of  land  and  positions  from  Caesar.  At  this  point 
Lntony  had  to  leave  the  Senate  to  pacify  the  mob  outside, 

ho  insisted  on  his  going  down  to  the  forum  and  addressing 
hem  there.2  The  debate  continued  under  the  presidency  of 
)olabella,  whom  Antony  thus  recognized  as  consul.3  Dolabella 
ras  not  going  to  resign  his  consulship,  which  he  was  holding 
>y  Caesar's  grant  eighteen  years  before  the  legitimate  time  (he 
ras  now  about  twenty-five),  and  without  having  held  the  praetor- 
hip.4  Gradually  everybody  came  to  see  that  the  reversal  of  all 
)aesar's  acts  would  cause  perfect  chaos  in  the  administration,  and 
bis  was  the  prevailing  opinion  when  Antony  returned  and  spoke 

1  Cp.  728.  3  Quin  eliam  hoc  tempore  multa  viro<r6\oiKa.  Ponti  NeapoUtanum  a 
latre  tyrannoctoni  possideri. 

•  During  the  debate  in  the  Temple  of  Tellus  it  seems  that  some  of  the  people  went 

the  Capitol,  whether  invited  or  not  is  uncertain,  and  were  addressed  by  Brutus 
3p.  Dio  xliv.  34.  1-3,  trplv  /cat  bnovv  ryv  |8ovAV  Siayvupai),  who  allayed  any  fears 
lie  veterans  may  have  had  that  the  grants  of  land  made  to  them  by  Caesar  would  be 
nnulled.  This  appears  to  have  been  the  oratio  habita  in  contione  Capitolina  which 
irutus  sent  to  Cicero  to  correct,  and  which  Cicero  criticizes  as  elegantly  phrased,  but 
ickiug  fervour  (731.  2  :  cp.  727.  3).  Appian  (ii.  137-142)  gives  what  purports  to  be 
lis  speech;  but  he  puts  it  on  the  17th  after  the  meeting  of  the  Senate  and  after  the 
ublic  funeral  had  been  sanctioned:  for  Appian  says  (ii.  136)  that  the  funeral  was 
ecreed  before  the  Senate  finally  adjourned  011  the  1 7th  :  he  says  the  Senate  had  been 
ismissed  when  it  was  called  back,  and  the  question  discussed  and  settled.  But  it  is 
ot  likely  that  a  subsidiary,  but  highly  contentious,  matter  would  have  been  discussed 
t  the  end  of  such  an  exhausting  debate.  It  was  probably  much  talked  of  informally 
y  the  senators  after  the  actual  Senate  had  adjourned :  cp.  713.  1. 
'  3  For  Antony's  opposition  to  Dolabella's  being  made  consul,  cp.  Phil.  ii.  80  ff. 

4  Appian  says  (ii.  132 :  cp.  129)  that  during  Antony's  absence  Dolabella  con- 
umed  all  the  time  in  dwelling  in  unseemly  wise  (ao-xwovus)  on  the  question  of  his 
>wn  office. 


liv  INTRODUCTION. 

for  State  protection,  not  expecting  to  get  it,  but  hoping  to  rai 
a  prejudice  against  him  (§  6).1  Late  in  the  night  Antony  held  a 
meeting  of  his  friends,  of  which  an  account  is  given  by  Nicolaus  of 
Damascus  (see  introd.  note  to  700).  Hirtius  advised  co-operatioii 
with  the  conspirators  to  restore  the  Kepublic.  Lepidus  and  some) 
others  were  for  open  war,  for  slaying  the  conspirators,  and  thus 
both  avenging  Caesar  and  rendering  their  own  position  mor 
secure.  Antony,  with  much  prudence,  was  on  the  whole  for  th 
proposal  of  Hirtius.  The  population  of  Italy  would  for  the  mosi 
part  favour  the  conspirators :  and  so  it  was  advisable  that,  if  any 
.•ictioii  was  taken  against  them,  it  should  have  the  sanction  ol 
the  Senate,  which  he  hoped  would  be  poorly  attended  and  be 
intimidated  by  the  outcry  and  violence  of  the  mob  and  tha 
veterans. 

But  he  was  mistaken.  During  the  night  the  conspirators  sentjl 
messages  to  the  senators  who  were  their  supporters,  asking  them! 
to  attend  the  meeting.  The  actual  murderers  were  afraid  tql 
attend  themselves ;  but  the  senators  who  were  not  in  the  conspiracy! 
appeared  in  such  numbers  as  precluded  any  chance  that  measured 
would  be  adopted  which  would  be  very  prejudicial  to  the  conJ 
spirators.  These  senators  showed  no  little  courage  in  facing  thfil 
storm  of  unpopularity  which  greeted  them  as  they  made  theim 
way  to  the  Temple  of  Tellus;  however,  no  actual  violence  was 
offered  to  any  of  them,  except  to  Cornelius  Cinna,2  who  had 
made  the  demonstration  of  resigning  his  praetorship  the  day  before! 
(p.  Ivi),  but  now  appeared  again  in  his  dress  of  office.  Autonyj 
showed  no  little  prudence  in  that  he  took  care  to  have  at  his] 
disposal  on  the  spot  sufficient  forces  to  prevent  any  of  the  senators] 
suffering  in  life  or  limb,  and  prejudice  to  his  interests  being] 
thereby  caused.  The  debate  that  ensued  must  have  been  one  on 
great  earnestness  ;  but  we  cannot  reproduce  it  in  full.  It  is  well] 
described  by  Appiau  (ii.  127-135).  At  first  the  discussion  was  as] 
to  the  attitude  the  Senate  should  take  up  with  regard  to  the  actual] 

1  0.  E.  Schmidt's  remarkable  insight  in  fixing  the  exact  date  of  this  letter  (/«***• 
1884,  p.  334  If.)  has  added  a  very  interesting  document  to  the  history  of  the  crisis :  al 
letter  which  shows  in  a  strong  light  the  irresolution  of  the  conspirators,  the  paltriness! 
of  Decimus,  and  the  vigour  of  Antony. 

3  Appian  ii.  126.  This,  says  Appian,  was  the  first  decided  expression  of  opinion  in  '. 
favour  of  Caesar. 


ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAR.  Iv 

iberpetrators  of  the  murder.  Should  they  be  regarded  as  having 
Ibroceeded  against  a  tyrant  who  had  been  justly  slain  ?  and,  if  so, 
fthould  they  be  actually  rewarded,  or  only  praised  ;  or  not  even  that, 
•put  be  left  to  the  reward  of  being  conscious  that  they  had  done 
Jit  noble  deed  ?  Antony,  when  he  intervened,  showed  with  great 
•Ability  that  the  real  question  was  whether  Caesar  should  be 
•Regarded  as  a  tyrant  or  not.  For  if  he  was  a  tyrant,  then  all 
•ais  grants,  appointments,  nominations,  and  regulations  for  several 
•pears  past  and  several  years  to  come  would  be  at  once  rendered 
•mil  and  void.  This  was  indeed  going  to  the  root  of  things  : 
•or  even  the  conspirators  and  their  relations1  had  obtained 
•grants  of  land  and  positions  from  Caesar.  At  this  point 
•A.ntony  had  to  leave  the  Senate  to  pacify  the  mob  outside, 
•who  insisted  on  his  going  down  to  the  forum  and  addressing 
•hem  there.2  The  debate  continued  under  the  presidency  of 
•Dolabella,  whom  Antony  thus  recognized  as  consul.3  Dolabella 
•was  not  going  to  resign  his  consulship,  which  he  was  holding 
•by  Caesar's  grant  eighteen  years  before  the  legitimate  time  (he 

(was  now  about  twenty-five),  and  without  having  held  the  praetor- 
ship.4     Gradually  everybody  came  to  see  that  the  reversal  of  all 
•Caesar's  acts  would  cause  perfect  chaos  in  the  administration,  and 
•this  was  the  prevailing  opinion  when  Antony  returned  and  spoke 


1  Cp.  728.  3  Quin  eliam  hoc  teinpore  multa  viroffoXoiKa.  Ponli  Neapolitanum  a 
inatre  tyrannoctoni  possideri. 

•  During  the  debate  in  the  Temple  of  Tellus  it  seems  that  some  of  the  people  went 
to  the  Capitol,  whether  invited  or  not  is  uncertain,  and  were  addressed  by  Brutus 
(cp.  Dio  xliv.  34.  1—3,  irplv  KCU  onovv  TTJV  ftov\^v  Siayv&vai),  who  allayed  any  fears 
the  veterans  may  have  had  that  the  grants  of  land  made  to  them  by  Caesar  would  be 
annulled.  This  appears  to  have  been  the  oratio  habita  in  contione  Capitolina  which 
Brutus  sent  to  Cicero  to  correct,  and  which  Cicero  criticizes  as  elegantly  phrased,  but 
lacking  fervour  (731.  2  :  cp.  727.  3).  Appian  (ii.  137-142)  gives  what  purports  to  be 
this  speech;  but  he  puts  it  on  the  17th  after  the  meeting  of  the  Senate  and  after  the 
public  funeral  had  been  sanctioned:  for  Appian  says  (ii.  136)  that  the  funeral  was 
decreed  before  the  Senate  finally  adjourned  on  the  1  7th  :  he  says  the  Senate  had  been 
(dismissed  when  it  was  called  back,  and  the  question  discussed  and  settled.  But  it  is 
not  likely  that  a  subsidiary,  but  highly  contentious,  matter  would  have  been  discussed 
at  the  end  of  such  an  exhausting  debate.  It  was  probably  much  talked  of  informally 
by  the  senators  after  the  actual  Senate  had  adjourned  :  cp.  713.  1. 

3  For  Antony's  opposition  to  Dolabella's  being  made  consul,  cp.  Phil.  ii.  80  ff  . 
,    4  Appian  says  (ii.  132  :  cp.  129)  that  during  Antony's  absence   Dolabella  con- 
sumed all  the  time  in  dwelling  in  unseemly  wise  (a.ffx'n^oyws}  on  the  question  of  his 
own  office. 


lvi  INTRODUCTION. 

to  the  same  effect.     Thus  it  came  about  that  a  compromise  wa 
effected,  and  the  great  master  of  compromise  and  of  words,  Cicerc 
discovered  a  term  which  met  the  requirements  of  the  case.     A 
the  Athenians  after  the  fall  of  the  Thirty  Tyrants  decreed  a 
'amnesty,'  even   so  an   'amnesty'  should  be  decreed  now.1     A 
Caesar's  grants  and  enactments  then  in  force  should  be  maintaine 
'  for  the  sake  of  peace/2  and  those  which  he  had  definitely  an 
specifically  drawn  up  as  regards  the  future  should  be  held  vali 
and  enforced,  especially  those  dealing  with  the  grants  of  lands  t 
the  veterans.     These  proposals   were   passed,   and   the   meetin 
ended.     The   conspirators   when    informed    of    them    expresse 
approval.     Antony  and  Lepidus  sent  their  sons  to  the  Capitol  a 
hostages,8  and  Brutus  and  Cassius  and  the  rest  of  the  conspirator 
came   down.     The   extreme   tension  of  the    last    few   days   wai 
relaxed,  and  all  parties  must  have  craved  for  rest  and  sleep. 

The  next  day,  the  18th,  was  a  comitial  day,  and  probably  ther 
was  no  meeting  of  the  Senate.  Appian  (ii.  142)  says  that  Cicer 
made  a  long  speech  to  the  people  in  praise  of  the  amnesty,  wit 
which  the  people  were  delighted.  Antony  and  Lepidus  appear  t 
have  entertained  Brutus  and  Cassius  at  dinner.4  But  on  the  19t 
another  meeting  of  the  Senate  was  held,  and  a  decree  passe< 
abolishing  the  dictatorship.  This  was  proposed  on  the  motion  o 
Antony,  and  the  thanks  of  the  Senate  were  voted  to  him  (Phil.  i.  3), 
At  this  meeting  the  provinces  and  magistracies  allotted  by  Caesa 
were  confirmed  to  those  whom  he  had  nominated.  It  was  probabl; 
at  this  meeting  that  Calpurnius  Piso,  Caesar's  father-in-law,  urgec 

1  Phil.  i.  1  ;  Veil.  ii.  58.  2  ;  Appian  ii.  142  :  Dio  xliv.  23-33  (Cicero's  speech)  :| 
cp.  34,  KiKcpwv  fjifv  ravTa.  eliriav  fireure  ri]v  yepovviav  /mr)8ei/a  nySfvl  purf  (TiKaitfiffaA 
v|<Tj<tHrra<T0cu  :  cp.Xenophon  Hell.  ii.  4.  43o/to'<roi'T€s  opKovs^  /j.rjv  /nr)  v-v-rjcr  iKaKyo'e  iv.l 
Dr.  Sihler  (Cicero  of  Arpinum,  p.  396)  says,  "Whenever  Dio  deals  generously  Avithl 
Cicero,  it  is  prohahly  not  Dio  whom  we  read.  In  the  present  case  probably  Livy."  I 

3  Phil.  ii.  100  pads  causa  :  cp.  777.  9  oti  pacisque  causa  :  778.  12  oti  causa  : 
Appian  ii.  135  eVei  Tp  iroAet  av/j.<pepci  ;  ill.  22  ts  fvirpevftav  ical  irapyyopiav  rov  ST^OH! 


3  Dio  xliv.  34.  6,  If  Antony  sent  the  son  he  had  had  by  Fulvia,  as  Cicero  seems  tol 
imply  (Phil.  ii.  90),  he  must  have  been  a  mere  child  (cp.  Phil.  i.  31  turn  parvus  Jilius)\ 
as  Antony  did  not  marry  Fulvia  till  47. 

*  Dio  xliv.  34.  7. 

5  Dio  xlfr.  51.  3  is  satirical  on  the  influence  of  the  mere  name  of  dictator,  as  if  I 
people  who  had  forces  at  their  disposal  would  not  exercise  dictatorial  power  under! 
some  other  name. 


ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAR.  Ivii 

ijthat  his  will  should  be  read  and  a  public  funeral  granted  him.1 
1  As  Caesar  had  been  adjudged  not  to  have  been  a  tyrant,  and  his 
|  public  dispositions  had  been  confirmed,  his  private  dispositions 
•  phould  certainly  be  held  valid  ;  and  his  services  to  his  country 
Ijhad  been  so  great  and  meritorious  that  he  deserved,  if  anyone 
•ever  did,  a  public  funeral.  Several  senators  were  vehemently 
Ijopposed  to  the  public  funeral  (Appian  ii.  135),  especially  Cassius. 
fco  too  was  Atticus  (713. 1).  Antony  supported  Piso,  and  expressed 
Itfear  that  the  veterans  and  the  mob  would  proceed  to  violence  if 
ifit  were  refused.  Brutus  assented  (Plut.  Brut.  20),  and  a  public 
ijfuneral  was  decreed.  When  Caesar's  will  was  opened,  it  was 
Itfouud  that  he  had  adopted  as  his  son  his  grandnephew,C.  Octavius, 
fgrandson  of  his  younger  sister,  and  made  him  heir  to  three- 
1  quarters  of  his  estate ;  while  he  made  the  grandsons  of  his  elder 
lisister,  L.  Pinarius  and  Q,.  Pedius,  heirs  to  the  remaining  fourth. 
1  Among  his  second  heirs  were  named  Decimus  Brutus  and  Antony.2 
iHe  left  three  hundred  sesterces3  to  each  Roman  citizen,  and  his 
[gardens  beyond  the  Tiber  to  the  city  of  Rome.  Such  a  generous 
| will  naturally  aroused  the  enthusiasm  of  the  poorer  section  of  the 
I  community,  and  indignation  was  general  among  all  partisans  of 
1  Caesar  when  they  found  he  had  bestowed  such  a  marked  regard 
Ion  at  least  one  of  his  murderers,  Decimus  Brutus.  Ingratitude  is  a 
I  vice  that  human  nature  justly  abhors.  These  friends  of  Caesar  made 
1  elaborate  preparations  for  the  funeral,  which  probably  took  place 
Ion  the  21st  or  22nd — not  sooner,  as  time  would  not  have  sufficed 
Ifor  the  extensive  preparations  whicli  were  made,  and  hardly  later, 
las  a  seven-day  interval  between  death  and  funeral  was  about  the 
i  maximum.4  Antony  was  to  make  the  oration,  "  as  a  consul  for  a 
1  consul,  a  friend  for  a  friend,  a  relative  for  a  relative."5  It  is 

1  Appian  (ii.  135,  136),  as  we  have  seen  (p.  Iv,  note  2),  considered  that  this  decree 
was  passed  on  the  17th.     But  Plut.  Brut.  19  assigns  the  decision  on  these  matters  to 

1  the  meeting  of  the  Senate  next  after  that  at  which  amnesty  was  decreed,  which, 
however,  he  places  on  the  day  immediately  following. 

2  There  was  no  mention  in  the  will  of  Cleopatra  or  her  son  Caesarion. 

3  Mon.  Ancyr.  3.  7  ;  Plut.  Ant.  16  ;  Suet.  lul.  83.     Dio  (xliv.  35.  3)  says  the 
sum  was  120  (=  30  drachmas,  say  £1  10*.),  and  quotes  Octavius  himself  as  evidence  ; 
but  this  is  probably  an  error,  as  the  Mon.  Ancyr.  is  definite  (HS  trecenos). 

4  As  far  as  we  can  ascertain  there  was  no  absolutely  fixed  interval :  cp.  Marquardt- 
Mau  Privatleben,  p.  348,  note. 

5  Appian  ii  143.  The  relationship  was  distant.   Antony's  mother  was  a  Julia  whose 
great-grandfather  (Sex.  Caesar,  consul  157)  was  brother  of  Caesar's  great-grandfather. 


lx  INTR  OD  UCT10N. 

about  April  11  Antony  arrested  and  executed  this  impostor  ; 
for  this,  as  well  as  for  other  acts  of  wholesome  severity,  Ant< 
obtained  much  commendation  from  Cicero  and  Brutus  (710. 
but  is  said  to  have  changed  popular  feeling  towards  him  *  fi 
unspeakable    goodwill    to  unspeakable    hatred.'1      Brutus 
Cassius  left  Rome  for  Lanuvium  (709.  1)  about  April  12  or  II 
They  had  an  interview  with  Antony  just  before  leaving,3  in  whi< 
it  is  probable  that  Antony  promised  to  get  leave  for  Brutus,  thouj 
he  was  city  praetor,  to  absent  himself  from  Borne  for  more  thi 
ten    days;   and   after   his   departure    Brutus    appears    to    hai 
corresponded  with  Antony  in  terms  which  did  not  indicate  hostility. 
All  the  conspirators  had  now  left  the  city.     Lepidus,  too,  left  fc 
his  province  of  Narbonese  Gaul.     Before  he  did  so  he  succeeded! 
in  becoming  Pontifex  Maximus,  though  in  some  highly  irregulaJ 
way.5     By  the  middle  of  April  he  had  left  for  his  province,  as  h< 
had  now  got  all  he  wanted.     He  stated  that  he  had  learned  ow 
good  authority  that  plots  were  being  formed  against  him,  am 
perhaps  they  were.     But  he  appears  to  have  been  in  a  less  hostill 
frame  of  mind  towards  the  conspirators  than  before.6     The  vigoui 
he  had  exhibited  immediately  after  the  murder  seems  to  havJ 
evaporated  when  the  amnesty  was  decreed. 

Antony  now  remained  in  sole  possession  of  the  governmentl 
He  must  have  had  hard  work  ;  but  there  is  a  certain  exhilaratioJ 
in  hard  work  when  one  has  a  free  hand.  He  was  no  doubl 

1  Appian  iii.  4,  fjuffos  5e  &ppijTOV  «|  appfirov  evvoias  rov  Srj/j.ov  vpbs  rbv  ' 


2  Plutarch  (Brut.  21)  says  they  went  to  Antium. 

3  708.  I,  Antoni  colloquium  cum  heroibus  nostris  pro  re  nata  non  incommodum, 

4  719  fin.,  Epistula  brevis  .  .  .  sane  fuit  iucunda  de  Sruti  ad  Antoni  um  et  de  eiusdem 
ad  te  litteris.     Possibly  it  was  on  some  occasion  about  this  time  that  Antony  said  thai 
Caesar  was  justly  slain :    cp.    Seneca,   De  Benef.  v.  16.  6,  Ingratus  Antonius  i\ 
dictatorem  tuum  quern  iure  caesum  pronuntiavit . 

5  Veil.  ii.  63.  furto  creatus:  Livy  Epist.  117,  pontificatum  intercepit:  Dio  xlhjj 
63  fin.,  ovSiv  ^  oAiyo  ruv  vtvomff/j-fvoiv  irpdl-as.     He   seems   to  have  been   simplw 
elected  by  the  Pontifices  to  be  Pontifex  Maximus,  and  the  election  not  made  by  til 
minor  pars  populi  (seventeen  tribes  chosen  by  lot),  as  should  have  been  done  (cp.  Liil 
xxr.  5.  2).     Ferrero  (iii.  38)  supposes  that  Antony  passed  a  decree  of  the  Senad 
abrogating  the  nomination  of  the  Pontifex  Maximus  by  the  people,  and  that  forth  wit)] 
the  pontifices  co-opted  him.    Lepidus  had  been  already  a  member  of  the  College  fcW 
many  years:  cp.  Har.  Resp.  12. 

'  Cp.  710.  1,  moderate  et  amice  scriptas  litter  as. 


ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAR.  Ixi 

Isieged    by   petitioners.     We    know   that    the    anti-Caesarean, 

•ing  Deiotarus,    some   time   a   little   later   than   this    obtained 

•facial  restitution  of  most  of  his  kingdom,  and  that  the  Sicilians 

lere  granted  full  rights  of  citizenship,  in  consideration  of  large 

libes  administered  to   Antony  or   Fulvia  (Phil.  i.  24 ;  ii.  92) : 

hid  these  grants  were  probably  being  negotiated  about  this  time 

|ri5.  1).     Fears  were  entertained  that  there  would  be  outbreaks 

[  the  provinces,  e.g.,  Gaul  (706.  1  ;  707.  1)  and  Spain  (710.  2) ; 

•so  that  hostile  nations  might  make  inroads  into  Roman  territory, 

living  to  the  general  disorder  in  the   city.     But  news  did  not 

|"avel  fast ;  indeed  we  learn,  too,  that  there  were  some  provinces 

I)  which  the  news  of  the  crisis  had  not  been  officially  sent1 ;  and 

le  people  at  Rome  always  thought  that  their  own   riots  were 

;  »garded  much  more  seriously  in  the  provinces  and  by  foreign 

jations   than    they  really    were    or   deserved   to    be.     But   the 

itaclysm  of  Caesar's  murder  might  well  have   led  to  danger. 

till  all  these  fears  proved  groundless  (712.  3),  and  no  danger 

asued    even    from    the   Getae,    who   were   always    threatening 

nlacedonia.     Antony  made  use  of   this   pretext   to  ask  for  the 

!  ommand  of  the  legions  now  in  Macedonia,  which  had  been  sent 

)rward  by  Caesar  for  the  Parthian  War.     Appian  says  (iii.  25} 

uat  they  hesitated  to  grant  this  to  Antony  on  his  own  statement 

:bout  the  Getae,  and  sent  out  a  commission  to  make  inquiries. 

intony's  proposal  about  the  abolition  of  the  dictatorship  and  his 

;enerally  prudent  conduct  seem  to  have  conciliated  the  Senate  so 

ar  that  they  granted  him  the  army.     The  commission  sent  out 

'  o  inquire  reported  that  the  Getae  had  not  invaded  Macedonia, 

>ut  would  do  so  if  the  army  was  withdrawn.     This  is  Appian's 

tory.      But  would  not  Antony,  the  consul,  as  holding  the  mains 

mperium,  have  had  a  right  to  the  disposal  of   these  legions  ?2 

lowever,  even  so,  probably  Antony  wished  to  get  the  Senate's 

Luthority  for  his  action  in  this  important  public  concern,  just  as  in 

he  private  affair  about  the  restoration  of  Sext.  Clodius  he  asked 

!or  the  consent  of  Cicero  (716.  3).3 

1  Fam.  x.  31.  4  (824) — from  Asinius  Pollio  from  Corduba. 

2  Cp.  Cic.  Phil.  iv.  9,  omnes  enim  in  consults  iure  et  imperio  debent  esse  provinciae. 

3  We  agree  with  Schwartz  (Hermes,  1898,  pp.  187,  226)  that  Macedonia  and  Syria 
lad  been  assigned  by  Caesar  as  the  provinces  to  be  held  by  Antony  and  Dolabella 
n43;  and  that  the  repeated  statement  of  Appian  iii.  2,  8,  12,  16,  24,  35,  36,  and 
Floras  ii.  17.  4   (=  iv.  4.  4),  that  it  was  to  Brutus    and  Cassius  that   they  were 


Ixii  INTRODUCTION. 

As  we  have  seen,  Cicero  left  Rome  on  April  6th  for  the  Ba;i 
of  Naples,  whither  it  was  customary  for  the  upper  classes  to  repar 
for  the  Spring  vacation.1  Some  of  the  Caesareans,  Hirtius,  Pansaj 
Balbus,  and  others,  had  gone  there  already:  Cicero  calls  them  ' 
Baian  lot '  (Baiana  negotia,  710.  I).2  In  the  outskirts  of  Home 
had  on  the  same  day  a  conversation  with  Matius,  a  friend 
Caesar's,  but  a  moderate  man  (cp.  Ep.  785).  Matius  took— \ 
Cicero  thought,  with  a  certain  amount  of  pleasure — a  most  glooi 
view  of  the  situation,  supposing  that  a  general  dissolution 
society,  and  perhaps  even  of  the  empire,  was  at  hand  (703.  If 
Cicero  did  not  seem  to  consider  at  this  time  that  Antony  wa| 
very  dangerous  (705.  2)  ;  but  he  was  horrified  at  the  violenj 
language  of  many  of  the  extreme  Caesareans  (706.  1 ;  714.  1| 
That  many  moderate  Caesareans  did  not  feel  perfectly  safe,  and 
wished  to  gain  the  goodwill  of  such  an  influential  anti-Caesareai 
as  Cicero,  may  be  gathered  from  their  leaving  him  bequests  ii 
their  wills,  and  securing  that  Cicero  should  know  of  it  by  askini 
Atticus  to  be  present  at  the  execution  of  these  documents  (705.  21 
cp.  719  5).3  Cicero  did  not  proceed  direct  to  Naples:  for  w| 

assigned,  is  to  be  rejected,  as  it  was  in  very  decided  terms  by  Dr.  Arnold  (op.  citt 
p.  133,  note),  who  considered  that  Cicero's  'letters  are  our  only  good  authority  f<| 
the  transactions  of  these  times.'  No  mention  of  any  such  assignment  to  Brutw 
and  Cassius  is  made  in  Plutarch  (Ant.  14;  Cic.  42  ;  Brut.  19)  or  Dio  (xlv.  20.  3 
xlvii.  21.  1)  or  Cicero's  Letters  or  Philippics.  Indeed,  in  712.  3  (see  note)  it  I 
implied  that  Dolabella  is  the  person  who  is  interested  in  Syria ;  and  in  Phil.  xi.  27,  2j 
he  says  that  Macedonia  was  not  the  province  of  Brutus,  nor  Syria  that  of  Cassia 
(neque  enim  est  in  provinciam  suam  Cretam  profectus  (Brutus),  in  Macedonian  alien  at 
advolavit  ....  §  28  Cassius  cum  est  in  Syriam  profectus,  alienam  provinciam),  wheil 
he  would  certainly  have  said  something  about  its  having  been  his  if  Caesar  hal 
designated  him  to  it :  cp.  Phil.  vii.  3  (January,  43),  Macedoniam  suam  vocat  omn\A 
(Antonius) :  also  Phil.  x.  26,  utique  Q.  Caepio  Brutus  [i.e.,  Marcus  Brutus,  who  ha 
been  adopted  by  Q.  Servilius  Caepio]  pro  consule  provinciam  Macedoniam  lllyric 
cunctamque  Graeciam  tueatur,  where  he  would  also  have  made  some  allusion  to  h 
right  to  the  province  (such  as  Macedoniam  suam),  if  it  had  been  settled  by  Caes 
that  he  should  get  it. 

1  Cp.  res  prolatas  (707.  2).   The  Schol.  Bob.  (p.  334  Or.)  on  Cicero's  'In  Clodium 
Curionem'  (homo  durus  ac  priscus  invectus  est  in  eos  qui  tnenst  Aprili  apud  Baias' essen 
has  the  following  note  : — Comuetudo  erat  multis.  ineunte  verno,  ad  aquarum  quae  su\ 
in    Campania  velut  fomenla  salubria  convenire  ...      Et   hinc  fiet  gradus   ad  ipsii 
Cieeronis  Puteolanas  possessions  in  quas  devertere  ad  oblectamentum  solebat.    Remov 
ergo  impudentiam  reprehendentis  a  moribus  suis,  ne  vel  superbus  vel  nimium  delicatt 
habeatnr. 

2  The  less  important  Caesareans  who  followed  their  lead    Cicero    calls    thei 
'chorus'  (cp.  710.  1). 

3  About  this  time  we  hear  that  Cleopatra  '  fled '  from  Rome  (710.  1).    During  Apri 


ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAR.  Ixiii 

•find  him  at  Tusculum  on  the  8th,  at  Lanuvium  on  the  9th,  at 
lAstura  on  the  llth,  at  Fundi  on  the  12th,  at  Caieta  on  the  14th, 
[at  Formiae  and  Sinuessa  on  the  15th.1     He  reached  Puteoli  on 
Itlie  16th  (cp.  709.  1).     During  his  journey  he  noticed  the  strong 
I  sympathy  of  the   country  towns  with  the  liberators,    and   their 
I  desire  to  hear  his   view  of  the  political  situation  ;  yet  the  con- 
stitutionalists  were   doing   nothing    (708.    2).     After   two   days 
spent  at  Puteoli  he  went  to  his  adjacent  Cumanum  on  the  18th 
(cp.  713.  3)  :  and  there  or  in  the  neighbourhood   he  remained 
|  until  early  in  May.     It  must  have  been  a  relief  for  him  to  get  to 
I  the  quietness  of  his  '  realms  of  Puteoli  and  Cumae'  (721.  1),  away 
from  the  fierce  veterans  and  the  tumultuous  mob  that  had  been 
rioting  at  Rome.     Indeed,   on   his  first    arrival   he    thinks  that 
'  everything  looks  quite  peaceful,  very  different  from  the  forecast 
of  Matius '  (712.  3).     But  this  was  only  temporary.    Cicero   re- 
mained full  of  agitation,  indignation,  and  anxiety  of  mind.    He 
wrote  to  Atticus  nearly  every  day  after  he  left  Rome,  and  poured 
forth  his  thoughts  and  impressions  of  the  moment  with  the  utmost 
freedom.    He  sees  the  tyrant  dead,  but  the  tyranny  alive:  Brutus 
removed  from  all  public  affairs  and  compelled  to  live  not  in  Rome, 
but  at  Lanuvium2 ;  the  Caesareans  in  possession  of  wealth  and 
lands  :  and  he  is  astonished  at  the  lack  of  vigour  on  the  part  of 
the  constitutionalists  (713.  2),  notwithstanding  the  enthusiasm  of 
the  country  towns.     He  laments  that  the  enactments  of  Caesar 
were  confirmed.     It  is  utterly  anomalous  that  the  tyrannicides 

and  May  we  have  tantalizing  references  to  some  rumour  about  her :  cp.  727.  2  and 
note ;  730.  4.  She  appears  to  have  made  some  promises  to  Cicero  about  literary  or 
artistic  works,  which  she  did  not  fulfil,  and  about  which  she  spread  unjustifiable 
rumours,  and  thereby  raised  Cicero's  ire  (748.  2). 

1  Cp.  Epp.  705  to  710. 

2  On  arrival  at  Lanuvium,  Brutus  and  Cassius  appear  to  have  sent  a  manifesto  to 
the  young  men  of  the  upper  and  middle  classes  in  the  towns  of  Latium,  asking  them 
to  enrol  themselves  as  their  body-guard,   and  thus  secure  their  return  to  Rome. 
Towards  the  end  of  April  Antony  wrote  to  them  a  firm  letter,  requiring  them  to 
dismiss  this  body-guard  ;  and  they  appear  to  have  done  so  in  the  fullest  way,  as  sub- 
ordinate officials  obeying  the  consul  (cp.  740.  1,  cum  ipsi  in  tua  potestate  fuerimus, 
tuoque  adducti  consilio  dimiserimus  ex  municipiis  nostros  necessaries  neque  solum  edicto 
sed  eiiam  litteris  id  fecerimus) .    This  was  a  sad  mistake  on  the  part  of  Brutus  (for  one 
cannot  but  think  that  this  irresolution  and  want  of  nerve  was  shown  by  him  and  not 
by  Cassius)  :  and  we  do  not  wonder  that  at  the  beginning  of  May  he  was  meditating 
going  into  exile  (725.  1  ;  726.  4). 


INTRODUCTION. 

should  be  lauded  to  the  skies,  and  the  acts  of  the  tyrant  main- 
tained (708.  2  :  op.  713.  1).    Yet  lie  feels  himself  powerless;  am 
it  must  have  added  to  his   vexation    that  he   had  to  no  small 
extent  co-operated  in  bringing  about  that  result,  and  that  he  and 
the   other  constitutionalists  had   let   themselves  be  deceived  by, 
Antony  and  his  party,  who  had  ungratefully  taken  advantage  of 
their  readiness  to  come  to  a  compromise  (facilitate,  723.  2).    He 
thinks  of  leaving  Italy,  and  becoming  a  wanderer  on  the  face  of 
the  earth  (713.  1,  written  April  19).     Even  as  early  as  April  12 
he  says  (707.  2)  : 

'  What  foolish  scrupulousness  on  my  part  not  to  have  asked  for  a 
legatio  liber  a  (cp.  718.  4)  before  the  vacation,  for  fear  1  should  be  thought 
to  be  abandoning  the  State  in  its  inflamed  condition  ( hunc  rerum  tumoreni) ; 
and  indeed,  if  I  could  have  possibly  applied  a  healing  hand,  1  ought  not  to 
have  failed  to  do  so.  But  you  see  the  so-called  magistrates,  the  tyrant's 
creatures,  in  possession  of  offices  [cp.  Plut.  Ant.  15],  his  armies  and  his 
veterans  on  our  flank,  all  highly  inflammable  material.' 

This  was  the  state  of  Cicero's  mind  when  Caesar's  heir  Octavius 
arrived  at  Naples  on  April  18  from  Apollonia,  where  he  had 
been  studying.  He  had  been  expected  somewhat  earlier  (707.  3) ; 
but  Cicero  did  not  consider  him  of  much  importance  (708.  1, 
de  Octamo  susque  deque).  He  called  on  Balbus  on  the  morning  of 
the  19th,  and  on  Cicero  later  in  the  same  day,  and  stated  that  he 
would  accept  Caesar's  inheritance.  He  also  saw  his  stepfather, 
L.  Marcius  Philippus,  who  seems  to  have  advised  him  not  to  take 
the  inheritance,1  and,  according  to  Cicero  (715. 2),  would  not  salute 
him  as  'Caesar.'  He  was  polite  and  friendly  with  Cicero ;  but,  owing 
to  the  violent  language  of  his  followers,  Cicero  was  unable  to  feel 
sure  that  he  would  favour  the  constitutionalists  (715.  2).  A  further 
source  of  anxiety  was  the  news  from  Rome  of  increasing  hostility 
to  the  tyrannicides  exhibited  at  the  pro-Caesarean  meetings,  which 
were  being  constantly  held  (714.  1  :  cp.  706.  1);  and,  much  as 
Cicero  sympathized  with  Deiotarus  and  the  Sicilians,  the  manner  in 
which  they  obtained  their  ends  by  personal  influence  with  Antony 
and  Fulvia  was  very  disquieting  (715.  1  and  note),  as  were  also 
the  many  exiles  that  were  being  restored  (719.  2),  and  the  inroads 

1  Nic.  Dam.  18  ;  Suet.  Aug.  8.  2. 


ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAR.  Ixv 

!  that  were  being  made  on  the  public  treasury  (719.  5).     Ootavius 

|  did   not  remain   at  Naples,  but   passed   on   to  Eome,  where   he 

arrived  about  April  22,  just  at  the  time  when  Antony  was  leaving 

1  the  city  for  a  tour  of  inspection  among  the  military  settlements 

in  South  Italy. 

Once  Antony  found  himself  in  undisturbed  possession  of  the 
Government  at  Home  by  the  departure  of  Brutus  and  Cassius 
on  the  13th,  he  determined  to  take  bold  and  active  steps  to 
consolidate  the  power  which  he  had  obtained  by  his  firmness  and 
prudence,  and  by  the  lack  of  forethought  and  the  irresolution 
shown  by  the  constitutionalists.1  He  saw  plainly  that  he  must 
have  money  and  men,  as  Cicero  did  also  for  his  party  (706.  2), 
especially  soldiers  to  support  him  ;  and,  while  the  public  Treasury 
and  Caesar's  hundred  million  sesterces,  which  Calpurnia  had  put 
into  his  hands  (cp.  p.  li),  along  with  the  bribes  he  might  obtain 
from  applicants  for  privileges,  like  Deiotarus,  and  from  those 
who  had  received  appointments  to  offices  (Dio  xliv.  53.  3),  would 
supply  the  former,  the  ill-organized  veterans  and  civilian  mob  at 
Eome  would  not  be  able  to  supply  the  latter  in  such  a  way  as  to 
prove  effective.  So  he  determined  to  make  a  tour  among  the 
veterans  in  South  Italy,  especially  among  those  in  Campania, 
who  either  had  got  or  were  expecting  to  get  settlements  there,  and 
to  bring  them  to  Eome  and  organize  them  into  a  force  that  would 
implicitly  obey  his  orders.  He  had  shortly  before — it  is  generally 
supposed  on  April  24 — had  a  law  de  coloniis  deducendis  enacted 
which  was  a  necessary  result  of  the  decree  of  the  Senate  on  that 
subject  passed  on  Marcli  17  (see  above,  p.  Ivi),  and  he  used  this 

1  In  a  long  speech  which  Appian  (iii.  33-38)  represents  Antony  as  making  to  the 
veterans  about  August,  justifying  his  conduct  during  the  whole  period  from  the  Ides 
of  March,  he  claims  that  '  where  courage  was  required  he  was  the  boldest,  and  where 
artifice  (viroKpuris)  he  was  most  resourceful  (evjtdjx0"'05)''  Ee  instances  (1)  his 
preventing  rewards  being  voted  to  the  conspirators  ;  (2)  his  yielding  to  an  amnesty  in 
their  favour,  so  that  afterwards  he  might  be  in  a  better  position  to  exact  vengeance  on 
them ;  (3)  his  funeral  speech ;  (4)  his  lulling  the  conspirators  into  a  false  security 
by  his  conduct  with  regard  to  Amatius  and  Sext.  Pompeius ;  (5)  his  winning  over 
Dolabella  to  unite  with  him  ;  (6)  his  assigning  no  better  provinces  than  Crete  and 
Cyreue  to  Brutus ;  (7)  his  decrees  about  abolishing  the  dictatorship,  whereby  he  beguiled 
the  Senate,  and  obtained  their  sanction  to  use  the  legions  then  in  Macedonia ;  (8)  the 
acquisition  from  the  people  of  Cisalpine  Gaul ;  (9)  his  bringing  over  the  Macedonian 
legions.  'Thus,'  he  says,  'from  a  state  of  great  fear  we  have  passed  into  one  of 
firm  security,  in  which  we  can  face  our  enemies  with  boldness.'  This  boast  had 
much  to  justify  it  at  the  time. 


Ixvi  INTRODUCTION. 

as  an  excuse  for  his  tour.1  This  recruitiug  of  the  veterans  he 
successfully  accomplished  during  the  next  three  weeks  by  holding 
before  them  the  fear  that  unless  they  were  prepared  to  act  under 
him  the  constitutionalists  would  annul  all  Caesar's  measures. 
He  told  the  veterans  that  they  were  to  bring  their  arms  with 
them  to  Eome,  and  to  be  so  far  under  discipline  that  they  were 
to  be  inspected  every  month  by  two  officials,  who  would  see  that 
they  were  in  a  proper  state  of  readiness  and  efficiency.2  He  also 
proceeded  to  perform  the  ceremony  of  founding  a  new  colony  at 
Cusilinum,  where  Caesar  had  already  founded  a  colony — a  pro- 
ceeding which  was,  on  this  account,  contrary  to  augural  law 
(Phil.  ii.  102).  Cicero  (733.  1)  speaks  of  these  settlers  as  novi  con- 
ventus  habitatores,  not  coloni.3  Antony  was  certainly  securing  for 
himself  very  strong  support,  especially  as  he  had  at  the  same 
time  succeeded  in  inducing  Brutus  and  Cassius  to  discontinue 
the  recruiting  of  the  well-to-do  young  men  in  the  country  towns 
of  Latium,  who,  as  they  hoped,  would  facilitate  their  return  to 
Rome.4  While  in  Campania  Antony  wrote  a  friendly  letter  (716) 
to  Cicero,  asking  him  to  consent  to  his  recalling  from  exile 
Sext.  Clodius,  a  client  of  Cicero's  old  enemy  P.  Clodius.5  Cicero 
was  surprised  and  flattered  by  the  request ;  and  replied  in  a 
rather  effusive  letter  (717),  which  Antony  afterwards,  when  he 
and  Cicero  had  broken  off  friendly  relations,  read  out  in  the 
Senate  to  show  the  insincerity  of  Cicero  (Phil.  ii.  7-10).  Perhaps- 

1  This  law  is  alluded  to  in  the  Lex  Coloniae  Genetivae,  C.I.L.  n.  5439  (civ.  13, 
p.  857),  where  it  is  called  Lex  Antonia,  not  Lex  Antonio,  Cornelia ;  so  that  Cicero  may 
have  been  mistaken  in  attributing  participation  in  it  to   Dolabella  (Phil.  viii.  25,. 
Addit  praeterea  '  ut  quos  ipse  cum  Dolabella  dcderit  agros  teneant  ii  quibus  dati  sint'). 
Yet  Cicero  himself  mentions  Antony  alone  in  another  passage  (Phil.  v.  10,  Si  quam 
legcm  de  actis  Caesaris  confirniandis  deve  dictattira  in  perpetuum  tollenda,  deve  colonis  in 
agron  deducendis  tulissc  M.  Antonius  dicitur)  ;  cp.  Mommsen  in  '  Ephemeris  Epigra- 
phica,'  ii.  p.  119.     Antony  greatly  abused  the  powers  granted  to  him  by  this  law 
according  to  Cicero  (Phil.  ii.  101). 

2  728.   2   (written  May  11),    Antoni  consilia  narrabat   (Salbus):    ilium  circumire 
veteranos  ut  acta  Caesaris  sancirent  \dque  se  facturos  esse  iurarent  ut  arma  [so  Lambinus 
for  utram  of  the  MSB.]  omnes  haberent  eaque  duumviri,  omnibus  mensibus  inspicerent. 

3  When  Octavian  went  through  Campania  in  October,  the  colonists  in  this  town 
went  over  to  him,  and  no  wonder,  says  Cicero,  Att.  xvi.  8.  1  (797),  lor  he  gave  them. 
500  denurii  apiece. 

1  740.  1  :  cp.  727.  4,  and  above,  p.  Ixiii,  note  2. 

5  Plutarch  (Ant.  15),  in  reference  to  Antony's  misuse  of  Caesar's  papers,  says, 
4  Antony,  by  inserting  entries  in  these,  nominated  many  to  offices  just  at  his  pleasure,. 


ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAR.  Ixvii 

Cicero  need  not  have  expressed  himself  in  such  very  friendly 
terms ;  indeed,  he  himself  seems  to  have  thought  that  some 
apology  was  necessary  for  so  doing  (cp.  718.  6  to  AtticMis).  But 
just  at  this  time  Cicero  wanted  to  be  on  good  terms  with  Antony, 
not  merely  because  he  naturally  disliked  being  on  bad  terms  with 
anyone,  and  because  he  wished  the  state  of  peace  attained  by 
the  amnesty  to  continue,  but  also  for  the  sake  of  Atticus,1  who 
required  the  influence  of  Antony  to  secure  that  Caesar's  rescript 
about  the  exemption  of  the  land  of  the  Buthrotians  in  Epirus 
from  confiscation  should  be  confirmed  and  enforced.2  Cicero 
hoped  to  have  a  meeting  with  Antony  on  this  point  early  in  May 
(724.  2),  but  he  did  not  succeed  (727.  2  ;  730.  2).  At  this  time 
he  was  thinking  seriously  of  his  journey  to  Greece,  but  feared  the 
adverse  criticism  that  he  was  deserting  his  country  in  a  crisis ;  and 
he  thought  that  if  he  still  remained  he  might  be  of  some  benefit 
to  the  State  (718.  3).  But  he  plainly  wished  to  go  away  from 
Italy  to  avoid  personal  danger ;  for  he  seems  to  have  feared  an 
outbreak  nt  any  moment  (718.  4). 

Until  the  end  of  April  Cicero  and  the  constitutionalists  did 
not  know  what  Antony's  exact  object  was ;  but  when,  during  the 
first  week  of  May,  they  began  to  discern  his  aims,  they  became 
panic-stricken  (725.  4  ;  726.  3).  For  a  moment  during  the  latter 
part  of  April  they  were  elated  by  very  vigorous  action  on  the  part 
of  Dolabella,  who  had  returned  to  Rome  after  Antony  had  left. 
The  mob  had  continued  to  exhibit  the  same  sort  of  fanaticism 
which  they  had  displayed  at  the  altar  or  column  which  they  had 

and  many  he  made  senators  (cp.  Phil.  xiii.  28),  and  he  restored  some  who  were  in 
exile,  and  released  others  who  were  in  prison,  as  if  Caesar  had  determined  all  this.' 
These  senators  were  called  in  mockery  Charonitae.  The  Latin  word  is  Orcini  (Suet. 
Aug  35).  In  Justinian's  Institutes  (ii.  24.  2)  orcinus  means  a  slave  made  free  by  a 
will.  On  Antony's  letter  and  Cicero's  reply  see  above,  p.  xl. 

1  Cicero  received  many  favours  from  Atticus ;  but  he  was  ever  ready  to  show 
favours  in  return.  Thus  Piliu,  wife  of  Atticus,  came  down  to  the  Bay  of  Maples 
at  this  time,  and  Cicero  put  his  Cumanum  at  her  disposal,  and  frequently  went  to  see 
her  (721.  1  ;  724.  1 ;  725.  6 ;  727  fin. ;  729.  1  ;  731.  1).  Cicero  was  always  glad  to 
let  his  friends  make  use  of  his  houses :  cp.  733  fin. 

-  The  early  history  of  this  Euthrotian  business,  of  which  we  hear  so  much,  is  set 

>rth  by  Cicero  himself  with  his  usual  lucidity,  767.  4-6:  cp.  also  Epp.  777  to  781. 

^errero  (ii.  336,  337)  considers  that  Caesar's  dealing  with  the  case  shows  that  he  was 

ir  from  omnipotent,  and  is  an  instance,  among  others,  of  '  the  shifts  to  which  the 

laster  of  the  world  was  reduced.' 


Ixviii  INTROD  UCT10N. 

erected  to  Caesar  under  the  influence  of  Amatius  (see  above, 
p.  lix).  Dolabella  seized  and  executed  several  of  the  rioters,  pulled 
down  the  altar,  and  had  the  place  where  it  stood  repaved.  This 
repression  of  mere  disorder  seems  to  have  been  generally  approved 
(721.  2),  though  Pansa  criticized  it  severely  (725.  2).  Cicero  was 
in  the  wildest  delight  at  this  (as  he  considered)  heroic  deed, 
worthy  of  record  in  epic  song,1  and  on  May  3  wrote  an  over- 
enthusiastic  letter  (722)  to  that  violent  self-seeker.  He  appears  to 
have  thought  that  the  constitutionalists  had  now  got  a  leader  who 
would  act  with  vigour  (727.  4).  Things  were  going  much  better, 
and  Brutus  would  be  able  to  return  to  Rome  (721.  2).  It  was  a 
pity  that  Caesar's  acts  had  been  confirmed  (720.  3 ;  723.  1  ; 
724.  6).  But  Cicero  varied  in  Ids  mood  from  day  to  day.  He 
will  not  go  to  Greece  until  Atticus  says  he  may  do  so  with 
honour  (720.  3)  ;  but  once  he  has  done  all  he  can  for  Brutus 
lie  will  take  that  journey,  for  he  wants  to  see  himself  how  his  son 
is  doing  (721.  3,  4).2  But  on  May  8  he  is  again  despondent,  and 
lie  seems  inclined  to  go  to  Greece  even  before  the  situation  fully 
develops  (725.  6),  as  Brutus  is  meditating  going  into  exile 
(726.  4);  he  says  he  yields  to  none  in  despair  of  the  whole 
state  of  things  (726.  3).  He  must  see  to  getting  his  "  seven- 
league  boots  "  (lit.  "  winged  sandals  ")  ready  (talaria  videamus, 
728.  4)  and  procuring  a  legatio  of  some  kind  to  enable  him 
to  go  to  Greece  (729.  2).  Atticus  thought  that  Cicero  made 
too  much  of  this  exploit  of  Dolabella,  though  Cicero  says  in 
more  than  one  letter  that  Atticus  had  praised  Dolabella 
highly.3  But  Cicero's  own  enthusiasm  for  Dolabella  was 
somewhat  cooled  before  long  :  for  within  a  week  it  had  come 
to  his  knowledge  that  in  league  with  Faberius,  who  had  been 
formerly  Caesar's  and  was  now  Antony's  secretary,  he  had  by 

1  720.  2,  magnam  avaQeu>pri<nv  res  habet  .  .  Quid  quaeris  ?  Heroica  [qu.  'Hpwiita]  ; 
721.    2,  0  Lulabellae  nostri   magnam   api<rrfiav  :    cp.  723.    1  ;    Phil,   i.   5,   30  ;    ii. 
107. 

2  We  think  portum  propiorem  in  725.   1  is  most  probably  Athens,  as  Dr.  Reid 
suggests.     But  it  has  occurred  to  us  that  it  might  possibly  also  mean  no  more  than 
complete  retirement  from  political  life  and  devotion  to  philosophical  studies  :    cp. 
[Vergil]  Catalepta  v.  8,  nos  ad  beatos  vela  mittimus  portus  \  magni  petentes  docta  dicta 
Sironii,  \  vitamque  ab  omni  vindicabimus  cttra. 

8  725.  5  ;  726.  1  Atticus  appears  at  times  to  have  taken  Cicero  to  task  for  conduct 
of  which  he  had  approved  himself.     A  striking  example  is  783.  2-5. 


ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAR.  Ixix 

forged  documents  helped  himself  to  large  sums  from  the  public 
Treasury  in  the  Temple  of  Ops  (cp.  719.  5),  and  yet  had  not  paid 
his  debts,  not  even  his  debts  to  Cicero l  :  so  that  Cicero  was 
compelled  on  May  9  to  write  a  decidedly  "  stinging  "  letter  to 
Dolabella,  though  he  did  not  expect  that  this  would  have  any 
further  effect  than  that  Dolabella  might  not  care  to  meet  him.2 
However,  in  his  public  capacity  Dolabella  was  still  to  be  commended, 
especially  for  his  attacks  on  Lucius  Antonius,  who  seems  to  have 
been  keeping  up  the  enthusiasm  of  the  populace  for  his  brother  by 
low  mob  oratory.3  So  Cicero  continued  to  have  some  hope  that 
Brutus  might  be  able  to  return  to  Rome  and  hold  meetings  there,, 
which  he  thinks  will  be  a  virtual  victory  for  the  constitutionalists  ; 
and  he  lays  great  stress  on  the  importance  in  that  respect  of 
Dolabella's  whole  conduct.4 

But,  on  the  other  hand,  the  action  of  Antony  in  recruiting 
soldiers  was  a  source  of  grave  alarm,  not  merely  to  very  timid 
men  like  Servius  Sulpicius,  but  also  to  Cicero  (725.  4 ;  726.  3). 
The  amnesty  was  assuredly  in  danger.  War  was  at  hand  (727. 4 ; 
728.  3  ;  734.  ]),  and  would  be  precipitated  if  Sextus  Pompeius 
came  with  a  strong  army  (729.  2),  as  Cicero  a  fortnight  before  felt 
assured  would  be  the  case  (718.  2).  What  side  was  Cicero  to 

1  726.  1  (May  9),  Sed  totum  se  a  te  abalienavit  Dolabella  eadem  causa,  qua  me  quoque 
sibi  inimicissimum  reddidit.  0  hominem  pudentem  !  Kal.  Ian.  debuit ;  adhuc  non  solvit, 
praesertim  cum  se  maxima  aere  alieno  Faberi  manu  liberarit  et  opem  ab  Ope  petierit. 

2  726.  2,  satis  aculeatas  ad  Dolabellam  litteras  dedi,  quae  si  nihil  profecerint,  puto 
fore  ut  me  praesentem  non  sustineat. 

3  727.  4  (May  11),  Dolabellae  et  prima  ilia  actio  et  haec  contra  Antonium  contio  mihi 
profecisse  permultum  videtur.     From  §  2  of  that  letter  we  may  perhaps  infer  that  it 
was  Lucius  Antonius  he  attacked,  L.  Antoni  horribilis  contio,  Dolabellae  praeclara. 
But  to  attack  Lucius  was  virtually  to  attack  Marcus.     Cp.   732.  2  (May  18),  L. 
Antonium  contionatum  esse  cognovi  tuts  litteris  et  aliis  sordide,  sed  id  quale  fuerit  nescio  : 
nihil  enim  scripti.     This  perhaps  means  rather  *  made  a  low,  vulgar  speech '  than 
merely  that  it  was  a  poor  effort  of  oratory,  as  we  said  in  the  note.     We  can  see  from 
nihil  enim  scripti  that  it  was  fairly  common  to  write  out  and  disseminate  speeches 
immediately  after  they  were  delivered:  cp.  722.  7,  Legi  enim  contionem  tuam. 

*  727.  3  (May  11),  Atque  utinam  liceat  isti  contionari  !  Cuisi  esse  in  urbe  tuto  licebit 
vicimus.  Ducem  enim  novi  belli  civilis  aut  nemo  sequetur  aut  ii  sequentur  qui  facile 
vincantur:  cp.  §  4.  Even  Cicero  saw  that  Brutus  was  not  the  man  to  he  a  real 
leader.  Atticus  asked  Cicero  to  write  a  speech  for  Brutus  on  the  occasion  of 
his  return  to  Rome  (cp.  in  foro  726.  4).  Cicero  naturally  demurred  (727.  3),  and 
Atticus  approved  of  his  decision  (732.  2).  Yet  Atticus  appears  to  have  afterwards 
made  a  still  more  absurd  request  (733.  2),  which  he  pressed  with  some  persistence 
(734.  3). 


Ixx 


INTRODUCTION. 


take?  He  could  not  be  neutral.  The  Caesareans  would  not 
have  him,  for  he  had  exulted  at  Caesar's  death ;  and  they  con- 
sidered him  ungrateful  after  all  the  kindnesses  he  had  received 
from  Caesar.1  Was  he  to  go  to  the  war?  Impossible  at  his 
age.2  He  again  thinks  of  the  libera  legatio  which  is  to  enable  him 
to  go  to  Greece.  The  Ides  of  March  were  a  failure  unless  the 
tyrannicides  "  by  other  glorious  deeds  wipe  out  the  blot "  of 
disgrace  which  they  had  incurred  owing  to  their  inaction 
(729.  2).  Hirtius,  who  was  a  Caesarean  at  heart,  but  a  cautious 
man,  whose  full  sympathy  and  co-operation  Brutus  and  his  party 
were  always  trying  to  secure,3  seems  to  have  recovered  confidence, 
and  expressed  views  which  were  widely  entertained  when  he  said 
that  the  tyrannicides  were  to  blame  for  having  assassinated  an 
illustrious  man,4  and  having  plunged  the  State  into  confusion,  and 
that  if  once  they  ceased  to  fear  any  opposition  from  Antony  they 
would  refuse  to  sanction  Caesar's  acts  ;  that  he  wished  for  peace, 
but,  though  he  disapproved  of  Antony's  squandering  of  the  public 
money  (732.  4)  and  of  the  way  in  which  he  was  dealing  with  the 
veterans  (741.  1 ;  cp.  738),  he  feared  a  recourse  to  arms  on  the 
part  of  Brutus  as  well  as  on  that  of  Antony.6  That  Brutus  and 
Cassius  were  projecting  some  appeal  to  arms,  notwithstanding 
assurances  to  the  contrary  (740.  1),  seems  probable  even  from  the 
cautious  language  of  Cicero's  letters.  In  719.  6  (April  28)  he 

1  Cicero  at  times  recognizes   Caesar's  kindness  to  himself  personally  (724.  6  ; 
734.  3). 

2  Cp-  718.  2  ;  725.  1.  3  727.  4  ;  728.  4 ;  737.  1  ;  738.  1. 

4  Clarissimum  virum,  729.  1.  This  was  the  epithet  for  Caesar  which  the  Caesareans 
used  in  their  speeches  (714.  1 ;  752.  2). 

5  729.  1  ;  730.  3    non   minus  se  nostrorum   anna  timere  quam   Antoni,  et  tamen 
utrosque  non  nine  causa  praesidium  habere,  se  autem  utraque  arma  metuere.     Somewhat 
similar  appear  to  have  been  the  views  of  Hirtius'  shadow,  Pansa.     At  any  rate,  on 
May  8  he  censured  actions  on  both  sides.  He  was  very  indignant  (furere)  at  Antony's 
conduct  as  regards  the  restitution  of  Sext.  Clodius,  and  talked  quite  sternly  (severe), 
if  you  care  to  believe  him,  as  Cicero  says  (725.  2).  On  the  other  hand,  he  disapproved 
of  the  tumultuous  procedure  of  Dolabella  in  throwing  down  the  column  (725.  2). 
Three  days  later,  on  May  11,  Cicero  aays  (727.  4) :   « I  stayed  with  Pansa  in  his  villa 
at  Pompeii.     He  satisfied  me  that  he  had  sound  opinions  and  desired  peace '  (bene 
tentire  et  cupere  pacem]  :  cp.  755.     Hirtius  and  Pansa  appear  to  have  been  an  easy- 
going pair,  who  formed  impartial  and  judicious  opinions,  but  who  were  not  ready  to 
argue  or  stand  up  for  them,  especially  against  such  an  impetuous  master  of  words  as 
€icero  (see  note  on  730.  2).     Hence  Cicero  often  thought  them  insincere  (728.  2,  4  ; 
729.  1  ;  730.  3). 


ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAR.  Ixxi 

seems  to  make  reference  to  armed  forces  at  the  disposal  of  the 
conspirators'.1  In  727.  3  (May  11)  he  says  that  if  Brutus  attempts 
to  lead  in  a  new  civil  war  he  will  have  no  one  to  follow  him.  In 
730.  3  Hirtius  expresses  fear  of  their  arms.  Towards  the  end  of 
the  month  Hirtius  very  definitely  begs  Cicero  to  dissuade  them 
from  any  hot-headed  plan  which  lie  feared  that  they  might 
attempt,  probably  in  the  East.2  On  June  5  or  6  Cicero  asks 
Atticus  is  he  to  advise  them  to  adopt  some  vigorous  line  of  action 
(ut  molianfur  aliquid  743.  1),  and  answers  that  they  have  neither 
the  courage  nor  have  they  now  the  power  to  do  so  (nee  (indent  nee 
iam  posstnit)*  The  project  does  not  appear  to  have  been  energeti- 
cally prosecuted,  and  we  think  that  it  broke  down  when  towards 
the  end  of  May  they  failed  to  raise  money  from  Atticus  (735.  5 
and  note :  Nepos  Att.  N.  4  fin.)  and  possibly  from  others  to  finance 
the  movement.  The  cause  of  Brutus  did  not  successfully  revive 
until  he  acquired  a  large  sum  of  money  next  year  from  Appuleius 
and  from  Antistius,  the  quaestors  of  Asia  and  Syria.4 

Such  was  the  way  in  which  the  ship  of  the  constitutionalists 
(744.  3)  was  going  to  pieces.  Meanwhile  Antony  had  returned 
to  Home  about  May  20  with  a  large  number  of  veterans  in 
addition  to  those  he  had  sent  on  before  ;  and  he  had  arms  for  them 
too.5  So  that  he  was  master  of  the  situation.  He  surrounded 
himself  with  Ityraeans,6  and  made  himself  difficult  of  access 
(741.  1).  It  is  little  wonder  that  all  sorts  of  rumours  were  afloat: 
that  the  legions  were  coming  from  Macedonia  (732.  2,  May  19); 
that  Antony  was  going  to  take  Gaul  immediately,7  and  dispossess 

1  Restitution  can  (he  says)  be  made  to  the  people  of  Massilia,  armis,  quae  quam 
firme  habeamus  ignoro.    Possibly  the  correspondence  of  Brutus,  Cassius,  and  Dolabella 
referred  to  in  724.  4  (May  3)  may  have  reference  to  this  project. 

2  738.  2,  per  te  exorentur  ne  quod  calidius  ineant  consilium.  '  Cedentis  '  enim  haec  ais 
risse ;  quo  ?  aut  quare  ?   Cp.  note  to  749.  1  Siregio. 

3  Cp.  also  perhaps  the  very  obscure  language  in  749.  1  and  notes  there. 

4  For  Appuleius  cp.  Phil.  x.  24 ;  xiii   32 ;  Appian  iv.  75  ;  and  for  Antistius  ad 
t.  ii.  3.  5  (837)  ;  i.  11.  1  (850) :  cp.  also  Plutarch  Brut.  24.  25. 

5  Phil,  ii    108,  agmine  quadrate  cum  gladiis   sequuntur :  scutorum  lecticas  portari 
us. 

These  were  a  warlike  people  living  N.E.  of  Palestine — the  modern  Druses — 
3m  Pompey  had  subdued  in  his  Syrian  campaign.  They  were  renowned  as  archers. 

ill.  v.  18,  cp.  Verg.  Georg.  ii.  448. 
7  The  opinion  that  Antony  wished  for  the  Gallic  provinces ,  with  an  extension  of 

mre    for  five  years,  had  been  entertained  in  the  middle  of  April  (719.  4) ;  but 


lxxii  INTRODUCTION. 

Deciraus  Brutus  forthwith  ;  that  legal  proceedings  were  going  to 
be  taken  against  Decimus  and  Marcus  Brutus  and  Ca*ssius  (737.  3 
May  27,  where  see  note).  So  that  there  was  the  greatest  excite- 
ment, and  no  little  apprehension,  as  to  the  result  of  the  meeting 
of  the  Senate  when  it  resumed  its  sittings  on  June  1  after  the 
vacation. 

Cicero  had  left  the  Bay  of  Naples  on  May  17.     The  unsatis 
factory  way  in   which  affairs  had  been  going   for  the  constitu 
tionalists  was  a  bitter  affliction  :  and  to  this  great  trouble  were 
added  petty  annoyances  (though  these  did  not  weigh  much  with 
him  in  comparison  with  public  affairs),  such  as  his  debts  (see  below, 
p.  Ixxxvi,  note  2),  the  conduct  of  young  Quintus,1  pressure  being 

probably  it  was  then  considered  that  he  would  not  take  over  those  provinces  until  after 
his  consulship  had  expired :  now  the  rumour  was  that  he  would  take  them  over  at 
once,  and  dispossess  Decimus  forthwith:  cp.  734.  1  (May  24),  Sed  mihi  totum  eius 
consilium  ad  bellum  spectare  videtur  si  quidem  D.  Bruto  provincia  eripitur.  The  Lex 
de  Permutatione  (see  below,  p.  Ixxxviii)  gave  him  immediate  possession.  On  the 
importance  of  Cisalpine  Gaul  from  a  military  point  of  view,  cp.  Appian  iii.  27. 

1  Young  Quintus  had  a  bad  nature — cp.  Alt.  x.  7.  3  (388) — and  all  the  foolish 
impetuosity  of  his  father  without  the  latter's  constantly  recurrent  placability.  After 
Pharsalia  we  hear  of  his  perpetually  abusing  his  uncle,  and  he,  as  well  as  his  father, 
even  wrote  to  him  with  astonishing  hostility :  cp.  Att.  xi.  10.  1  (425) ;  15.  2  (430). 
.  During  his  service  with  Caesar  in  Spain  he  continued  vilifying  Cicero — conduct  which 
the  latter  naturally  characterized  as  *  foul '  (658.  1  :  cp.  603.  1 ;  623.  1  ;  657.  2  ; 
660.  1) — and  even  wrote  to  him  in  the  same  strain  (658.  1).  He  was  quite  unstable 
and  flighty,  requiring  the  curb,  while  young  Marcus  required  the  spur  :  cp.  Att.  vi.  1. 
12  (252).  At  one  time  he  professed  hatred  of  his  mother  (659.  1) ;  but  when  Quintus 
divorced  her,  he  took  her  side  (7 13.  4),  and  declared  he  would  not  endure  as  step- 
mother Aquillia  whom  Quintus  was  proposing  to  marry  (718.  5  ;  724.  3).  Naturally 
his  irascible  father  was  often  most  incensed  against  him  (660.  2;  713.  4),  but  was 
appeased  by  any  sign  of  repentance  (753.  1 ;  769.  6).  Marcus,  too,  always  showed 
indulgence  to  him  as  far  as  he  could.  Young  Quintus  was  apparently  an  agreeable 
young  man  :  cp.  Q.  Fr.  iii.  1.  19  (148);  but  of  a  somewhat  gluttonous  habit  (Q.  Fr. 
iii  9.  9  (160)  :  cp.  607.  4),  and  in  character  unprincipled  and  full  of  duplicity 
(vanitntem,  659.  1).  He  was  ever  on  the  look-out  for  money :  cp.  Att.  x.  7.  3  (388). 
In  45  he  was  heavily  in  debt  (681.  1  ;  763.  1  ;  769.  6).  The  conversation  he  had 
with  Cicero  in  681.  1  is  interesting  and  characteristic  of  the  two  men.  Quintus 
wanted  money,  and  professed  himself  ready  to  marry.  There  had  been  some  talk  of 
his  marrying  the  daughter  of  Atticus'  friend  Gellius  Canus  (661.  2).  Cicero  was  as  usual 
very  indulgent,  but  did  not  commit  himself.  After  the  Ides  of  March — young  Quintus 
was  now  twenty-two— he  ostentatiously  professed  himself  a  Caesarean  (719.  1 ;  725.  3), 
in  order  probably  to  curry  favour  with  Antony,  and  get  money  from  him.  He  said 
he  had  got  all  he  wanted  from  Caesar,  but  nothing  from  his  father  (cp.  768.  2),  and  he 
hoped  now  to  get  what  he  wanted  from  Antony  (724.  3).  Though  Atticus  said  he  was 
Antony's  right-hand  man  (dextella,  727.  5),  we  fancy  he  got  about  as  much  from 
Antony  as  he  probably  did  from  Caesar  or  his  father.  At  any  rate,  in  June  he  proposed 


ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAE.  Ixxiii 

>rought  ou  him  to  take  back  Publilia(730.  4  :  op.  725.  4),  the  death 
f  his  physician  Alexio,  to  whom  lie  was  much  attached  (732.  4).1 
<Yom  the  19th  to  the  24th  he  was  at  Arpinum.  He  reached 
?usculum  on  May  26,  and  remained  there  until  June  27, 
xcept  for  a  visit  to  a  conference  at  Lanuvium  and  a  visit  of  a 
sveek  (June  7  to  15)  to  Antium  (also  for  a  conference,  cp.  744) 
ind  Astura.  The  conference  at  Lanuvium  was  attended  by 
hutus  and  Cassius,  and  also  by  Atticus :  its  object  was  to  discuss 
he  situation  generally,  and  especially  to  decide  what  should  be 
lone  as  regards  attending  the  meeting  of  the  Senate  on  June  1. 
Sven  as  early  as  May  14  (729.  2),  Cicero  was  advised  not  to 
ittend  the  Senate,  as  soldiers  would  be  there  to  attack  the 
iberators.  Cicero  did  not  know  what  Brutus  wished  him  to  do 
n  the  matter :  he  plainly  did  not  want  to  go  himself  (730.  5).1 
We  do  not  know  any  details  of  the  conference  at  Lanuvium,  only 
;he  main  result,  that  the  chief  constitutionalists  decided  not  to 

eaving  Antony  and  joining  the  constitutionalists  (751.  2),  and  romanced  (Cicero 
pplies  alucinari  to  his  random  talk  :  cp.  768.  2)  at  length  (753.  1)  about  Antony's 
equesting  him  to  propose  that  he  be  made  dictator  and  to  seize  some  strong 

>osition,  and  that  he  refused  for  his  father's  sake ;  also  about  the  great  promises 
intony  had  made  him  :  so  that  Cicero  asks,  '  Did  you  ever  see  a  more  downright  (or 
crack-brained,'  if  we  read  cerritiorem)  scoundrel?'  Later  he  told  stories  about  a 
ertain  lady  who  wanted  to  leave  her  husband  and  marry  him  (768.  2).  But  now 

ic  promised  to  be  as  good  a  constitutionalist  as  Favonius  or  Cato  (768.  2;  769.  6), 

md  asked  Cicero  to  guarantee  his  honesty  of  purpose  to  Atticus,  who  naturally 
istrusted  him.  Cicero,  who  seems  to  have  been  a  little  afraid  of  him,  wrote  the 

guarantee,  but  told  Atticus  not  to  mind  it  (769.  6).  But  young  Quintus  came  to 
icero,  and  by  his  serious  manner  and  diligent  study  of  Cicero's  own  writings  con- 
inced  him  of  the  sincerity  of  his  conversion,  and  Cicero  introduced  him  to  Brutus 

770.  2)  :  yet  Cicero  did  not  wholly  trust  the  young  man  (773.  3).  However,  he  does 
ot  appear  to  have  proved  faithless  in  politics  any  more.  In  December,  with  the 
elp  of  the  new  quaestors,  he  proposed  to  arraign  the  previous  administration  of  the 
treasury  :  cp.  Att.  xvi.  14.  4  (805) ;  and  when  Antony  attacked  him  in  a  manifesto, 

Dicero  defended  him  handsomely  (Phil.  iii.  17).  Antony  accused  him  of  having 
ttempted  to  murder  his  father  and  uncle,  Quintus  and  Marcus ;  but  we  hardly 
link  young  Quintus  went  quite  so  far  as  that.  He  perished  with  his  father  in  the 
rosciiptions,  father  and  son  vying  with  each  other  who  should  meet  death  first 
Appian  iv.  20). 

1  It  is  somewhat  amusing  to  learn  that,  in  the  midst  of  all  these  vexations,  some 
ady  seems  to  have  been  desirous  of  marrying  Cicero,  and  to  have  pestered  Atticus 
ft  the  matter  (730.  4). 

2  Hirtius  advised  Cicero  not  to  attend  the  Senate  (737.  2).     With  some  laboured 
Peasantry,  Hirtius  said  he  thought  it  was  beyond  his  energy  to  attend  himself :  nor 
would  he  attend  on  the  5th  either ;  and  that  Caesar  had  made  all  necessary  provision 
'or  the  coming  time  (738.  2)  quoniam  praesidia  sunt  in  tot  annos  provisa. 

VOL.  v.  f 


lxxiv  INTRODUCTION. 

attend  the  Senate— a  point  on  which  Cicero  had  virtually  mad< 
up  his  mind  (737.  3),  as  it  appeared  to  him  that  Brutus  an< 
Cassius  were  now  virtually  at  the  mercy  of  Antony.1 

Octavius  during  Antony's  absence  from  Borne  had  not  been  idl( 
but,  as  his  mother  advised  him,  he  used  art  and  patience  rathei 
than  open  boldness.2     He  declared  before  the  praetor  C.  Antonii 
that    he  would   take    the    inheritance,    and    thus    he    became 
C.  Julius  Caesar  Octavianus.3     L.  Antonius  introduced  him  to 
the  people,  and  Octavian  made  a  speech  in  which  he  appears 
to  have  promised  that  he  would  with  as  little  delay  us  possible 
pay  the  legacies  left  to  the  people  by  Caesar,  and  that  he  would 
celebrate  the   Ludi   Viotoriae  Caesaris  in   July.     He   made   no 
allusion  either  to  the  tyrannicides  or  to  the  amnesty — a  reticence 
which  both  Cicero  and  Atticus  viewed  with  some  disquietude.4  Atl 
some  games  given  by  Critonius  about  the  middle  of  May  (see  note 
to  733.  2)  he  attempted  to  bring  forward  Caesar's  golden  chair,51 
but  was  prevented  by  Critonius  himself  and  some  tribunes  who  i 
were  applauded  by  the  knights.6     He  could  not  indeed  fulfil  hisj 

1  Cp.  752.  2,  Lanuvi  vidi  nostros   tantum  spei   habere   ad    vivendum    quantum  \ 
accepissent  ab  Antonio  :  cp.  742.  2  (June  2),  ita  circumsedemur  copiis  omnibus.     The 
tone  of  the  manifesto  of  Brutus  and  Cassius  (740,  written  at  the  end  of  May)  to 
Antony  is  a  proof  that  they  too  felt  their  helpless  position,  e.g.  $  2.  Fallere  nemo  nos 
potest  nisi  in. 

3  Appian  iii.  14  iraprjvGi  76  ^v  t 
iru  xp7)(T0ai. 

3  Cp.  Dio  xlvi.  47.  6.     He  called  himself  C.  Julius  C.  f.  Caesar  ;  but,  as  Ferreroi 
says  (iii.  54),  it  will  save  confusion  with  the  dictator  to  call  him  Octavian.     He  waal 
sometimes  so  called  by  his  enemies :  cp.  Gardthausen  i.  52,  note  21.     Dio  (xlv.  5.  3) 
says  that  Antony  pretended  to  further  the  adoption  of  Octavius,  but  really  induced! 
some  tribunes  to  oppose  it  and  have  it  postponed.     It  was  Lepidus,  the  Pontifexl 
Maximua,  who  was  the  proper  person  to  bring  it  forward  at  the  comitia  calata  :  cp. 
Mommsen,  St.  R.  ii.2  34,  iii.  318.     But  probably  this  was  a  formality  which   wasi 
not  regarded  as  essential  at  this  time. 

4  727.  5  ;  732.  3,  sed  isti  omnes,  quemadmodum  seiitis,  non   minus  otium   timentl 
quam  nos  arma. 

6  On  Caesar's  golden  (or  gold  and  ivory)  chair  cp.  Suet.  Caes.  76,  ampliora  etiaid 
humano  fastigio  decerni  sibi  passus  est :  sedem  auream  in  curia  et  pro  tribunals,  tensaim 
et  ferculum  Circensi  pompa,  templa  aras,  simulacra  iuxta  deos,  pulvinar,  flaminemA 
Lupercos,  appellationem  mensis  a  suo  nomine.  This  chair  evidently  struck  the  Roman! 
imagination,  and  is  often  referred  to:  cp.  Cic.  Phil.  ii.  85,  110;  De  Div.  i.  119 ;| 
Dio  xliv.  11.  2;  17.  3;  Val.  Max  i.  6.  13;  Appian  ii.  106;  Plut.  Caes.  61;  Plinl 
H.  N.  xi.  186.  It  afterwards  belonged  to  Vibius  Rufus,  who  was  allowed  by  TiberiuJ 
to  use  it  publicly  (Dio  Iv.  15.  6). 

•  733.  2  (May  24).    A  similar  attempt  to  bring  the  chair  forward  was  made  at  thel 


ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAE.  Ixxv 

•promises  to  the  people  until  Antony  returned,  and  he  was  able  to 
•get  from  him  Caesar's  money,  which  Calpurnia  had  put  into  his 
•possession.    When  Antony  did  return,  he  attempted  to  intimidate 
•Octavian  from  undertaking  the  duties  of  heir  to  Caesar.1     Antony 
land  Decimus  Brutus  were  the  second  heirs ;  and  if  Octavian  were 
•compelled  to  give  way,  Antony  would  become  Caesar's  legal  heir, 
•for  Decimus  was  not  likely  to  be  able  to  press  his  claims.     Pedius 
land  Pinarius  (p.  Ivii,  above)  appear  to  have  been  men  of  no  account ; 
Inor  was  Octavian  regarded  at  this  time  as  a  person  of  any  serious 
•importance.     Cicero  mentions  him  very  seldom  in  his  letters  of 
•this  period.2     Antony  would  not  pay  him  back  Caesar's  money, 
land  he  did  not  wish  to  share  the  great  power  he  now  had  at  Rome 
with  a  young,  untried  man,  even  though  he  was  Caesar's  heir. 
Antony  succeeded  towards  the  end  of  the  month  in  gaining  over 
;he  unscrupulous  Dolabella,  not  only  no  doubt  by  promising  to 
secure  him  in  possession  of  the  money  he  had  fraudulently  obtained 
from  the  Treasury  and  to  obtain  for  him  further  grants  from  the 
same  source,3  but  also  by  arranging  with  him  that  he  should  get 
similar  extension  of  the  tenure  of  the  province  of  Syria  (to 
which  he  had  been  designated  by  Caesar :  cp.  p.  Ixi,  note  3)  as 
Antony  himself  would  get  of  Gaul.4     Thus  a  vigorous  man  had 

Ludi  Victoriae  Caesaris  in  July  (Nic.  Dam.  28.  4;  Dio  xlv.  6.  5 ;  Plut.  Ant.   16; 
Appian  iii.  28). 

1  The  account  which,  with  a  bias  in  favour  of  Octavian,  is  given  by  Appian  (iii.  14 
to  20)  of  this  interview  is  in  detail  probably  a  product  of  the  rhetorical  schools,  not  a 
record  of  facts.     But  no  doubt  Antony  did  treat  him  with  discourtesy,  and  may  have 
told  him  that  he  was  not  in  his  senses  in  taking  up,  without  friends  and  at  his  age,  so 
a;reat  a  burden  as  that  of  being  successor  to  Caesar  (Plut.  Ant.  16).  It  is  possible,  too, 
that  Antony  may  have  thwarted  him  in  any  litigation  he  may  have  had  to  conduct 
mth  claimants  against  Caesar's  estate  (Appian  iii.  22).    Appian  further  says  (iii.  23) 
that  Octavian  did  actually  sell  his  own  property  in  order  to  pay  the  legacies  Caesar 
lad  left,  but  that,  owing  to  the  litigation,  it  was  not  sufficient.     From  the  very 
beginning  Cicero  appears  to  have  anticipated  that  Octavian  and  Antony  were  sure  to 
quarrel  (cp.  713.  3,  April   19,  fri£6de/j.tv  magnam  cum  Antonio.     Though  the  exact 
wrords  are  uncertain,  the  meaning  is  plain).  The  Treasury  appeared  empty  two  months 
ifter  Caesar's  death  (Nic.  Dam.  28);  and  an  investigation  of  the  public  accounts  was 
ordered  by  the  Senate  :  Appian  iii.  21  :  cp.  Dio  xlv.  24.  I. 

2  The  only  (as  we  think)    places  of  any  moment  in  which  he  is  mentioned  are 
707.  3  ;  708.  1  ;  713.  3  ;  714.  2  ;  715.  2  ;  727.  5 ;  728.  4  ;  732.  3  (cp.  785.  6) ;  745.  2. 

3  Cp.  726. 1 ;  Att.  xvi.  15.  1  (807)  ;  and  p.  Ixix,  above. 

4  The  narrative  in  Appian  (iii.  7  and  8)  is  vitiated  by  the  presupposition  that 
Macedonia  and  Syria  had  been  assigned  by  Caesar  to  Brutus  and  Cassius. 

f  2 


Ixxvi 


INTRODUCTION. 


been  lured  away  from  the  constitutionalists.     Brutus  and  Casshu 
towards  the  end  of  May  wrote  to  Antony  a  manifesto  which 
extant  (740),  protesting  against  his  enrolment  of  the  veterans,  an< 
asking  would  they  themselves  be  safe  if  they  returned  to  Rom< 
for  the  Senate  on  June  1st,  in  the  face  of  all  these  violent  soldiei 
They  say  that,  though  he  has  the  power,  they  cannot  believe  ths 
he  will  deceive  them.     They  had  fulfilled  their  part  in  disbandinj 
their  followers  (see  p.  Ixvi).     The  plea  that  the  interests  of  thi 
veterans  were  to  be  discussed  on  June  1  was  a  trifling  one :  fol 
no  one  had  any  intention  of  opposing  those  interests.     We  do  IK 
know  what  answer  Antony  made  to   all  this — possibly  that  h< 
would  see  that  provinces  were  assigned  them  at  the  same  time.1 
Antony  did  not  yet  feel  secure  enough  to  break  with  them  irre-^ 
vocably.     Everything  pointed  to  the  fact  that  there  would  be  an] 
important  and  critical  meeting  of  the  Senate  on  the  first  of  JuneJ 
But   no   one   of   any   importance  appeared    at   the    meeting] 
(Phil.  i.  6).     Antony  was  then  quick  enough  to  see  that  he  mighfcj 
have  recourse  to  rapid  measures.     On  June  2,  he  proposed  to  thJ 
people  for  instant  enactment,  without  giving  the  usual  interval! 
tritium  nundinum?  the  Lex  de  provinciis  comularibus,  whereby  h« 
and  Dolabella  were  to  get  possession  of  Macedonia  and  Syria  forj 
six  years.3     He  waived  all  claim  for  the  present  to  the  Galli< 
provinces.  Further,  by  means  of  the  same  tribunes  he  passed  into 
law,  the  Lex  de  actis  Caesaris  cum  consilio  cognoscendis,  the  decree  oi 
the  Senate  that  the  consul  along  with  a  committee  should  be  tin 
judges  as  to  what  were  to  be  regarded  as  genuine  acta  of  Caesar.' 

1  Cp.  737.  2,  ut  tu  de  provincia  Jiruti  et  Cassi  per  senatus  consultum,  ita  scribit 
Balbus  it  Hirtius. 

2  Cicero  (Phil.  i.  25  ;  ii.  6)  refers  to  the  passing  of  laws  at  this  time  without  prc 
mulgation.  A  tribune  Nonius  Asprenas   in  the  interests  of  the  Senate  attempted  t< 
stop  the  proceedings  by  '  observing  the  heavens  '  ;  but  Antony,  '  right  vexed  wit 
Asprenas  for  his  lying,'  ordered  the  tribes  to  go  on  with  their  voting  for  Dolabel 
(Appian  iii.  7). 

3  That  is  for  the  present  year  in  which  they  were  consuls,  and  five  years  after  that 
cp.  Phil.v.  7,  Tribuni  plebi  titlerunt  de  provinciis  contra  acta  C.  Caesaris  :  illebiennit 
iste  sexennium.     Etiam  hanc  legem  populus  Romanus  accepit  ?  quid  ?  promulgata  fuit 
quid  ?  non  ante  lata  quam  scripta  est  ?  quid  ?  non  ante  factum  vidimus  quam  futurt 
quisquam  eat  suspicatua  f     Ubi  lex  Caecilia  et  Didia  ?  ubi  promulgatio  trinum  nundinwn 
This  was  a  violation  of  Caesar's  law  (Phil.  i.  19  :  cp.  viii.  28)  whereby  a  pr 
consular  province  could  not  be  held  for  more  than  two  years,  or  a  pro-praetorii 
for  more  than  one  :  cp.  Dio  xliii.  25.  3. 

4  We  do  not  profess  to  be  able  to  solve  the  difficult  question  as  to  the  exact  com 


ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAR.  Ixxvii 

He  further  appears  to  have  notified  that  he  intended  on  June  5 
o  propose  that  Brutus  and  Cassius  be  sent  to  Asia  and  Sicily 
espectively  to  purchase  corn— news  which  Cicero  received  at 
Tusculum  on  June  2  in  a  letter  from  Balbus  (742.  1).  This 
was  a  very  shrewd  blow  indeed.  To  men  like  Brutus  and 


which  the  legislation  about  the  ratification  of  Caesar's  acta  proceeded.  It  does  not 
ppear  that  there  is  sufficient  evidence  to  decide  it  beyond  all  dispute.  Probably, 
owever,  the  course  was  as  follows : — The  general  principle  that  Caesar's  acta  were 
)  be  considered  valid  was  passed  by  the  Senate  on  March  17th  :  the  meaning  of  acta 
eing  assumed  to  be  the  actual  enactments  which  had  been  passed,  or  those  which  it 
•as  well  known  he  intended  to  pass,  which  he  had  actually  drafted,  and  which  could 
e  enacted  in  accordance  with  powers  with  which  he  had  been  vested :  and  at  first 
.ntony,  in  consultation  with  distinguished  senators,  acted  fully  up  to  the  spirit  of  this 
nderstanding  (Cic.  Phil.  i.  2),  and  assented  to  a  decree  of  the  Senate  that  no  decree 
r  concession  of  Caesar's  should  be  published  after  March  15  (Phil.  i.  3  ;  ii.  91),  ne 
ua  tabula  post  Idus  Martias  ullins  decreti  Caesaris  aut  beneficifigeretur :  cp.  Dio  Cass.  xlv. 
3,  7. 

But  Antony  soon  announced  that  among  Caesar's  papers  there  were  many  important 
teasures  on  which  Caesar  had  decided ;  and  when  he  urged  that  these  should  be 
xamined,  the  Senate  decided  that  Antony  with  a  committee  of  the  Senate  should  in- 
estigate  and  report  on  these  documents  (Dio  xliv.  53.  4)  :  thus  of  course  annulling 
te  decree  which  forbade  the  promulgation  of  any  measure  of  Caesar's  after  March  15. 
his  decree  was  probably  passed  early  in  April,  before  most  of  the  senators  had  left 
,  and  when  they  had  got  an  inkling  of  the  way  in  which  Antony,  with  the  help 
:  Caesar's  secretary,  Faberius,  was  likely  to  deal  with  Caesar's  papers.     (In  718.  6, 
pril  26,  Cicero  says  that  measures  which  Caesar  would  never  have  tolerated  were 
eing  published  from  forged  (falsis)  memoranda  of  his.)     But  as  the  vacation  was 
>ming  on,  it  was  decided  that  the  examination  should  not  be  instituted  until  after 
ie  Senate  resumed  business  in  June.     The  Senate  may  have  understood  that  the 
onsuls  and  the  committee  would  report  their  findings  to  the  Senate  ;  thus  we  know 
lat  a  decree  of  the  Senate  de  ludaeis  (cp.  Josephus  xiv.  10.  10),  which  was  drawn  up 
n  February  9,  was  laid  before  the  Senate  for  ratification  on  April  11.    But  the  Senate 
oes  not  appear  to  have  put  that  explicitly  into  its  decree.     The  consuls  and  com- 
ittee  seem  to  have  had  full  power  to  adjudicate  at  their  own  discretion  (777.  8  ; 
78.  11 ;  779.  14).     Probably  a  law  in  accordance  with  this  decree  was  promulgated 
hortly  afterwards  ;  but  this  law  was  not  actually  passed  until  June  2  (778.  11).     It 
true  that  Antony — most  probably   without  the  knowledge  of  his  committee — 
ublished  the  grants  to  the  Sicilians  and  Deiotarus  in  the  middle  of  April  (715.  1), 
rhen  he  proceeded  to  more  vigorous  measures  against  the  conspirators.     But  it  would 
ppear  that  these  grants  were  represented  as  having  been  actually  proposed  to  the 
>eople  by  Caesar  (legem  a  dictatore  comitiis  latam,  715. 1 — perhaps  indeed  latam  means 
ctually  '  passed ' :  cp.  Sest.  55),  though  Cicero  says  the  grant  to  the  Sicilians  had 
ever  been  even  thought  of  during  Caesar's  lifetime.     Probably  some  other  grants — 
Cicero  with  exaggeration  says  '  hundreds '  (sescenta  similia) — were  also  published  at 
the  same  time,  and  were  no  doubt  fraudulent,  and  did  not  come  under  the  cognizance 
of  the  committee  at  all  (Dio  xliv.  53.  5  ;  xlv.  23.  8).     The  keeping  of  the  public 
archives  at  this  time  was  very  lax;  cp.  723.  I,  falsa  senatus  consulta  deferuntur,  and 
note  to  763.  1. 


Ixxviii  INTRODUCTION. 

Cassius,  who  took  themselves  so  very  seriously,1  the  assignment  t< 
them  of  this,  a  subordinate's  post,  was  really  an  insult  ;  and  y< 
Antony    could   represent   himself   as  doing   them  a   favour    ii 
giving   them   a   sphere  of  duty  when   they  did   not  venture  t< 
perform  their  praetorian  functions  at  Rome,2  and  it  removed  thei 
from  Italy.     If  they  refused  the  position,  the  next  time  scarcity! 
of   corn   occurred  at   Rome  they   could  be  held    up  to   odium. 
Cicero  saw  all  that,  and  felt  that  it  was  disgraceful  that  they  could) 
not  hold  the  games,  and  that  they  should  be  assigned  such  paltry  J 
posts;  but  he  thought  it  better  that  they  should  do  some  thing, , 
even  take  a  subordinate's  office  (legatoria  provincia),  rather  thani 
idle  away  their  time  at  Lanuvium  (742.  1  ;  743.  1).     They  would! 
be  more  secure  from  violence  out  of  Italy  than  in  it,  while  thei 
soldiery  were  in  such  an  excited  state.     On  June  2,  Dolabella  at  I 
once,  on  his   appointment  to  Syria,  gratified  Cicero  by  making] 
him  one  of  his  legati,  the  office  to  be  a  pure  sinecure  (752.  1  note), 
and  to  allow  of  his  coming  to  or  going  from  Rome  as  he  pleased.3 
It  would  also  procure  him  the  privilege  of  travelling  at  State  i 
expense,4  and  for  five  years ;  whereas  a  libera  legatio  would  havei 
held  good  for  only  a  shorter  period.    This  too  was  a  very  clever 
move.     The  passing  of  the  law  about  the  consular  provinces  was 
not  legal,5  and  Cicero  by  accepting  an  appointment  under  the  law 
was  precluded  from  attacking  it,  at  least  as  long  as  lie  was  avail- 
ing himself  of  its  privileges.     The  conspirators,  with  their  women- 
folk and  Favonius,  held  a  conference  on  June  8  at  Antium,  to 
discuss  the  altered  situation.     It  is  described  in  one  of  the  most 

1  For  example,  782.  1,  concede  nobis  ut  doleamtts  ne  hoc  quidern  abs  te  Bruto  et  Cassia 
tribui :  740  fin.  cum  accidere  nobis  nihil  possit  sine  pernicie  et  confusione  omnium  rerutn 
(cp.  744.  1). 

2  Cp.  744.  1.  Cassius  says  Egone  ut  beneficium  aceepissem  contumeliam  ? 

3  744.  4.     Strictly  Dolabella   should  have  obtained  the   sanction   of  the  Senate 
(Vat.  35  ;  Sest.  33)  for  the  appointment  of  a  legatus  :  cp.  Schol.  Bob.  323  Or.  (on 
Vat.  35),  nullo  iure  Vatinium  dicit  in  legationem  esse prof ec turn,  cum  soleat  hoe  a  senatti 
peti  ut  praesides  provinciarum  possint  quos  velint  amicos  suos  habere  legates.     But  there 
are  examples  of  the  governor  dispensing  with  this  formality,  e.g.  Sail.  lug.  28.  4. 

*  A  legatus  received  a  viaticum  from  the  State  :  Fam.  xii.  3.  2  (791).    Cicero  appears 
to  have  written  to  Dolabella  about  appliances  (mules,  &c.)  for  his  journey  (750.  l).j 
He  had  intended  to  ask  for  a  legatio  from  Caesar,  and  had  all  along  from  the  tima 
he  conceived  the  idea  of  going  to  Greece  proposed  to  go  in  some  such  official  capacity  J 

*  Cicero,   seven  months  later,  attacks  its  various   illegalities  in   Phil.  v.  7-lflj 
(cp.  Appian  iii.  7),  but  makes  no  allusion  to  the  fact  that  he  profited  under  it. 


ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAE.  Ixxix 

interesting  and  vivid  letters  that  Cicero  ever  wrote  (744).  Cicero 
was  present,  and  gives  a  dramatic  account  of  the  whole  scene. 
(See  above,  p.  xxxiv  f.)  He  advised  Brutus  to  take  the  corn-com- 
missionership,  as  the  welfare  of  the  State  depended  on  his  safety. 
On  similar  grounds  he  advised  that  Brutus  should  not  go  to  Rome 
:o  hold  his  games.  Cassius  at  first,  with  flashing  eyes,  declared 
ae  would  not  take  the  commissionership :  it  was  an  insult  in  the 
ise  of  a  favour.  He  went  on  to  mourn  lost  opportunities,  and 
blamed  Decimus  Brutus — possibly  because  he  did  not,  once  he 
Found  his  army  favourable  to  him,  march  down  on  Borne  before 
Antony  had  organized  Caesar's  veterans.  Cicero  thought, 
aowever,  that  Cassius  would  leave  Italy — for  Servilia  said  she 
would  have  the  corn- commissionership  removed  from  the  decree 
of  the  Senate.  We  wonder  what  influence  she  can  have  had 
with  the  dominant  politicians  to  be  able  to  make  any  such  promise. 
Brutus  decided  that  he  would  not  go  to  Home,  but  would  have 
;he  ludi  Apollinares  held  by  some  other  praetor  in  his  name.  It 
appears  to  us  that  Brutus  was  inclined  to  give  up  the  contest,  and 
o  into  exile,  as  he  had  said  in  May  (725.  1 ;  726.  4),  and  repeated 
in  July  (cp.  Veil.  ii.  62.  3,  quoted  at  783.  1).  Cicero,  in  defending 
the  vigorous  course  he  had  advocated  on  the  Ides  of  March, 
nearly  had  a  quarrel  with  Servilia.  The  upshot  of  the  whole 
meeting  to  his  mind  was  that  the  conspirators'  cause  was  a  total 
wreck  ;  and,  now  that  he  had  fulfilled  all  obligations  of  duty  and 
affection,  that  he  would  fly  away,  in  the  words  of  his  favourite 
quotation,  "  where  the  deeds  of  Pelops'  children  and  their  fame 
ne  ne'er  should  hear."  For  the  present  Cicero  went  on  to 
Astura,  where  he  remained  until  the  15th.  But  he  was  ill  at  ease 
in  Itaty,  and  desired  at  least  for  a  time  to  gratify  his  long- cherished 
wish  of  visiting  Greece.  He  would  thus  obtain  some  respite 
from  the  despondency  he  felt  at  seeing  the  cause  he  had  at  heart 
going  from  bad  to  worse:  and  he  could  return  next  year  when 
Antony  and  Dolabella  would  be  no  longer  consuls,  and  there 
might  be  some  chance,  with  Hirtius  and  Pansa  in  their  place, 
that  liberty  of  speech  and  action  would  once  more  be  possible. 

For  certainly  Antony  was  in  a  very  strong  position.  He 
possessed  an  organized  military  force  in  the  veterans,  and  he  had 
money  too,  which  he  took  from  the  State  chest  to  pay  them  ;  and 


Ixxx  INTRODUCTION. 

he  could  no  doubt  get  more  from  applicants  such  <-is  Deiotarus  and 
the  Sicilians,  who  would  be  ready  to  pay  for  such  privileges  and 
concessions  as  they  might  desire.  The  tyrannicides  had  no 
organized  followers  in  Italy,  and  no  money  with  which  to  raise 
or  support  soldiers.  Decimus  Brutus  had  a  large  fortune,  which 
he  spent  on  that  object  later1 ;  but  none  of  the  rest  of  the  con- 
spirators was  really  wealthy.  Antony  was  still  marching 
along  on  his  successful  course  of  action  ;  and  early  in  June 
Lucius  Antonius  promulgated  his  Agrarian  law,  the  object  of 
which  was  to  secure  firmly  the  support  of  the  veterans 
(740.  3 ;  Phil.  i.  6).  We  know  little  about  its  provisions  except 
that  it  renewed  the  intention  of  Caesar  to  drain  the  Pomptine 
marshes,  and  proposed  that  all  public  land  which  was  still 
available  should  be  divided  and  private  land  be  purchased  in 
Italy.  This  was  to  be  effected  by  a  Commission  of  Seven 
(Septemviri),  who  consisted  of  Marcus,  Lucius,  and  G-aius 
Antonius,  Dolabella,  and  three  creatures  of  Antony,  Nucula, 
Caesennius  Lento,  and  another  whose  name  is  not  known.  The 
Commission  was  the  important  thing.2  It  had  wide  powers,  and 
was  virtually  controlled  by  the  party  of  Antony — for  Dolabella 
was  now  his  partner  in  all  his  doings.  It  recalled  the  law  of 
Rullus.  There  was  a  considerable  amount  of  apprehension  as  to 
how  the  Commissioners  would  act,  even  witli  property  so  near 
Rome  as  Tusculum  (741.  2),  but  L.  Antonius  re-assured  Cicero 
(745.  2)  :  and  it  does  not  seem  as  if  they  ever  took  really  active 
steps  to  put  their  powers  into  effect  in  respect  of  actual  distribu- 
tion of  Italian  land  to  the  veterans.  But  the  veterans  were 
encouraged,  and  the  power  of  Antony  increased.  That  party 
now  consisted  mainly  of  the  less  wealthy  and  lower-class 
Caesareans,  many  of  whom  Cicero  mentions  with  scorn  and 

1  Fam.  xi.  10.  5  (854). 

2  On  this  and  Antony's  laws  about  the  change  in  the  iudicia  and  permission  to 
appeal  to  the  people  from  sentences  de  vi,  Dr.  Arnold  (op.  cit.  ii.  136)  says:  "So 
invariably   did  each  new  adventurer  tread  in  the   steps  of  his  predecessors,  and 
endeavour  to  re-open  the  door  which  they  had  successively  hoped  to  shut  against 
all  future  demagogues,  so  soon  as  they  had  themselves  passed  through  it."    He  speaks 
(p.  137)  of  Antony's  Septemvirate  as  possessing  "  the  usual  exorbitant  powers  granted 
to  such  commissions  in  declaring  what  were  national  domains,  and  in  distributing  them, 
at  their  pleasure." 


ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAR.  Ixxxi 

indignation  in  the  Philippics.1  These  were  full  of  energy, 
and  anxious  to  become  rich  and  influential.  The  educated  and 
rich  Caesareans,  Hirtius,  Pansa,  Balbus  and  others,2  were  too  well 
off,  and  were  self-indulgent  rather  than  ambitious;  and,  being 
cultured  men,  they  were  naturally  reluctant  to  enter  the  hurly- 
burly  of  politics  with  the  uncultivated  and  Violent  crew  that 
were  beginning  to  dominate  the  situation.3  Towards  the  end 
of  the  month  the  law  passed — against  the  auspices  indeed, 
for  there  was  a  storm  on  that  day  (Phil.  v.  7) — but  without 
opposition  or  violence.  The  persistent  Atticus  succeeded 
towards  the  end  of  the  month  in  securing  by  the  aid  of 
Mark  Antony  and  Dolabella  (Lucius  Antonius  was  opposed  to 
them  on  the  point)  that  the  exemption  granted  by  Caesar  to  the 
I>uthrotians  from  having  their  lands  confiscated  should  be  deemed 
valid.4  Antony,  who  all  through  these  months  seems  to  have  acted 
with  no  little  prudence,  no  doubt  did  not  want  to  alienate  the  rich 

1  e.g.    Phil.    xiii.    2,    Cum  Antoniis   pax   potest   esse  ?    cum   Censorino,  Ventidio, 
Trebellio,  Bestia,  Nucula,  Munatio  (i.e.  Plancus  Bursa),  Lentone,  Saxal  Exempli  causa 
paucos  nominavi ;  genus  infinitum  immanitatemque  ipsi  cernitis  reliquorum.  Addite  ilia 
naufragia  Caesaris    amicorum  Barbas    Cassios,   Barbatios,   Polliones :    addite    Antoni 
collusores  et  sodales,   Eutrapelum,   Melam,    Coelium,   Crassicium,    Tironem,  Mustelam, 
Petissium  :   comitatum   relinquo,  duces   nomino.     Add  Insteius  (nescio  qui,  fortis,  ut 
aiunt,  latro  quern  tamen  temperantem  fuisse  ferunt  Pisauri  balneatorem,  xiii.  26),  and 
Cotyla  (ornamentum  atque  arcem  amicorum  suorum,  viii.  24).     Some  of  these  we  have 
heard  of  before  as  being  on  good  terms  with  Cicero,  e.g.  Barba  Cassius  (679.  1),  and 
Eutrapelus  (Epp.   229,    474).     Cicero  at  the  end  of  May   availed  himself   of  the 
influence  of  Eutrapelus  with  Antony  to  get  letters  transmitted  to  him  (741.  1). 

2  It  is  curious  that  we  do  not  ever  hear  of  Sallust  in  Cicero's  Epistles  at  this 
time. 

5  Cicero  at  times  speaks  of  these  educated  Caesareans  as  "  fearing  peace  "  (728.  4  ; 
732.  3).  But  peace  and  quiet  were  the  very  things  these  easy-going,  indolent  (769.  4) 
politicians  did  want.  But  this  does  not  disprove  the  strong  probability  that,  as  Pansa 
is  represented  as  saying  on  his  death-bed,  they  were  really  Caesareans  at  heart,  but 
of  necessity  concealed  their  real  sentiments  until  some  restraint  was  put  upon  Antony, 
who  had  become  too  aggressive  and  insolent  (eiwro\a.£ovT0.  virepotyia  Appian  iii.  76). 
Hirtius  objected,  on  the  one  hand,  to  any  warlike  procedure  on  the  part  of  the  tyranni- 
•cides  (738.  2,  3),  and,  on  the  other,  to  the  terrorism  Antony  was  causing  by  means  of 
the  veterans  (741.  1  :  cp.  738.  1). 

4  See  Cicero's  letter  of  thanks  to  Dolabella  on  June  26  or  27  (Ep.  758).  In  §  1  of 
that  letter  we  fear  that  we  have  made  a  mistake.  Cicero's  excuse  for  writing  the 
second  letter  to  Dolabella  \vas  that  when  he  wrote  the  first  he  had  learned  of 
Dolabella's  kindness  from  Atticus  only  by  letter  (cp.  §  2) :  but  since  then  he  has 
had  a  special  visit  from  Atticus,  who  told  him  by  word  of  mouth  how  grateful  he  was 
to  Dolabella  for  the  remarkable  goodwill  and  affection  he  had  shown  him  in  the 
•matter. 


Ixxxii  INTRODUCTION. 

banker  and  all  his  friends  in  a  matter  in  which  he  had  a  good  case,  / 
had  Caesar's  authorization  at  his  back,  and  on  which  he  had  so 
earnestly  set  his  heart.  Antony  was  still  subject  to  opposition. 
Octavian  was  not  at  all  inclined  to  sit  down  under  his  contemptuous 
treatment  ;  and  the  constitutionalists  thought  that,  though  he  was 
Caesar's  heir,  yet  under  the  circumstances  and  to  judge  from  his 
demeanour  towards  them,  he  might  be  brought  over  to  their  side, 
especially  through  the  influence  of  that  very  decided  conservative,. 
Gaius  Marcellus  (consul  in  50),  who  had  lately  married  Octavian's 
sister,  Octavia,  and  with  whom  Octaviau  was  on  very  friendly 
terms.  Cicero's  judgment  on  Octaviau  at  this  time  is  worth 
quoting  (745.  2): 

*  As  to  Octavian  [so  Cicero  now  styles  him,  thus  acknowledging  his- 
adoption  under  Caesar's  will],  I  see  clearly  that  he  has  intellect  and 
spirit,  and  is  as  well  disposed  as  we  could  wish  to  our  heroes.  But 
we  must  carefully  reflect  on  the  amount  of  reliance  that  can  be  placed  on 
him,  considering  his  age,  his  name,  his  position  as  Caesar's  heir,  and  his 
up-bringing.  His  stepfather  [L.  Marcius  Philippus]  indeed  thinks  that 
no  reliance  can  be  placed  on  him.  But  still  he  must  be  trained,  and 
especially  he  must  be  dissociated  from  Antony.  Marcellus  will  do 
splendidly  if  he  regards  him  as  one  of  us  and  instils  into  him  our 
principles.1  At  any  rate  Octavian  seems  devoted  to  Marcellus.  He  does 
not  trust  Hirtius  and  Pansa  too  implicitly.  His  is  a  good  disposition,  if 
it  only  wears  (4av 


So  things  were  still  very  unsettled,  and  there  was  always 
more  or  less  fear  that  Antony  or  some  of  his  party  might  impel 
the  veterans  to  violent  measures.2  Yet  Cicero  says  about  this 
time  to  Tiro  (754.  2,  June  21),  "  I  shall  indeed  be  glad  to  retain 
my  long-existing  friendship  with  Antony,  and  I  shall  write  to-  1 
him,  but  not  before  I  see  you."  There  was  also  the  danger  of 
Sext.  Pompeius  carrying  war  into  Italy.3  No  wonder  a  man  of 

1  Heading  si  praccipvt  ut  nostro  nostra.     See  note  to  745.  2. 

2  750.  2,  vide*  homines,  vides  artna:  752.  4  videtur  iste  qui  umbras  timet  (Antonius). 
ad  caedem  spectare  :  740.  3  (Brutus  and  Cassius  to  Antony)  multitudinem  veteranorum 
fticilitts  itnpelli  ab  alii*  quam  a  te  retineri  posse. 

3  752.  3  ;  753  fin.  ;  755.     That  alarm,  however,  disappeared  early  next  month, 
when  Sextus  sent  an  official  letter  that  he  would  lay  down  his  arms  if  all  armies- 
were  disbanded,  and  in  a  letter  to  Libo  added  the  indispensable  condition  that  he  be- 
restored  '  to  the  home  of  his  father  '  (ad  larcm  suum)  :  cp.  771.  2.     «  I  would,'  says 
Cicero  a  few  days  before  (768.  1),  '  that  Sextus  were  not  proving  a  craven  (Sextum-\ 


ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAR.  Ixxxiii 

peace  like  Cicero  wished  to  extricate  himself  at  least  temporarily 
from  all  this  coil.  In  a  moment  of  extreme  frankness  he  says 
that  his  acceptance  of  the  legatio  is  an  indication  of  despair  at  the 
present  condition  of  things ;  and  he  adds  it  is  all  the  fault  of 
Brutus  (752.  1,  2  :  cp.  745.  2).  He  had  returned  to  Tusculum 
on  June  16,  where  he  stayed  until  the  end  of  the  month,  in 
considerable  doubt  whether  to  go  to  Greece  or  not  (759)  ;  but 
by  the  end  of  the  month  he  had  made  up  his  mind  to  do  so, 
apparently  owing  to  the  advice  of  Oppius  (763.  1).  He  then  on 
June  30  left  for  Arpinum,  on  his  way  to  the  Bay  of  Naples  (763.  3); 
from  which,  after  a  short  stay  there,  he  proposed  to  take  his 
departure  for  Greece.  He  was  at  Anagnia  (763.  1)  on  the  same 
evening,  and  probably  reached  Arpinum  on  July  1.  We  note 
with  surprise  and  admiration  that  in  the  midst  of  all  these  anxieties 
Cicero  was  able  to  continue  writing.  He  was  finishing  a  treatise 
De  Gloria,  and  proposed  to  '  hammer  out '  (excudere)  a  political 
work  in  the  style  of  Heraclides  Ponticus  (764.  2 ;  772.  6)  ;  and 
had  in  contemplation  *an  edition  of  his  own  letters  (770.  5).1 

On  July  6  he  proceeded  on  his  way  south  from  Arpinum.    He 

scutum  abicere  nolebam}.'  For  the  negotiations  with  Sextus  at  this  time  cp.  Dio 
xlv.  9.  4,  who  says  that  the  offers  to  him  were  confirmation  of  the  pardon  granted  by 
Caesar,  and  that  all  the  silver  and  gold  of  Pompey  that  had  been  confiscated  should 
be  restored  to  him  ;  but  that  Antony  would  not  make  any  restitution  of  the  real 
property  of  Pompey,  of  which  he  still  held  the  larger  part.  Appian  (iii.  4)  seems  to 
put  these  negotiations  in  April,  and  perhaps  indeed  there  were  some  negotiations  or 
talk  of  negotiations  at  that  time  (703.  2),  though  more  probably  the  allusion  in  that 
letter  is  to  the  possibility  of  Sextus  actually  intervening  in  the  unsettled  state  of  politics 
at  the  time  (706.  1  ;  710.  2).  Lepidus  seems  to  have  conducted  successful  negoti- 
ations with  Sextus  in  November  (Phil.  v.  39,  41). 

1  Petrarch  stated  that  he  once  owned  the  treatise  De  Gloria,  but  that  he  lent 
it  to  his  schoolmaster,  who  sold  it,  and  that  thus  it  was  lost.  But  little  reliance 
can  be  placed  on  this  statement :  cp.  Voigt,  Die  Wiederbelebung  des  classischen  Alter- 
tJtums  i.3  pp.  39,  40.  2.  Cicero  also  speaks  of  an  oi/e'/cSoroi',  some  sort  of  a  memoir 
which  he  proposed  to  publish  at  this  time  (724.  6).  Possibly  this  was  a  continuation 
of  a  work  he  had  projected  as  long  before  as  59  B.C.  (Att.  ii.  6.  2  Ep.  33:  cp. 
Sihler,  p.  406).  It  is  generally  supposed  to  be  the  same  as  the  work  referred  to  by 
Asconius  (74.  13  KS),  Dio  Cassius  (xxxix.  10.  2,  3:  cp.  xlvi.  8.  1),  Charisius, 
St.  Augustine,  Boethius,  and  others  as  de  consiliis  suis  (see  Miiller's  ed.  of  Cicero, 
iv.  3,  p.  338),  which  was  published  after  his  death.  It  is  just  possible  that  Plutarch 
may  refer  to  the  Anecdoton,  in  his  life  of  Crassus  (13,  Zv  nvi  \6yif>).  We  cannot  think 
that  the  Anecdoton  and  the  'HpaK\€i8eiov  were  the  same  work.  The  topic  of  the 
latter  was  probably  more  abstract,  and  is  perhaps  indicated  in  733.  3:  cp.  724.  6. 
The  former  was  more  personal,  and  was  perhaps  the  kind  of  treatise  in  which 
Trebonius  hoped  to  get  honourable  mention  (736.  4). 


1  x  xxiv  INTROD  UCTION. 

was  at  Formiae  on  the  night  of  the  6th  (768.  3),  and  reached  Puteoli 
on  the  7th.     Brutus  had  set  off  southwards  possibly  from  Astura 
(745.  1)  on  his  final  journey  from  Italy  early  on  June  23  (757). 
He  had  asked  Cicero  to  attend  the  Ludi  Apollinares,  which  Brutus 
was  giving  by  deputy — a  request  which  Cicero  considered  did  not 
exhibit  his  usual  prudence.     Cicero  replied  that,  as  he  was  not  the 
giver  of  the  games,  it  was  not  necessary  for  him  to  be  present, 
and  would  hardly  be  right ;  and  that  it  would  be  perfectly  para- 
doxical (aroTTwrarov)   that,   after  staying  away   from    Rome  all 
these  months  to  ensure  not  so  much  his  safety  as  his  dignity, 
he  should  suddenly  go  to  Home  to  see  games.     Besides,  he  had 
already  set  out  on  his  journey.1     Cicero  says  he  could  not  quite 
understand  (interpretari]  the  letter  (765).  Another  letter  received 
from  Brutus  a  few  days  later  exhibited  grievous  helplessness  and 
lack  of  resource  (768.  1).     Brutus  and  Cassius  and  some  others  of 
the  conservative  party   were  at  this  time  in  the  little  island  of 
Nesis  (Nisida),  which  had  been  part  of  the  property  of  Lucullus 
previously  (769.  1),  and  now  belonged  to  his  son.2     Cicero  visited 
Brutus  here  both  on  July  8  and  10.     He  wished  to  travel  along 
with  Brutus  to  Greece,   as  protection  would  thereby  be  afforded 
him  from  the  pirates  who  were  infesting  the  seas  again  (769.  3). 
But  Brutus  did  not  *  catch  at '  (adripere)  the  idea  as  much  as 
Cicero  could  have  wished  (770,  3) ;  for  he  was  absorbed  in  anxiety 
about  his  games  which  C.  Antouius  was  holding  in  his  name.3  I 
They  had  been  announced  by  C.  Antonius  for  the  Nones  of  July,  I 
not  the  Nones  of  Quinctilis,  to  the  great  annoyance  of  Cicero  and  I 
Brutus (769.1;  771.1).  That  announcement  seemed  to  acknowledge  I 
that  Julius  Caesar  by  having  the  honour  of  giving  his  name  to  a  I 
month  (Suet.   lul.  76)  was  a  god  like  Janus  or  Mars.     Brutus  I 
took  care  that  the  venal io  which  was  to  follow  the  regular  games  I 
should  be  proclaimed  for  the  Ides  of  Quinctilis  (771.  1).     The  I 
games  were  very  splendid4 ;  and  Brutus  thought  that  there  might  I 

1  763.  1.  This  letter  of  Brutus  reached  Cicero  at  Anagnia  on  June  30. 

2  Gardthausen  (Augustus  i.  62)  thinks  that  they  may  have  accepted  the  hospitality  I 
of  Lucullus  in  this  island,  as  its  natural  characteristics  would  render  any  attack  on  I 
the  part  of  the  Campanian  veterans  very  difficult.     This  is  the  estate  of  Lucullus  I 
referred  to  by  Varro  R.  R.  iii.  17.  9. 

8  770.  3  Exiitimabam  nertwportpov  esse  (Brutum),    et  hercle  erai  et  mnxime  de  \ 
ludit. 

4  Phil.  i.  36 ;  Plutarch  Brut.  21  ;  Appian  iii.  24. 


ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAR.  Ixxxv 

be  some  revulsion  of  feeling  of  the  populace  towards  him ;  but 
they  did  no  more  than  applaud  the  plays  (especially  the  '  Tereus  9 
of  Accius)  and  the  performers.  There  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  any  marked  political  demonstration.1  But  the  applause  for 
the  games  seems  to  have  been  hearty.  *  Yet  the  more  favourable 
the  news,'  says  Cicero  (772.  3),  '  the  more  I  am  vexed  that  the 
Roman  populace  employ  their  hands  in  applauding  plays  instead 
of  using  them  in  defence  of  the  State.  For  my  part,  I  think  that 
the  Antonians  at  Rome  (istorum  animi)  seem  to  be  actually  burning 
to  give  a  foretaste  of  their  wicked  policy  (incendi  etiam  ad  reprae- 
zentandam  improbitatem  suam}2 :  "But  let  their  shame  be  e'er  so 
small,  if  only  shame  they  feel  at  all  (Dummodo  doleant  aliquid^ 
doleant  quidlibet)." 

Cicero  was  still  in  uncertainty  as  to  the  route  by  which  he  would 
travel  to  Greece.  He  was  even  not  quite  decided  whether  he  would 
go  at  all ;  but  he  declared  he  was  being  *  pitchforked '  out  of  the 
country.3  The  journey  by  long  sea  was  wearisome,  and  danger 
would  be  incurred  from  pirates.  If  he  went  across  to  the  east 
coast,  and  started  from  Hydruntum,  he  would  run  the  risk  of 
meeting  the  legions  who  were  reported  to  be  coming  from 
Macedonia  (771.  4).  But  this  was  a  recurring  rumour — it  had 
been  already  circulated  in  May  (732,  2) — and  did  not  perturb 
Cicero  very  much.  He  finally  made  up  his  mind  to  leave, 
intending  to  be  back  about  November,  or  at  latest  the  end  of 
December  (cp.  759).  Atticus  said  that  his  departure  was 
thoroughly  approved  (in  coelum  ferrt),  provided  he  returned  for 

1  Appian  (iii.  24)  says  that  a  few  hirelings  cried  out  for  the  recall  of  Brutus  and 
Cassius,  but  that  this  demand  was  quickly  extinguished ;  and  that  Octavian  was 
instrumental  in  frustrating  what  they  hoped  to  obtain  from  the  games.     "We  have 
no  indication  in  Cicero  of  any  such  action  on  the  part  of  Octavian.     In  reference  to 
these  games  Plutarch  (Brut.  21  fin.)  tells  a  characteristic  story:  'With  respect  to 

certain  Cannutius  who  was  a  theatrical  favourite,  Brutus  wrote  to  his  friends  to 
persuade  him  to  go  on  the  boards ;  for  it  was  not  fitting  that  compulsion  should  be 
used  on  any  Greek.'  This  Cannutius  was  probably  a  freedman. 

2  The  expression  of  opinion  at  games   was  considered  important   as   affording 
an  index  of  popular  sentiment :  cp.  705.  2  populi  eTri<ni/ua(riav :  cp.  646.  1  ;  704.   1; 
733.  2  ;  and  especially  Att.  ii.  19.  3  (46). 

3  772.  4  (July  11),   Quin  etiam  idcirco  trahebam  ut  quam  diutissime  integrum  esset. 
Sed  quoniam  furcillis  extrudimur,  Brundisium  cogito  :  cp.  771.  4  arbitror  esse  corn* 
modius  tarde  navigare  quam  omnino  non  navigare.     We  confess  that  we  are  not  sure 
•what  were  Cicero's  reasons  for  these  statements. 


Ixxxvi  INTRODUCTION. 

the  beginning  of  the  new  year.1  So,  after  having  asked  Atticus 
and  Balbus  to  look  after  his  interests  at  Rome,  and  come  to 
Ids  aid  financially  if  necessary,2  he  left  Pompeii  by  sea  on 
July  17.3  At  Velia  he  stayed  at  the  house  of  a  friend  callec 
Talna*  on  the  19th.  On  the  20th  he  left  Velia,  and  on  his  journey 
south,  during  the  next  few  days,  wrote  his  Topica  on  ship-board 
(Top.  5),  and  dedicated  the  work  to  Trebatius.  On  the  24th 
he  was  at  Yibo,  where  he  stayed  at  the  house  of  his  friend  Sicca 
(775.  1).  He  was  at  Regium  on  the  28th  and  at  Syracuse  on 
August  1  (776  fin. ;  Phil.  i.  7).  He  apparently  intended  striking 
across  from  Syracuse  to  Patrae  (775.  1),  and  left  on  the  2nd 
But  adverse  winds  drove  him  back  to  Leucopetra  near  Regium  on 
the  5th.  On  the  6th  the  ship  made  another  attempt  to  sail,  but  ii 
was  again  driven  back  to  Leucopetra  on  the  7th.  Here  he  was 
being  hospitably  entertained  by  his  friend  P.  Valerius,5  when  he 

1  775.  2  :  cp.  768.  1  ;  769.  3  ;  772.  4  ;  783.  2.  Plutarch  (Cic.  43)  says  that  Hirtius 
and  Pansa,  who  were  good  men,  and  great  admirers  of  Cicero,  asked  him  not  to 
desert  them,  and  they  undertook,  if  he  were  present,  to  put  down  (Kara^va 
Antony  when  they  hecame  consuls  ;  and  that  Cicero,  neither  wholly  distrusting  no 
trusting  them  (otfr'  airiffruv  ira.vTa.ira.aiv  otfre  iriffTevwv),  agreed  that  he  would  return 
for  the  1st  of  January,  and,  bidding  farewell  to  Dolabella,  sailed  away  for  Greece 
Plutarch  seems  to  have  considered  that  the  legatio  was  not  a  sinecure,  but  would 
require  Cicero's  going  to  Syria  with  Dolabella. 

2  Cicero  was  always  indifferent  to  money  (cp.  Plutarch  Comp.  Dem.  et  Cic.  3). 
At  this  time  his  steward  Eros  (just  possibly  the  same  as  the  Eros  mentioned  in 
Plutarch  Apophth.  Ciceronis  21  =205  E),  whom  Cicero  does  not  seem  to  have  trusted 
implicitly  (557.  4),  appears  to  have  had  Cicero's  accounts  in  a  very  unsatisfactory 
condition,  and  Cicero  had  to  send  his  faithful  Tiro  to  put  them  in  order  :  cp.  726.  2  ; 
748.  1,3,  4  ;  cp.  754.  1   and  Fam.  xvi.  24.  1  (806) ;  though  he  still  continued  to 
employ  Eros  (769.  6  ;    772.  1).     From  752.  4  we  gather  that  in  June,  in  order  to  free 
himself  from  debt,  Cicero  would  have  to  get  a  bill  for  two  hundred  thousand  sesterces 
for  five  months,  when  money  due  to  him  from  his  brother  Quintus  would  probably 
be  paid.     These  difficulties  Cicero  takes  but  as  passing  annoyances,  and  frankly 
(apertius)  asks  his  friends  Atticus,  and  even  Balbus,  to  see  to  securing  his  credit 
(772.  2 ;  773.  5).     He  did  not  ever  seem  to  be  quite  clear  how  his  money  affairs 
stood,  and  generally  talks  about  them  in  a  somewhat  perfunctory  manner  (772.  2; 
775.  3).     One  of  the  chief  reasons  why  he  returned  to  Home  in  August,  44,  was  to 
see  after  his  finances  himself  (783.  6). 

3  Cp.  775.  1 ;  he  reached  Vibo  on  the  24th,  the  eighth  day  from  the  17th. 

*  Some  commentators  suppose  that  he  stayed  at  the  house  of  Trebatius  at  Velia, 
and  alter  Talnam  to  Testatn  in  775.  1  :  but  see  note  to  774.  1. 

5  783.  i  ;  Phil.  i.  8.  We  cannot  be  certain  who  he  was :  probably  the  kind 
friend  (homo  officioswt)  who  wrote  to  Cicero  during  his  exile  telling  him  of  the  hard- 
ships Terentia  was  suffering  at  Rome ;  and  he  may  be  also  the  Valerius  mentioned 
in  598.  1 ;  600.  1  ;  628  [15].  We  hear,  too,  of  a  P.  Valerius  who  was  a  debtor  of 


ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAR.  Ixxxvii 

received  a  visit  from  certain  distinguished  citizens  of  Regium  who 
had  left  Rome  shortly  before  the  end  of  July,  and  brought  him 
letters  and  news  which  induced  him  to  abandon  his  idea  of  going 
to  Greece,  and  to  return  to  .Rome  (783.  1 ;  Phil.  i.  8).  This  requires 
us  to  revert  to  what  was  happening  at  Borne  in  the  political  world 
during  the  month  of  July. 

The.  only  person  who  stood  at  all  in  Antony's  way  was 
Octavian  ;  but  Antony  did  not  consider  that  he  was  very 
dangerous,  and  still  thought  that  he  might  be  intimidated. 
During  some  four  or  five  days  from  the  20th  the  Ludi  Victoriae 
Caesaris  (also  called  Veueris  Grenetricis)  were  celebrated1  by  Octavian 
with  considerable  success.  He  once  more  (see  above,  p.  Ixxiv)  made 
an  attempt  to  exhibit  Caesar's  golden  chair,  but  was  prevented  by 
some  of  the  tribunes.  He  appealed  to  Antony  as  consul,  but 
Antony  supported  the  tribunes,  and  threatened  to  imprison 
Octavian  if  he  did  not  desist.  A  comet  appeared  on  the  last  day 
of  the  games.  Octavian  declared  it  was  the  soul  of  Caesar  translated 
to  the  heavens,  and  erected  in  the  temple  of  Venus  a  statue  of 
Caesar,  and  decorated  its  head  with  a  comet,  as  he  well  knew  that 
an  assertion  of  this  kind  would  excite  and  foster  the  fanaticism  of 
:he  lower  order  of  Caesareans,  who  had  paid  worship  to  Caesar  at 
the  altar  which  Dolabella  had  overturned.  The  whole  body  of 
Caesarean  fanatics  were  with  Octavian.  Antony  had  not  estimated 
the  influence  of  the  mere  name  of  Caesar  with  such  excitable 
minds;  and  when  we  add  to  this  the  fact  that  Octavian  was 
Caesar's  heir,  and  had  expressed  willingness,  if  only  he  were 
treated  fairly,  to  pay  all  his  obligations  which  were  due  under 
Caesar's  will  to  the  people,  and  that  he  was  desirous  to  take 
vengeance  for  Caesar's  murder,2  we  can  understand  that  he  was 
an  influence  with  which  it  was  necessary  for  Antony  to  reckon. 
But,  nevertheless,  Antony  felt  that  he  might  now  take  the  step 
for  which  all  his  previous  actions  had  been  preparing :  and 
towards  the  end  of  July  he  promulgated  the  Lex  de  permutations 

Atticus,  Att.  v.  21.  14  (250).  It  is  to  be  noticed  how  welcome  Cicero  was  always 
made  by  his  friends  and  their  retainers. 

1  They  can  hardly  have  lasted  more  than  three  or  four  days  at  this  early  stage  in 
their  history.     Later  they  lasted  for  ten  days  :  cp.  0.  E.  Schmidt,  Jahrbuch 

p.  864. 

2  Cp.  Appian  iii.  28. 


Ixxxviii 


INTRODUCTION. 


provinciarum,  whereby  he  was  at  once  to  receive  the  province  of 
Cisalpine  Gaul  along  with  the  Macedonian  legions  for  five  yearsJ 
and  Decimus  Brutus  was  to  get  Macedonia  without  an  army  for 
the  remainder  of  the  year.1  The  veterans  were  of  course  enthusiastic 
for  the  law,  because  they  considered  that  if  a  strong  man  like 
Antony  held  that  province  which  commanded  Italy,  there  was  no 
doubt  but  that  their  interests  would  be  secure,  and  Caesar  avenged. 
But  the  promulgation  of  the  law  caused  general  alarm.  War 
seemed  imminent,  as  it  was  felt  that  Decimus  would  certainly 
resist;  and  in  consequence  there  was  something  of  a  financial 
panic,  certainly  a  difficulty  in  raising  money.2  Even  some 
Caesareans  were  alarmed :  and  Calpurnius  Piso,  Caesar's  father- 
in-law,  and  Cicero's  old  enemy  of  the  InPisonem*  declared  that  he 
.would  move  in  the  Senate  on  August  1st  that  Cisalpine  Graul 
should  be  no  longer  deemed  a  province,  as  all  its  inhabitants 
were  Roman  citizens.  The  crisis  that  had  arisen  showed  how 
much  Cicero's  eloquence  was  missed,  and  he  was  criticized  in 
several  quarters  for  going  off  to  Greece  to  the  Olympic  games 
when  the  State  required  him  so  urgently  at  home  (783.  1,  5). 

1  Cicero  never  speaks  of  this  law  about  the  exchange  of  provinces  except  in  784.  7. 
The  title  of  the  law  is  found  only  in  Livy  Epit.  117  M.  Antonius  consul  cum  im- 
potenter  dominaretur  legemque   de  permutatione  provinciarum  per  vim  tulisset, 
et  Caesnrem  quoque  petentem  ut  sibi  adversus  percussores  avunculi  adesset  magnis  iniuriis 
adfecisset.    That  there  was  an  exchange  is  implied  in  the  references  of  other  authors, 
e.g.,  Nic.  Dam.  30.  4  a\\a£dnevos  ;  Appian  iii.  27  eVoAAo|at;   37  €9  cvirpeirfiav 
TTJS  jSouAfjs  MaKeSoviav  viriffxi'ov/j.fvos  avrt8 a»(Te iv,    yv/mvr)V  ffrparov  yevo/jifVr)V — SO 
that  this  view,  that  the  law  did  not  specify  that  Dec.  Brutus  was  to  get  anything  in 
exchange  for  Cisalpine  Gaul,  can  hardly  be  sustained.     Antony  may  have  intended 
that  Decimus  should  never  actually  receive  Macedonia,  and  he  certainly  persisted 
in  calling  Macedonia  'his  own'  absolutely:   cp.  Phil.  vii.  3  Macedonian  suam  vocat 
omnino  ;  viii.  25  utramque  provinciam  remitto — i.e.  Macedonia  and  Cisalpine  Gaul.    But  i 
that  was  because  Decimus  did  not  acknowledge  the  law,  and  so  was  not  competent 
to  receive  Macedonia.     Antony  seems  to  have  entertained  some  expectation  that  he 
might  be  able  to  bring  his  old  comrade  Decimus  over  to  agree  to  the  exchange,  and  I 
hoped  that  perhaps  Decimus  as  one  of  Caesar's  murderers  would  join  with  himi 
against  Octavian:  cp.  Dio  xlv.  14.  1  (quoted  by  Ferrero,  iii.  86  n.)  fipx*  C-*v  ^77  rare 
TTJJ  x<apa.s   tKfivris  o  BpoCros  6  Ae/auos,   Kal  avrov  6  'Ai/rwi/toj  e'ATriSo  iro\\r)V 

fire  «al  rbv  Kaiffapa  airfKTOv6ros. 

2  783.  6,  mirifica  enim  5v(rx/>Tj0Tia  est  propter  me  turn  armorum. 

3  There  was  a  rumour  abroad  at  the  end  of  June  that  Piso  was  going  to  get  a  I 
legatio  by  means  of  a  bogus  decree  of   the   Senate   (tytvSeyypdQcp   senatus  consultol 
763.  1) — thus  indicating  that  he  was  in  league  with  Antony;  but  it  was  probably 
untrue. 


ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAE.  Ixxxix 

During  the  last  few  days  of  July  Brutus  and  Cassius  appear  to 
have  issued  a  manifesto  (783. 1  ;  Phil.  ii.  8  ;  Veil.  ii.  62.  3)  saying 
they  were  willing  to  resign  their  praetorship,  and  in  the  interests 
of  peace  leave  Italy  (cp.  Phil.  ii.  113).  This  was  their  answer  to 
those  who  supported  the  grant  of  Cisalpine  Gaul  to  Antony  for  fear 
of  civil  war  being  raised  by  the  tyrannicides.  It  is  possible  that 
they  also  asked  to  be  relieved  of  their  corn-commissionerships, 
and  to  be  informed  what  provinces  they  were  to  have  next  year. 
Piso  fulfilled  his  undertaking  on  August  1 ;  but  the  general  fear 
of  violence  from  the  veterans  prevented  any  enthusiasm  from 
being  shown.  All  the  Senate  did  was  to  assign  two  insignificant 
provinces  to  Brutus  and  Cassius,  viz.,  Crete  and  Cyrene  (Illyria 
according  to  Nic.  Dam.  28.  17).  The  courage  of  Piso  was  com- 
mendable :  he  declared  he  would  leave  Italy  if  this  tyranny  con- 
tinued (Phil.  xii.  14)  :  but,  though  Cicero  (Phil.  i.  10)  says  that 
he  gained  great  renown  in  public  estimation,  his  efforts  were 
ineffective,  and  he  obtained  no  support  (783.  7).  Accordingly,  just 
as  after  the  meeting  of  the  Senate  on  June  1  (see  above,  p.  Ixxvi), 
Antony  saw  plainly  that  his  opponents  had  no  real  backing, 
and  that  he  might  now  proceed  to  vigorous  measures  against 
Brutus  and  Cassius,  so  on  the  evening  of  the  1st,  or  on  the  2nd, 
he  wrote  a  violent  manifesto  against  them,  accusing  them  of 
shirking  their  duty  and  promoting  civil  war.  They  replied  in  a 
document  of  great  severity  and  dignity,  dated  August  4,  which 
we  still  possess  (782).  The  veterans,  bitterly  hostile  to  the  con- 
spirators, were  carrying  all  before  them.  Octavian  alone  by  his 
disagreement  with  Antony  proved  a  hindrance  to  the  complete 
union  of  the  Caesareans.  It  was,  perhaps,  about  this  time  (though 
the  date  is  very  uncertain)  that  Octavian,  though  a  patrician,  stood 
for  the  tribunate  vacated  by  the  death  of  Helvius  Cinna  (see  above, 
p.  Iviii,  note  4).  Antony  opposed  his  candidature  on  the  grounds 
that  he  was  a  patrician,  that  he  was  too  young,  and  that  he  had  never 
held  the  quaestorship ;  and  succeeded  in  having  the  election  post- 
poned. But  whether  this  additional  cause  of  disagreement  occurred 
just  at  this  juncture  or  not,  there  is  no  doubt  that  Antony  and 

1  Plut.  Ant.  16;  Suet.  Aug.  10;  Dio.  xlv.  6.  2;  Appian  iii.  31.  The  date  is 
very  uncertain.  Dio  places  this  before  the  Ludi  Victoriae  Caesaris,  Suetonius  after 
them,  and  Appian  even  after  the  reconciliation  of  Antony  and  Octavian. 

VOL.  v.  g 


xc 


INTRODUCTION. 


Octavian  were  hostile  to  one  another.     This  state  of  things  th 
leaders  of  the  veterans  and  the  Antonian  party  generally  determine 
to  stop.    The  dramatic  scene  which  describes  how  soldiers  came  t 
Octavian's  house,  how  he  in  fear  fled  to  the  roof,  but  heard  th 
soldiers  cheering,  how  he  showed  himself  to  them  and  was  receive 
with  applause,  how  they  told  him  that  they  desired  him  to  be  recon 
ciled  with  Antony,  and  that  a  detachment  of  them  had  gone  to  urge 
the  same  course  on  Antony,  is  well  described  by  Nicolaus  of 
Damascus  29.   Antony  did  not  hold  out,  and  the  reconciliation  was 
effected1 ;  and  shortly  afterwards,  probably  some  time  about  the 
20th,2  the  law  de  permutatione  was  passed.     Octavian  supported] 
Antony:  refractory  tribunes  were  bought  off3 ;  all  the  entrances  to 
the  forum  were  barricaded  so  that  supporters  alone  of  the  law  couldJ 
pass ;  and  much  violence  was  used.*     Though  opposition  was  stillj 
to  be  apprehended  from  Octavian,  and  the  soldiers  were  wholly! 
devoted  to  him  and  his  name,  the  position  of  Antony  as  chief  man! 
in  the  State  seemed  to  be  well  established  (Phil  i.  10-23)/ 

But  Cicero  at  Leucopetra  on  August  7  did  not  hear  any  news! 
from  Rome  of  later  date  than  about  July  28  or  29.  From  that] 
he  learned  that  there  was  to  be  a  meeting  of  the  Senate  on  I 
August  1 6 ;  that  there  was  some  probability  that  Antony  would] 
give  way  and  resign  his  claim  on  Cisalpine  Gaul ;  that  an  agree- 1 

1  Appian  iii.  29. 

2  Appian  (iii.  55)  is  wrong   when  he  says  TT/I/  5e  Ke\Tt«7?i/  fiyc/Aovictv  'Ai/rwyi^l 
t5u)K6    .    .    .   STJ/UOJ    vo/j.(f,    Trap6vTos    avrov    KtKfpcavos.     Cicero    was   certainly   not! 
present. 

3  We  doubt  whether  this  statement  of  Appian  (iii.  30)  can  apply  to  the  tribunes^ 
who  were  consistently  opposed  to  Antony,  such  as  Ti.  Cannutius  (the  man  who,  I 
as  Velleius  ii.  64.  3  says,  worried  Antony  like  a  dog),  L.  Cassius  Longinus,  and! 
D.  Carfulenus — if  indeed  Carf ulenus  was  a  tribune  this  year. 

4  Liv.  Epit.  117  ;  Appian  iii.  30. 

6  During  August  Antony  promulgated  two  laws  of  a  democratic  nature :  (1)  de  tertial 
decuria,  which  enacted  that  jurymen  should  no  longer  be  taken  from  the  Senators  andl 
the  Knights  only  (the  Tribuni  Aerarii  had  been  abolished  by  Caesar:  cp.  Suet.J 
Caes.  41  ;  Dio  xliii.  25.  1),  but  that  a  third  decuria  of  centurions  and  lower  military! 
officers  without  property  qualification  be  added  ;  (2)  de  vi  etmaiestate,  which  enacted! 
that  all  citizens  condemned  under  these  heads  should  have  an  appeal  to  the  people. I 
The  quaestiones  had  been  hitherto  final ;  and  also  (3)  a  law  that  on  every  occasion  ofi 
public  thanksgiving  a  special  day  should  be  added  in  honour  of  Caesar,  that  is  that 
he  should  virtually  be  deified  (Phil.  i.  13  :  ii.  110). 

8  783.  1.   We  think,  with  Drumann  and  Groebe,  that  the  Kalends  there  mentionedi 
must  be  the  Kalends  of  August :  see  note. 


ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAR.  xci 

nent  would  bo  arrived  at,  and  Brutus  and  Cassius  return  to  Rome.1 
'his  optimistic  view  can  only  have  arisen  from  the  opposition 
rhich  for  the  moment  the  promulgation  of  the  law  de  permu- 
atione  caused,  and  from  the  firm  position  which  Piso  took  up,  and 
ae  support  he  seemed  likely  to  receive.  It  cannot  have  lasted 
eyond  August  1.  But  the  citizens  of  Kegium  had  probably  left 
iome  a  day  or  two  before  the  end  of  July,  and  related  their  forecast 
f  events  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  time  of  their  departure,  not 
rom  that  of  the  time  at  which  they  were  speaking  to  Cicero.  It 
ras  felt  even  then,  in  the  crisis  that  had  arisen  owing  to  the  pro- 
nulgation  of  the  law  de  permutatione,  that  Cicero  should  not  be 
bsent2 :  and,  after  the  proceedings  of  the  first  week  of  August,  it 
nust  have  been  still  more  felt  that  no  one  except  Cicero  could 
dequately  defend  the  republican  cause.  Atticus,  in  opposition  to 
is  general  approval  of  Cicero's  journey  to  Greece  (cp.  note  to 
83.  3),  now  changed  his  tone  very  emphatically  (vehementer, 
83.  2),  and,  apparently  before  August  I,3  wrote  a  harsh  letter 
Cicero  blaming  him  for  deserting  his  country  in  this  crisis. 
Cicero  wrote  back  with  wonderful  command  of  temper.  '  I 
vish '  (said  Atticus,  with  a  note  of  contempt)  '  you  would 
laborate  a  dissertation  ((r^oXiov)  defending  your  conduct/ 
Yes,  my  dear  Atticus '  (he  replies),  '  I  will  compose  an  Apologia ; 
mt  I  shall  address  it  to  those  against  whose  wish  and  advice  I 
tarted  on  my  journey.'  Atticus  reminded  him,  too  (§  6),  of  his 
nancial  difficulties  in  the  monetary  crisis  that  had  arisen.  Cicero 
eplied  that  he  saw  at  once  clearly  that  he  must  meet  his  creditors, 
so  he  set  his  face  homeward,  and  on  August  17  had  reached 
Velia,  where  he  had  a  meeting  with  Brutus,  who  seems  to  have 
)een  unusually  effusive  in  his  praise  of  Cicero  for  returning. 

1  783.  1 ;  Phil.  i.  8. 

2  Dio  xlv.  15.  4,  says  that  Cicero  returned  because  he  had  heard  that  Antony  and 
Octavian  had  become  violently  hostile  to  one  another  (e/cTreTroA-e/uayteVous).     This  is 
different  from  Cicero's  own  statement  that  he  returned  because  he  understood  that  an 
agreement  between  Antony  and  the  constitutionalists  was  likely  to  be  attained  (rein 
conventuram).  He  does  not  seem  to  have  regarded  Octavian  at  this  time  as  an  important 
factor  in  the  political  situation. 

3  Cicero  replies   to  this  letter  on  August  19,  writing  from  ship- board  as  he  was 
approaching  Pompeii,  783  fin.     The  letter  of  Atticus  reached  him,  as  would  appear, 
while  he  was  still  at  the  Straits  of  Messina  (infreto  medio")  :  cp.  783.  6,  where  see  note. 


xcii  INTRODUCTION. 

Brutus  had  not  urged  this  course  previously,  because  (so  at  least 
Atticus  seemed  to  imply,  7$3.  5)  he  did  not  wish  to  appear  to 
give  advice  to  a  man  who  was  so  much  his  senior.1  Brutus 
told  him  of  the  events  of  the  early  part  of  August,  and  may- 
have  given  him  copies  of  Antony's  manifesto  of  the  1st  or  2nd 
and  his  own  in  reply  (782).  We  may,  perhaps,  conjecture  also 
that  he  did  not  emphasize  the  danger  and  difficulty  of  the  position 
which  he  had  created,  and  which  he  was  urging  Cicero  to  face. 
Cicero  had  no  illusions  that  he  would  be  able  to  take  a  successful 
part  in  politics,  but  he  felt  it  his  duty  to  return  and  show,  as  he 
had  always  done,  his  devotion  to  his  country.  He  was  fully 
conscious  of  the  justice  of  the  cause  which  he  was  now  espousing.8 
He  was  at  Pompeii  on  the  19th  (783  fin.),  and  at  Tusculum 
certainly  on  the  28th,  possibly  earlier.  It  was  probably  from 
Tusculum  that  he  wrote  his  letter  to  Matins  (784),  expostulating 
with  him  for  having  supported  the  law  de permutations  provinciarum. 
Matius  made  a  manly  and  honourable  reply  (785),  which  permits 
us  to  see  the  views  of  the  political  situation  which  were  held  by 
many  able,  educated,  and  moderate  Caesareans.3  On  the  31st 

1  Cp.  also  for  this  interview,  Phil.  i.  9,  atque  ego  celeriter  Veliam  devectus  Brutum 
vidi  :  quanta  meo  dolore  non  dico.     Turpe  mihi  ipsi  videbatur  in  earn  urbem  me  audere 
reverti  ex  qua  Brutus  cederet,  et  ibi  velle  tuto  esse  ubi  ille  non  posset.   Neque  vero  ilium 
similiter  atque  ipse  eram  commotum  esse  vidi :  erectus  enim  maximi  et  pulcherrimi  facti 
sui  conscientia  nihil  de  suo  casu,  multa  de  vestro  (i.e.  the  Roman  people,  dominated  as 
they  were  by  Antony)  querebatur.     It  is  really  amazing  to  see  the  veneration  with 
which  such  a  poor  creature  as  Brutus  was  regarded  by  Cicero — and  that  too  at  a  time 
when  Brutus  \vas  flying  from  all  danger,  and  Cicero  returning  to  Home  to  find  all 
things  there  in  a  blaze  (in  flammam  ipsam  venirem,  783.  2).     Cicero  certainly  fulfilled 
his  intention  of  never  faltering  in  his  devotion  to  Brutus  (720.  3). 

2  Cp.  783.  7,  nee  ego  nunc,  ut  Brutus  censebat,  istuc  ad  rempublicam  capessendatn  venio* 
Quid  enim  Jleri  potest  ?    Num  quis  Pisoni  est  adsensus?    Num  rediit  ipse  postridie  f 
Sed  abesse  hanc  aetatem  longe  a  sepulchro  negant  oportere :  Phil.  i.  10.    Hunc  (Pisonem) 
igitur  ut  sequerer  properavi  quern  praesentes  non  sunt  secuti,  non  ut  projicerem  aliquid — 
nee  enim  sperabam  id  nee  praestare poteram — sed  ut,  si  quid  mihi  humanitus  accidisset — 
multa  autem  impendere  videntur  praeter  naturam  etiam  praeterque  fatum  (apparently  the 
ordinary  accidents  of  human  life)— huius  tamen  diei  vocem  testem  reipublicae  relinquerem 
meae  perpetuae  erga  se  voluntatis. 

3  Dr.  Arnold  (op.  cit.  ii.  p.  132)  well  describes,  partly  after  Cicero  (729. 1),  the  point 
of  view  of  such  moderate  Caesareans.     'Assassination  is  a  crime  which,  when  once 
practised  or  defended  by  a  political  party,  must  render  it  impossible  for  their  opponents 
to  trust  them  again  ;  and  while  Caesar's  friends  regarded  the  late  dictator  as  the  victim 
of  hia  own  unsuspecting  confidence,  they  naturally  imagined  that  the  conspirators  and 
their  friends  assumed  the  language  of  moderation  only  whilst  they  were  overawed  by 


ANTONY  SUCCEEDS  CAESAR.  xciii 

)icero  entered  Rome,  welcomed  by  a  large  crowd.1  The  ship  of 
he  Republic  was  not,  perhaps,  so  very  shattered  as  Cicero  had 
eclared  two  and  a  half  months  before  (744.  3),  but  it  was,  never- 
lieless,  in  a  very  unsound  state.  It  is  no  little  tribute  to  Cicero's 
.bility  and  character  that  in  this  critical  condition  of  affairs  it  was 
him  that  men  turned  their  eyes.  He  was  no  longer  left  relegated 
o  the  hold,  but  was  once  more  called  upon  to  grasp  the  helm.2 
'or  the  next  year  he  navigated  that  crazy  old  vessel,  not  always, 
erhaps,  with  consummate  wisdom,  but,  on  the  whole,  with  con- 
picuous  courage  and  spirit ;  and  when  the  inevitable  moment 
ame,  and  the  ship  went  down,  he  shared  her  fate. 

ie  populace  and  the  veterans,  and  that  as  soon  as  Decimus  Brutus  should  have 
rganized  an  army  in  Cisalpine  Gaul,  and  Sex.  Pompeius  with  his  rapidly  increasing 
irce  should  have  arrived  from  Spain  to  join  him,  the  aristocratical  party  would  retract 
ie  concessions  made  in  the  temple  of  Earth  on  the  seventeenth  of  March,  and  would 
innul  all  the  acts  of  Caesar's  sovereignty,  as  they  had  formerly  intended  to  do  to 
lose  of  his  first  consulship.' 

1  Plutarch  Cic.  43,  '  Such  a  multitude  of  men  in  their  joy  and  longing  for  him 
cured  out  to  meet  him,  and  well-nigh  the  whole  day  was  spent  in  welcomings  and 
reetings  to  him  at  the  gates.'     When  Cicero  returned  from  Cilicia  in  a  much  greater 
risis,  he  received,  as  he  tells  us,  a  very  complimentary  welcome :  cp.  Fam.  xvi.  11.2 
(01),  obviam  mihi  sic  est  proditum  ut  nihil  posset  fieri  ornatius.   This  going  out  to  meet 

mportant  people  seems  to  have  been  a  point  of  etiquette  which  was  considered  almost 
mperative  (Plutarch,  Ant.  11,  says  that  all  the  chief  men  went  out  many  days' journey 
meet  Caesar  when  he  was  returning  from  Spain  :  cp.  667.  3,  4).  Appian  (iii.  13) 
mplies  that  it  was  considered  a  slight  to  omit  it :  if  one  could  not  go  oneself,  a 
eputy  should  he  sent. 

2  Cp.  Fam.  ix.  15.  3  (481)  written  in  the  autumn  of  46,  Sedebamus  enim  in  puppi  et 
avum  tenebamus  :  nunc  autem  vix  est  in  sentina  locus. 


xciv  INTRODUCTION. 


III.— CICERO'S  CORRESPONDENTS. 


1.  PUBLITJS  YATINIUS. 

IN  the  year  168  B.C.  a  certain  farmer  named  Yatinius  informed 
the  magistrates  that,  as  he  was  returning  one  night  from  ReatJ 
to  Rome,  he  was  met  by  Castor  and  Pollux,  who  told  him  thai 
Perseus  had  been  taken  captive  on  that  day.  The  magistrates 
very  properly  put  him  under  restraint  ;  but  a  few  days  later! 
when  news  of  the  capture  of  Perseus  arrived,  they  released  himjj 
and  gave  him  a  farm  as  a  reward.1 

His   grandson  was  the  celebrated,  or  notorious,  tribune,  P| 
Yatinius,  with  whom  there  is  no  record  that  the  gods  ever  hel< 
any  intercourse,  and  who  was,  according  to  Cicero  and  Catullus^ 
the  best  detested  man  at  Rome.2     He  was  a  vulgar,  low-bor^| 
creature,  who  had  vulgar  ambitions  for  mere  rank  and  title,  an< 
attained  the  vulgar  success  he  coveted.     In  the  rough-and-tumbl< 
of  Roman  politics  during  the  last  generation  of  the  Republic 
success    of  that  kind,  in  the  case  of   a  man  sprung  from  suofl 
origins  as  Yatinius,  was  pretty  sure  to  be  obtained  by  audacity, 
wit,  want  of  principle,  and  readiness  to  perform  capably  any  an< 
every  kind  of  work  which  the  heads  of  the  opposing  factions  con- 
sidered needful.    This  was  the  character  of  Yatinius,  and  the  part 
lie  played.     His  exterior  corresponded  to  his  mind.3     He 

1  Cic.  N.  D.  ii.  6. 

2  Cic.  Vat.  1,  odio  tui  ab  omnibus  paenevincor  :  cp.  9  and  39,  si  te  vicini,  si  adfin 
si  tributes  ita  oderunt  ut  repulsam  tuam  triwnphum  suum  duxerint  .    .    .  si  es   odit 
publicum  populiy  senatus,   universorum  hominum  rusticanoram;  Catull.  14,  3,  odi 

te  odio   Vatiniano.     On  this  latter  passage    we   agree   with    the    late  Prof.   Ellii 
in  his  view  that  Vatiniano  is  objective ;  though,  of  course,  the  other  view,  tht 
Catullus  is  thinking  of  the  hatred  felt  by  Vatinius  for  Calvus  and  all  his  enemies,  it 
just  possible.     Good   stories   gathered  round  Vatinius;  one   which   illustrated 
unpopularity  is  told  by  Macrobius  (ii.  6,  1).   When  Vatinius  gave  a  show  of  gladiator 
stones  were  flung  at  him :  the  aediles  then  declared  that  he  should  be  pelted  only  wit 
fruit  (poma).     A  spectator  asked  the  eminent  counsel  Cascellius  whether  a  pine-coi 
(nux  pinea)  was  fruit,  and  he  ruled  that  it  was  if  it  was  to  be  thrown  at  Vatinius. 
*  Veil.  ii.  69,  cum   Vatinius  nulli  homini  non  esset  postferendus,  in  quo  deformiti 


PUBLIUS  VATIN1US. 


xcv 


leformed,  and  disfigured  by  scrofulous  swellings  (strumae).  At 
e  many  jibes  were  directed,  which,  in  the  lack  of  refinement 
>f  the  age,  were  considered  not  merely  allowable,  but  even 
dtty.1 

His  first  appearance  in  public  life  was  his  election  last  on  the 
[ist    of    quaestors    in    63.     Cicero,    the    consul,    sent     him    to 
'uteoli  to  prevent  the  exportation  of  gold  and  silver  :  the  precious 
letals  appear  to  have  been  needed  to  pay  for  the  imports  into 
[taly.     Vatinius  availed  himself  of  this  opportunity  to  exercise 
Ibis  natural  gift  of  peculating,  and  to  institute  severe  inquisitions 
pnto  the  property  of  individuals,  with  the  result  that  the  good 
jople  of  Puteoli  laid  violent  hands  on  him.     Next  year  he  was 
[lieutenant  of  Q.  Cosconius  in  Further  Spain.     But  his  true  field 
[of  action  was  so-called  politics ;  and  the  chief   feature  of  his  life 
was  his  tribunate   in   59,  .during  the  consulship  of  Caesar  and 
Bibulus.2     He  put  his  services  unreservedly  at   the  disposal  of 
Caesar,  and  acted  as  his  most  energetic  and,  in  a  certain  sense, 
| able  helper  during  that  excited  and  noisy  year. 

It  was  no  great  distinction  for  Vatinius  that  he  set  the 
auspices  at  defiance,  though  perhaps  he  did  so  with  more  effron- 
tery than  most  politicians  :  everyone  at  that  time  set  the  auspices 
at  defiance  when  it  suited  his  purpose.  Nor  that  he  filled  the 
forum  with  soldiers ;  nor  that  he  so  intimidated  his  colleagues 
that  they  did  not  dare  to  exercise  their  right  of  intercession.3 


corporis  cum  turpitudine  certabat  ingeni,  adeo  id  animus  eius  dignissimo  domicilio  inelusus 
videretur.  'Just  to  think,'  says  Cic.  Att.  ii.  6,  2  (33),  writing  from  Antium,  'that 
there  is  a  place  so  near  Rome  where  there  are  many  people  who  have  never  seen 
Vatinius.' 

1  Cp.  Senec.  de  Const.  Sap.  17.  3,  Tatinium,  hominem  natum  et  ad  risum  et  ad 
odium,  scurram  fuisse  et  venustum  et  dicacem  memoriae  proditum  est.     In  pedes  suos  ipse 
plurima  dicebat  et  in  fauces  concisas.     Sic  inimicorum,  quos  plures  habebat  quam  morbos, 
et  in primis  Ciceronis  urbanitatem  effugerat.     For  gibes  at  the  struma  of  Vatinius, 
cp.  Sest.  135,  Vat.  39  ;  Att.  ii.  9,  2  (36) ;  Plut.  Cic.  9.  26.     For  a  joke  on  his  diseased 
feet,  see  Quintil.  vi.  3,  77 :  Vatinius,  wishing  to  seem  quite  ahle  to  walk,  and  not 
merely  to  crawl,  says,  '  I've  walked  two  miles  to-day.'     'Yes,' replied  Cicero,   'the 
days  are  getting  longer  now.' 

2  During  this  year  Vatinius  aspired  to  ohtain  the  place  in  the  College  of  Augurs 
left  vacant  by  the  death  of  Metellus  Celer ;  hnt  that  hody  was  spared  the  disgrace 
for  the  time:  cp.  Att.  ii.  9.  2  (36)  ;  Vat.  19,  20.     He  was  elected  augur  in  the  room 
of  Appius  Claudius,  who  died  in  48  :  cp.  696.  2. 

3  Vat.  17,18. 


xcvi  INTRODUCTION. 

That  was  the  recognized  order  of  procedure,  and  the  virtuous  and 
high-souled  Titus  Annius  Milo  conformed  to  it  as  strictly  as  any 
Clodius  or  Vatinius.  Nor  did  it  show  any  special  gifts  to  treat 
Bibulus  with  every  kind  of  indignity,  though,  no  doubt,  it 
afforded  him  and  Caesar,  '  that  most  excellent  and  merciful  man/ 
a  considerable  amount  of  amusement.1  But  two  other  actions  of 
Vatinius  in  that  eventful  year  are  more  worthy  of  record.  The 
celebrated  law  which  is  associated  with  his  name  is  regarded,  and 
justly  regarded,  as  a  most  important  step  in  the  development  of 
the  military  monarchy.  It  enacted  that  Caesar  should  hold  Cis- 
alpine Gaul  and  Illyricum  for  five  years,  and  to  these  provinces 
the  Senate  afterwards  added  Transalpine  Gaul.  On  this  field  of 
action  Caesar  won  to  himself  the  devotion  of  the  army,  by  means 
of  which  he  was  afterwards  able  to  dictate  terms  to  the  Senate  and 
people  of  Home.  Another  remarkable  and  exciting  act  was  the" 
production  of  Vettius,  and,  according  to  Cicero,  the  subsequent 
murder  of  that  informer.  This  mysterious  affair,  of  which  we 
learn  most  from  Att.  ii.  24  (51)  and  Vat.  24-26,  shows  the 
general  lack  of  constitutional  morality  which  characterized  the 
politics  of  the  day. 

As  a  reward  for  his  services,  Caesar  appears  to  have  made 
Vatinius  one  of  his  legates  in  58 ;  but  it  is  uncertain  whether 
he  ever  left  Rome  at  all.2  We  learn  that  he  failed  for  the  aedileship 
in  57.3  In  56  he  appeared  as  a  witness  against  Sestius  and 

1  Vat.  21,  22.  Really  the  way  they  treated  Bibulus  was  too  bad.    No  pantaloon  in 
a  pantomime  was  ever  more  knocked  about.    First  of  all,  Vatinius  arrested  him,  and, 
in  spite  of  the  other  nine  tribunes,  who  ordered  his  release,  led  him  along  some  kind 
of  a  bridge,  formed  by  breaking  up  the  tribunalia  in  the  forum,  to  prison,  and 
(adds   Cicero)    to  execution   and  death.     (The   latter  can  hardly  be  more  than  a 
rhetorical  flourish.)     Afterwards  it  appears  that  Vatinius  and  his  crew  drove  Bibulus 
to  leave  public  life  and  shut  himself  up  in  his  house  t  and  then  turned  round,  and  sent 
an  officer  to  arrest  him  and  drag  him  out,  thus  violating  a  fundamental  law  of  the 
Roman,  as  of  the  English,  citizen,  that  a  man's  house  is  his  castle.     The  only  resist  - 
tance  poor  Bibulus  was  able  to  make  to  all  this  was  to  issue  *  Archilochian '  edicts, 
which  broke  no  bones.     As  in  the  case  of  other  political  martyrs,  his  attitude  was 
applauded  as  nobler  than  any  triumph:  cp.  Cic.  Fam.  i.    9,  7  (153),  but  was  not 
emulated,  except,  indeed,  by  the  irrepressible  Cato  and  his  shadow  Favonius. 

2  In  that  year  he  appears  to  have  been  accused  by  Licinius  Calvus  de  vi,  on  which 
occasion,  when  there  was  some  dispute  about  challenges,  certain  partisans  of  Vatinius 
scaled  the  bench,  and  tried  to  scatter  the  lots  in  the  urn.     By  this  vigorous,  but 
scarcely  constitutional,  procedure  Vatinius  got  all  he  wished,  as  the  Schol.  Bob.  323 
(Or.)  says.  3  Sest.  114. 


PUB  LI  US  VATINIUS.  xcvii 

Milo,  when  these  worthies  were  tried  for  violence.1  In  the 
oourse  of  the  trial  of  Sestius,  Cicero  made  Vatinius  the  subject  of 
a  stringent  interrogation  which  has  come  down  to  us.  In  that 
inter rogatio  Cicero  heaps  up  every  kind  of  charge  against  his 
adverse  witness.  Sprung,  as  he  was,  from  some  mud  or  other,  he 
became  a  Pythagorean,  evoked  evil  spirits,  and  offered  up  to  them 
the  bowels  of  children  in  his  unholy  rites ;  he  set  all  religion  at 
defiance ;  he  beat  his  mother ;  he  bored  through  the  walls  of  his 
neighbours'  houses ;  when  legatus  he  made  a  round-about  journey 
to  Spain  by  sea;  and  went  to  a  dinner-party  in  a  black  toga.3  In 
fact,  he  was  the  greatest  ruffian  at  Rome,  except  Ciodius,  an  exception 
which,  according  to  Cicero,  Vatinius  resolutely  refused  to  acknow- 
ledge.4 The  reason  why  Cicero  made  this  attack  on  Vatinius  is 
stated  by  Cicero  himself  in  his  Apologia5  toLentulus  (§  7).  Vatinius 
had  said  that  Cicero  had  been  urged  to  cultivate  the  friend- 
ship of  Caesar  by  reason  of  Caesar's  extraordinary  good  luck  and 
fortune.  The  whole  interrogate,  says  Cicero,  was  simply  a  censure 
on  his  tribunate.  The  speech  is  not  bad  reading.  Cicero  regarded 
it  with  no  little  complacency.  Writing  to  Quintus,  he  says :— - 

'  I  cut  him  up  to  my  heart's  content,  gods  and  men  applauding. 
Paulus,  witness  for  Sestius,  said  he  would  prosecute  Vatiuius  if  Licinius 
Macer  hesitated,  whereupon  Macer  rose  up  from  the  benches  where  sat 
the  supporters  of  Sestius,  and  said  he  would  not  fail  to  carry  his 
undertaking  through.  In  short,  the  aggressive  bully  Vatinius  left  the 
Court  dismayed  and  crushed.'6 

This  was  possibly  in  a  measure  true ;  but  Cicero  cannot  have 
yarded  with  much  satisfaction  his  own  futile  efforts  to  dissociate 

1  In  giving  his  evidence  Vatinius  declared  that  the  whole  '  set '  (natio — this  was 
the  word  Vatinius  used :  cp.  Sest.  96  ;  N.D.  ii  74)  of  the  Optimates  should  be  destroyed 
and  cut  away  ;   he  censured  Caesar  for  his  indulgence  to  them,  and  solemnly  asserted 
that  there  never  would  be  any  peace  while  that  '  set '  existed. 

2  Cp.  Quintil.  v.  7,  6,  interim  adversus  singulos  dirigitur  actio  :  quod  insectationis 
•genus  et  permixtum  defensioni  legimus  in  orationibus  plurimis  et  separatim  editum,  sicut 

i  Vatinium  testem. 
3Cp.  Vat.  17,  14,  11,  12,  30. 

4  Cp.  Vat.  41,  quern  tu  unum  improbiorem  esst  quam  te  nunquam  soles  confiteri. 
Public  opinion  said  that  Clodius  was  the  one  man  who  was  a  greater  rascal  than 
Vatinius  :  the  latter  would  not  allow  this.     It  is  perhaps  better  thus  to  explain  unum 
than  to  read,  with  most  editors,  nonnunquam. 

5  Fam.  i.  9.  7  (153).  6  Q.  Fr.  ii.  4.  1  (105). 


xcviii  INTRODUCTION. 

the  actions  of  Vatinius  from  those  of  Caesar.  The  speech  is  a 
lively  one,  and  sufficiently  abusive  ;  but,  in  our  opinion,  the  abuse 
is  all  in  the  way  of  business,  and  did  not  betoken  much  more 
than  dislike  and  contempt  for  a  vulgar  and  unpopular  opponent. 
Cicero's  feelings  towards  Vatinius  were  of  a  very  different  nature 
from  those  which  he  entertained  for  Clodius,  whom  he  really  hated 
and  feared.  '  The  hatred  of  Yatinius,'  said  Cicero,  a  few  years 
later,  '  I  am  able  not  only  to  swallow,  but  also  to  digest.'1  For, 
with  all  his  faults,  his  want  of  principle  and  vulgar  aggressive- 
ness, Vatinius  had  one  redeeming  quality — good-humour.  He 
had  his  joke  against  everyone,  even  against  himself  and  his 
physical  deformities ;  and  this  good-humour  tended,  as  a  general 
rule,  to  disarm  in  some  degree  the  hostility  of  his  enemies.2 

In  55  he  became  praetor,  and  thereby  gained  another  step 
on  the  ladder  of  office,  by  a  clever,  but  unscrupulous,  piece  of 
tactics  on  the  part  of  Ponipey  and  Crassus,  who  again  required 
his  services  for  their  consulship.  They  procured  a  decree  of  the 
Senate  to  the  effect  that  the  praetors  should  enter  on  their 
magistracy  at  once  after  election.  As  by  this  means  their 
creature,  if  successful,  would  be  saved  from  prosecution  for  a  year, 
by  wholesale  bribery  and  intimidation  they  secured  for  him  the 
praetorship  in  opposition  to  Cato.  It  was  a  scandal  for  ever,  the 
gravest  in  the  record  of  elections.3 

When  Vatinius  vacated  this  office,  towards  the  end  of  55  or 
beginning  of  54,  he  was  accused  by  Licinius  Calvus,  probably 
under  Cicero's  law,  on  a  charge  of  ambitus.  By  giving  a  show  of 
gladiators  during  his  canvass,  he  brought  himself  within  the  severe 
penalties  of  this  law,  which  forbade  the  exhibition  of  such  shows 
within  two  years  of  the  election.4  This  speech  of  Calvus  was 
especially  famous.5  It  was  a  great  effort,  and  extorted  a  cry 

1  Q.  Fr.  iii.  9,  5  (160),  ut  eius  ista  odia  non  sorbeam  solum  sed  etiain  concoquam. 

2  Senec.  de  Const.  Sap.  17.  3,  quoted  above,  p.  xcv,  note  1. 

3  Val.  Max.  vii.  5,  6,  comitiorum  maximum  erimen.    The  case  became  proverbial 
for  the  fortune  of  election  :  cp.  Senec.  Epist.  118,  4,  'nihilmihi  tecum,  Fortuna :  non 
facio  mei  tibi  copiam.     Scio  apud  te  Catones  repelli,  Vatinios  fieri :  nihil  rogoS     Hoc 
ett  prtoatam  facere  fortunam.     For  the  scandalous  bribery  on  the  occasion  cp.  Plut. 
Cat.  Min.  42,  Pomp.  52. 

4  Vat.  37.     Cicero's  law  added  to  the  previous  penalties  for  ambitus  exile  for  ten. 
years. 

5  Cp.  Tac.  Dial.  21,  At  hercule  in  omnium  studiosorum  manibus  ver&antur  accttsa~ 


PUB  LIU 'S  VATINIUS.  xcix 

of  praise  even  from  Vatinius.  In  the  middle  of  the  speech 
he  started  up,  and  cried  excitedly,  '  I  ask  you,  judges,  is  it 
right  that,  because  this  man  is  eloquent,  I  should  be  condemned  P'1 
The  whole  clique  of  Calvus  and  Catullus  loathed  Vatinius;  his 
physical  repulsiveness  and  brawling  behaviour  doubtless  offended 
the  artistic  sensibilities  of  that  coterie :  and,  of  course,  their 
utter  detestation  of  Caesar  and  ail  his  works  extended,  with  the 
additional  feeling  of  contempt,  to  his  hireling  creatures.2  *  I  would 
hate  you  as  everyone  hates  Yatinius ' :  so  Catullus  expresses  to 
Calvus  the  highest  degree  of  hatred  he  could  feel.3  The  defence 
of  Vatinius  was  conducted  by  Cicero,  at  the  order  of  Pompey  and 
Caesar.  Cicero,  at  this  time,  after  the  complete  break -down  of  his 
opposition  to  the  triumvirs  the  year  before,  was  their  obedient  slave. 
The  defence,  Cicero  said,  was  easy.4  To  be  compelled  to  take  this 
part  was  galling  to  Cicero,  not  so  much  from  any  strong  personal 
hostility  to  Vatinius  (though  that  counted  for  something),  as  from 
his  being  forced  to  act  against  the  political  party  with  which  his 
real  sympathies  lay.  The  elaborate  and  laboured  defence,  which 
Cicero  makes  in  his  well-known  letter  to  Lentulus,  leaves  itself 
open  to  charitable  or  harsh  judgment,  according  as  critics  are 
kindly  or  malevolent.  If  Cicero  did  play  a  somewhat  unworthy 
part,  he  played  it  in  self-defence :  he  took  the  side  of  those  who 
would  not  desert,  or  show  mean  jealousy  of,  their  best  supporters. 
Pompey  had  recently  reconciled  Vatinius  with  him,  and  Caesar 
had  earnestly  requested  him  to  conduct  the  defence ;  but  Cicero 
dwells  especially  on  the  favour  shown  by  the  Optimates  to  Clodius 
as  a  motive  which  induced  him  to  alter  his  policy,  and  to  play  off 
ds  Publius  Vatinius  against  their  Publius  Clodius.5 

es  quae  in  Vatiniutn  inscribuntur,  ac  praeeipue  secunda  ex  his  oratio;  est  enim  verbis 
ta  et  sententiis  auribus  iudicum  accommodata.     It  was  during  the  delivery  of  this 
ition  that  Catullus  noticed  the  bystander  who  held  up  his  hands,  and  said  of  Calvus, 
magni,  salaputium   disertiim  (53,  5).     The   commencement  of    the   speech   was 
isidered   especially    powerful    (lul.    Sev.    rhet.    19),   Hominem    nostrae    civitatis 

mum^  de  factione  divitem,  sordidum,  maledicum  accuso  ('  «P accuse'). 
1  Senec.  Contr.  vii.  4  (19),  6,  Rogo  vos,  iudices,  num,  si  iste  disertus  est,  ideo  me 
inari  oportet. 

-  Cicero  (Vat.  38)  says  thnt  Caesar  declared  that  Vatinius  had  been  repaid  for  all 
services,  so  that  he  felt  no  concern  for  the  failure  of  Vatinius  for  the  aedileship. 
man  who  is  paid  in  money  for  service  must  submit  to  the  loss  of  position  and 
)ur. 

3  14,  3,  Odissem  te  odio  Vatiniano:  cp.  above,  p.  xciv,  note  2. 

4  Q.  Fr.  ii.  15,  3  (147).  5  Cp.  Plut.  Cic.  26  ;  Fam.  i.  9,  19  (153). 


c  INTRODUCTION. 

We  do  not  hear  of  Yatinius  again  until  51,  when  he  appears 
as  a  legate  of  Caesar  in  Gaul.1  He,  doubtless,  remained  with  him 
until  his  invasion  of  Italyin  49,  but  took  no  prominent  part  in 
the  crisis  of  that  year.  Before  the  battle  of  Pharsalia  he  was 
sent  with  proposals  of  peace  to  Pompey,  but  was  not  present  at 
the  action.  He  had  previously  been  appointed  governor  of 
Brundisium,  which  he  defended  with  ability  against  an  attack  of 
D.  Laelius.3  During  his  governorship  of  Brundisium,  Cicero  was 
lodging  in  the  town,  and  speaks  of  having  received  considerable 
kindness  at  the  hands  of  Yatinius.  '  He  would  do  anything  if  he 
could  only  find  out  in  what  he  could  assist  me.'3  In  the  spring 
of  47  Yatinius,  with  very  inferior  forces,  defeated  the  fleet  of 
M.  Octavius  in  a  well-fought  battle  at  the  Island  of  Tauris,  off 
the  coast  of  Illyricum.4  At  the  end  of  the  same  year,  the  oath 
which  Vatinius  so  often  had  sworn,  the  oath  by  his  prospective 
consulship,  could  no  longer  be  regarded  as  a  false  one,  for  he  was 
made  consul  suffectm  apparently  within  a  few  days  of  the  end  of 
December.5 

In  46  or  45,  Yatinius  was  appointed  to  the  command  of 
Illyricum.  During  his  tenure  of  that  district  he  made  some 
successful  expeditions  against  the  Dalmatians,  of  which  he  gives 
a  slight  account  in  the  two  and  a-balf  letters  of  his  which 
have  come  down  to  us.  For  his  success  he  was  saluted  Imperator 
by  his  soldiers.  He  writes  to  Cicero,  asking  his  good  services  in 
confuting  the  calumnies  of  his  enemies,  and  in  securing  for  him  a 
triumph.  He  promises  his  aid  in  endeavouring  to  capture  a  run- 
away slave  of  Cicero's,  but  holds  up  his  hands  in  pretended 


1  Bell.  Gall.  viii.  46.  2  Caes.  Bell.  Civ.  iii.  19,  90,  100. 

3  Att,  xi.  5,  4  (416) ;  cp.  9,  2  (423).  *  Bell.  Alex.  44,  45. 

5  Catull.  52,  3,  Per  consulatum  peierat  Vatinius.  Catullus  died  in  54,  so  we  must 
suppose  that  Vatinius,  during  his  career  of  office,  often  swore,  Ita  consul  Jiam  ut 
haec  vera  sunt,  as  Dio  Cassius  (1.  5.  4)  tells  us  Cleopatra  used  to  swear,  Sic  in  Capitolio 
itira  reddam;  and  this  is,  indeed,  virtually  stated  by  Cicero,  Vat.  6,  At  tamen  hoc, 
Vatini,  memento  .  .  .  me  .  .  .  magnificentissime  post  hominum  memoriam  consulem 
factum,  omniaque  ea  me  pudenter  vivendo  consecutum  esse  quae  tu  inpudenter 
vaticin-ando  tperare  te  saepe  dixisti:  cp.  11,  38.  The  jokes  which  Cicero 
made  on  the  consulship  of  Vatinius  (Macrob.ii.  3,  5)  are  of  the  same  nature  as  those  he 
made  on  the  consulship  of  Caninius  Rebilus — '  a  prodigy  is  the  consulship  of  Vatinius : 
in  it  was  neither  winter,  spring,  summer,  nor  autumn.*  Vatinius  asked  Cicero  why  he 
did  not  call  to  see  him.  « Oh ! '  replied  Cicero,  « I  intended  to  call  on  you  when  you 
were  consul,  hut  was  overtaken  by  night.' 


PUBLIUS  VATINIUS.  ci 

amazement  and  horror  at  Cicero's  request  on  behalf  of  a  certain 
Sex.  Servilius  and  of  a  notorious  criminal,  one  Gatilius — 

'  Are  those  the  clients,  those  the  cases  you  undertake  to  support  ?  A 
man  as  great  a  savage  as  there  is  alive,  who  has  killed,  ravished,  and 
outraged  numbers  of  free  youths,  married  women,  and  Roman  citizens, 
and  who  has  laid  whole  regions  waste.  The  ape,  who  was  not  worth  a 
half-penny,  tried  to  fight  me,  and  I  took  him  prisoner  of  war.  But,  though 
you  ask  me,  my  dear  Cicero,  what  can  I  do  ?  My  word,  I  do  wish  to 
perform  every  command  you  lay  upon  me.  The  penalty  and  punishment 
which  1  was  intending  to  execute  on  my  prisoner  I  remit  and  relinquish 
at  your  request ;  hut  what  reply  can  I  make  to  those  who  demand  satis- 
faction for  the  plunder  of  their  goods*,  the  attack  on  their  ships,  the 
murder  by  Catilius  of  their  brothers,  children,  and  parents  ?  Upon  my 
faith,  if  I  had  the  brazen  face  of  my  predecessor  in  the  augurate,  Appius, 
I  could  not  bear  these  complaints.  Well,  what  then?  I  shall  carefully 
do  all  that  I  know  you  want.  His  defence  is  being  conducted  by  your 
pupil,  Volusius,  and  possibly  that  circumstance  will  be  able  to  terrify  his 
opponents.  In  this  is  our  best  hope.' 

This  is  decidedly  amusing,  especially  the  tone  of  expostulation. 
The  not  too  scrupulous  Yatinius  is  in  amazement  at  the  magnitude 
of  the  job  which  the  righteous  Cicero  wishes  to  have  perpetrated  ; 
but  yet  he  will  do  his  best.1 

In  45,  the  successes  of  Vatinius  were  recognized  by  a  vote  which 
decreed  a  supplicatio  in  his  honour.  Soon  after  he  was  sent  out  to 
the  east  coast  of  the  Adriatic  again.  In  43,  he  held  Dyrrhachium 
for  some  time  against  Marcus  Brutus,  but  finally  surrendered  to 
him  during  the  spring.  It  is  uncertain  whether  the  surrender 
was  under  compulsion  or  voluntary  :  the  statements  of  Cicero  and 
Appian2  to  the  latter  effect  have  the  greater  degree  of  probability. 
Notwithstanding  this  failure,  the  triumvirs  allowed  him  the  honour 
of  a  triumph  for  his  exploits  in  Dalmatia  ;  and  on  the  31st  of  July, 
712  (42),  he  entered  the  city  as  imperator,  and  the  name  of  Vatinius 
was  added  to  the  list  of  triumphatores,  whereon  had  been  inscribed 
the  names  of  Camillus  and  Africanus,  Paullus,  and  Marius, 
Pompeius  and  Caesar.  We  hear  no  more  of  him. 

Yet  it  is  a  fitting  end  for  our  knowledge  of  a  second-rate 
politician,  and  a  second-rate,  though  courageous,  general.  A 
triumph  by  itself  had  ceased  to  be  a  real  honour ;  even  Lentulus 

1  Ep.  696.  2  Cic.  Phil.  x.  13  ;  App.  Bell.  Civ.  iv.  75. 


Cii  INTRODUCTION. 

Spinther  got  a  triumph.  It  meant  no  more  than  a  peerage  means 
to-day.  Yet  we  are  glad  that  Cicero  did  not  live  to  learn  of  this 
special  scandal,  and  was  spared  the  grief  and  humiliation  of  seeing 
what  had  been  the  highest  glory  of  his  darling  republic  carelessly 
granted  to  a  vulgar  agitator,  and  the  purple-dyed  and  gold- 
bespangled  robe  of  the  triumphant  commander,  the  very  garments 
of  Jupiter  himself,  wrapped  round  the  scrofulous  swellings  of 
Yatinius.1 


2.  MARCUS  CICERO  THE  YOUNGER. 

CICERO'S  only  son,  young  Marcus,  was  born  in  65,  about  July 
or  August,  when  L.  Julius  Caesar  and  C.  Marcius  Figulus  had 
been  just  designated  consuls  for  the  next  year.  He  was  thus 
some  nine  years  younger  than  Tullia.  During  the  early  part  of 
his  life  we  hear  little  of  him,  except  in  a  few  conventional  remarks.2 
He  is  not  mentioned  in  his  father's  correspondence  during  those 
years  except  incidentally  as  a  '  sweet  boy.'3  He  was  seven  years 
old  when  Cicero  was  exiled,  and  it  was  one  of  the  sources  of 
greatest  sorrow  to  the  father  that  just  as  his  son  was  beginning  to 
perceive  things  intelligently  he  had  felt  the  bitter  sting  of  misery 
and  sorrow.4  When  the  boy  was  eleven  years  old,  he  and  his  cousin 
Quintus  were  put  under  the  care  of  a  teacher  of  rhetoric,  called 
Paeonius,  who  appears  to  have  given  them  instruction  in  a  some- 
what declamatory  style  of  oratory.5  In  51  the  two  boys  accom- 
panied Cicero  to  Cilicia  with  the  respectable  but  irritable6  Dionysius 
as  their  tutor.  During  50  King  Deiotarus  asked  the  boys  to 
visit  him,  and  Cicero  considered  Galatia  a  very  desirable  place 
for  them  in  which  to  spend  the  summer.7  Towards  winter 
Deiotarus  took  them  back  to  Cicero  at  Laodicea.  '  The  two  lads/ 

1  Cp.  Att.  ii.  9,  2  (36)  of  the  augurate,  denique  etiam   Vatini  strumam  sacerdoti 
iifiatytf)  vestiant. 

2  Cic.  Cat.  iv.  3 ;  Post  red.  ad  Quir.  8.  3  mellitus  Cicero,  Att.  i.  18,  1  (24) 
4  Fam.  xiv.  1,  1  (82).                                           5  Q.  Fr.  iii.  3,  4  (151). 

6  Att.  viii.  4,  1  (335)  :  cp.  vi.  1,  12  (252),  Dionysius  mihi  quidem  in  amoribus  est  . 
pueri  autetn  aiunt  eumfurenter  irasci,  sed  homo  nee  doctior  nee  sanctior  fieri  potest  nee 
tui  meique  amantior. 

7  Att.  v.  17,  3  (209). 


MARCUS  CICERO  THE  YOUNGER.  ciii 

writes  Cicero  to  Atticus  vi.  1,  12  (252),  *  are  companions  in  their 
studies  and  their  exercises  ;  but,  as  Isocrates  said  of  Theopompus 
and  Ephorus,  one  of  them  (young  Quintus)  needs  the  curb,  the 
other  (young  Marcus)  the  spur/ 

On  his  return  Cicero  appears  to  have  touched  at  Rhodes,  as  the 
boys  wished  to  see  the  town.  Young  Marcus  was  now  about 
fifteen.  He  remained  with  his  father  during  the  early  part  of  the 
eventful  year  49.  There  was  some  talk  of  sending  him  to  Greece, 
to  escape  the  dangers  to  which  Italy  was  exposed  by  reason 
of  the  Civil  War l ;  but  he  did  not  go.  At  the  end  of  March 
his  father  gave  him  the  toga  virilis  at  Arpinum,  after  the  important 
meeting  with  Caesar  in  which  Cicero  finally  committed  himself  to 
the  cause  of  Pompey.2  He  accompanied  his  father  to  Greece  in 
that  year ;  and  we  are  a  little  surprised  to  hear  that  Pompey  put 
the  boy,  who  was  not  yet  sixteen,  in  command  (we  presume  honorary 
command)  of  a  squadron  of  cavalry.  In  the  De  Officiis  (ii.  45),  a 
work  dedicated  to  young  Marcus,  Cicero  says : — 

*  When  Pompey  put  you  in  command  of  a  squadron,  you  won  great 
praise  from  that  eminent  man  and  from  his  army  by  your  skill  in  riding, 
in  throwing  the  javelin,  and  in  enduring  every  kind  of  military  toil.' 

This  shows  that  his  bent  was  decidedly  in  the  direction  of  athletics. 
He  never  displayed  any  taste  for  intellectual  pursuits. 

After  the  battle  of  Pharsalia  he  returned  with  his  father  to 
Brundisium.  In  the  course  of  the  miserable  year  which  Cicero 
spent  in  that  town  he  meditated  sending  his  son  to  Caesar  with  a 
defence  against  the  calumnies  of  his  brother  and  nephew,  but  gave 
up  the  idea  when  he  heard  that  Caesar  was  in  a  dangerous  position 
in  Alexandria,  and  could  hardly  escape.3  In  the  next  year  46 
young  Quintus,  young  Marcus,  and  M.  Caesius  were  appointed 
aediles  at  Arpinum4  through  Cicero's  influence ;  and  about  the 
same  time  Cicero  wrote  for  his  son  the  dialogue  called  Partitiones 
Oratoriae,  in  which  young  Marcus  and  his  father  are  the  two 
interlocutors. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  same  year  we  have  an  account  of  an 
interesting  conversation  between  father  and  son  relative  to  a  desire 

1  Att.  vii.  17,  1  (315).  2  Att.  ix.  19,  1  (377)  :  cp.  vol.  iv,  pp.  xxxiv-xxxvi. 

3  Att.  xi.  17  and  18  (432,  434).  4  Fam.  xiii.  11,  3  (452),  where  see  note. 


civ  INTRODUCTION. 

of  the  latter  to  accompany  Caesar  on  his  Spanish  expedition. 
Writing  to  Atticus,  Cicero  says : — 

'  My  talk  with  the  lad  was  most  frank.  I  wish  you  would,  if  con- 
venient, inquire  about  it  from  him.  But  why  should  I  put  it  off  ?  I  told 
him  that  you  had  informed  me  of  his  wishes  and  requirements ;  namely, 
that  he  wished  to  go  to  Spain,  and  that  he  required  a  liberal  allowance.  Asj 
regards  the  liberal  allowance  I  said  he  should  have  the  same  as  the  sons  i 
of  Publilius  and  of  the  iiamen  Lentulus.  As  regards  the  Spanish  project  I 
brought  forward  two  considerations  : — First,  that  which  occurred  to  you, 
that  I  was  afraid  of  censure.  *  Is  it  not  enough  that  we  relinquished  our 
cause  ?  Are  we  even  to  take  arms  against  it  ? '  Secondly,  that  he  woulc 
be  mortified  when  he  found  that  his  cousin  was  on  more  friendly  terms  anc 
in  every  way  more  influential  with  Caesar  than  he  could  be.  I  should  prefer 
that  he  should  avail  himself  of  my  liberal  allowance  rather  than  adopt  the 
liberty  of  life  he  wishes  for  ;  but  I  left  it  to  himself,  for  I  saw  that  you  die 
not  entirely  disapprove  of  this  course.  I  shall  turn  the  matter  over  in  my 
mind  again  and  again,  and  I  beg  of  you  to  do  the  same.  It  is  an  impor- 
tant matter.  The  simple  thing  is  for  him  to  remain ;  the  other  projed 
is  dangerous.  But  we  shall  see  about  it.'1 

Yet,  after  all,  young  Marcus  did  not  go  to  Spain.  Nor  was  he 
allowed  to  set  up  a  house  of  his  own  at  Rome,  which  was  another 
project  of  his.2  He  was  sent  instead,  now  twenty  years  of  age, 
to  the  University  of  Athens  to  study  philosophy  under  Cratippus.3 
He  was  given  a  very  liberal  allowance  indeed,  his  father  putting 
aside  for  that  purpose  the  rent  of  house-property  be  owned  in  the 
Aventine  and  Argiletum.  It  amounted  to  almost  £800  a  year/ 
Cicero  appears  to  have  been  actuated  by  a  desire  that  none  of  the 
young  Romans  who  were  studying  at  Athens  should  have  a  larger 
allowance  than  Ids  son.5  No  wonder  that  he  fell  into  bad  ways, 
and  that  an  unprincipled  Greek  teacher,  one  Gorgias,  who 
appears  to  have  combined  proficiency  in  rhetoric  with  an  accurate 
knowledge  of  the  Athenian  demi-monde*  aided  and  abetted  him  in 
the  culture  of  his  wild  oats.7  We  hear  that  in  May,  45,  Atticus 
had  some  serious  fault  to  find  with  young  Marcus,  and  wrote  him 
a  letter  which  Cicero  says  was  written  with  us  much  gravity  and 

1  Alt.  xii.  7,  1  (500).  2  568.  2. 

3  Cp.  note  to  736.  2.  *  769.  5. 

5  568.  2  :  cp.  748.  4,  id  etiam  ad  dignitatem  meam  pertinere  eum  non  modo  liberalitet 
a  nobis  sed  etiam  ornate  cumulateque  tractari ;  also  709.  2. 

6  See  note  to  786.  6.  7  Cp.  Plut.  Cic.  24. 


MARCUS  CICERO  THE  YOUNGER.  cv 

restraint  as  possible,  and  precisely  in  accordance  with  his  wishes. 
Later,  about  August,  the  sensible  and  thrifty  Atticus  appears 
to  have  expostulated  with  Cicero  on  the  extravagant  allowance 
which  he  had  given  his  son,  and  pointed  to  the  results ;  but  the 
fond  father  replied  that  he  would  be  ashamed  that  Ids  son,  be  he 
what  he  may  (qualiscunque  est),  should  be  at  all  pinched  this  first 
year.1  During  the  early  spring  of  710  (44)  Leonides,  one  of  the 
authorities  of  the  University,  did  not  give  a  very  satisfactory  report 
of  the  young  man  ;  he  said  he  was  getting  on  pretty  well  *  just  at 
present'  (quomodonunc  est},  and  'so  far'  (adhuc).  In  consequence 
of  these  reports  Cicero  thought  of  taking  a  run  (excurrere)  into 
Greece  to  see  his  son.2  Trebonius,  indeed,  writing  in  May, 
speaks  warmly  of  young  Cicero's  studious  and  regular  habits 
and  his  great  popularity.3  He  had  probably  been  more  studi- 
ous or  at  least  more  steady  ;4  but  we  cannot  help  thinking 
that  this  account  of  Trebonius  was  exaggerated  in  order  that 
Cicero  might  allow  his  son  to  go  with  Trebonius  on  a  visit  to 
Asia.  Young  Cicero  wished  it  very  much.  To  be  sure,  Cratippus 
was  to  go  along  with  them,  so  that  the  boy  would  not  be  neglect- 
ing his  studies.  Herodes,  another  professor,  also  spoke  well  of 
young  Cicero.  The  father,  though  not  quite  reassured,  confesses 
with  an  affectionate  frankness,  *  I  readily  allow  myself  to  be 
imposed  on  in  this  respect,  and  I  gladly  lend  myself  to  be  con- 
vinced.'5 When  we  read  a  sentence  like  this,  College  tutors 
may  disapprove  and  shake  their  heads,  but  our  hearts  warm  to 
Cicero  all  the  same.  Natural  affection  atones  for  a  multitude  of 
errors. 

Cicero  appears  to  have  also  derived  some  comfort  from  the  fact 
that  his  son's  letters  were  written  in  a  *  classic '  style,  so  that  he 
would  be  prepared  to  read  them  '  even  in  a  conversazione.'6  But 

i  601.  1;  664.  2.  2  721.  3;  746.  3  736.  1,  2. 

4  Cp.  748.  4,  Cicero  noster  quo  modestior  est  eo  me  magis  commovet. 

5  746. 

6  749.  2,  ipsius  litterae  sic  et  <f>i\offT6pyus  et  Treirivw/ufvcos  scriptae  ut  easvel  in  acroasi 
audeam  legere.     We  know  Cicero  was  a  severe  critic  of  his  son's  letters  (Quintil.  i.  7, 
34,  injilio,  ut  epistulis  apparet,  recte  loquendi  asper  quoque  exactor),  and  he  had  good 
grounds  to  be,  if  his  son  perpetrated  such  a  sentence  as  direxi  litteras  duos,  which  is 
handed  down  on  the  testimony  of  Servius  (on  Mn.  viii.  168).  We  are  uncharitable 
enough  to  have  a  lurking  suspicion  that  the  enterprising  Gorgias  may  have  composed 
the  '  classic '  epistles  which  delighted  the  too  credulous  i'ather. 

VOL.  v.  h. 


CV1 


INTRODUCTION. 


still  young  Marcus  clamoured  for  money,  and  still  the  father  desired 
to  '  give  him  a  large  margin '  (laxius),  and  continued  the  allow- 
ance.1 Atticus  remitted  the  money  by  a  Bill  of  Exchange  on 
Athens.2  Xeno,  the  agent  of  Atticus  at  Athens,  appears  to  have 
wisely  doled  out  very  small  sums  to  the  lad  in  a  chary  and 
*  skimpy  '  fashion  ^A/ffXP^c).3 

However,  the  conduct  of  Gorgias  appears  to  have  become  too 
outrageous,  and  Cicero  sent  peremptory  orders  to  his  son  to  break 
off  all  intimacy  with  that  depraved  man.  On  the  receipt  of  this 
order  young  Cicero  wrote  a  most  interesting  and  effusive  letter  to 
Tiro.4  He  will  of  course  defer  to  the  wishes  of  his  most  indulgent 
and  affectionate  father,  is  deeply  sorry  for  his  youthful  errors,  and 
promises  complete  reformation.  He  then  proceeds  to  paint  quite 
ideal  relations  between  his  tutors  and  himself.  Cratippus  is  like 
a  father  to  him ;  not  only  does  he  attend  with  pleasure  the  lectures 
of  Cratippus,  but  that  learned  professor  often  drops  into  supper, 
and  they  have  pleasant  chats  and  jokes  together.  Bruttius  also, 
who  cultivates  plain  living  and  high  thinking,5  is  his  constant 
companion,  and  with  him,  too,  merry  talk  is  not  divorced  from 
learning  and  daily  work. 

'  Indeed  I  have  taken  a  house  for  him  in  the  neighbourhood,  and,  as  far 
as  I  can,  from  my  scanty  means  I  alleviate  his  narrow  circumstances.  I 
have  started  declamation  in  Greek  with  Cassius  :  I  wish  to  practise  myself 
in  Latin  declamation  with  Bruttius.  I  have  as  my  intimate  and  daily 
associates  men  whom  Cratippus  has  brought  over  with  him  from  Mitylene, , 
men  who  are  both  learned  and  are,  as  he  considers,  of  the  highest  character. , 
Epicrates,  the  chief  of  the  Athenians,  is  with  me  a  good  deal,  and  Leonides, , 
and  others  of  the  same  sort.  De  nobis  ipsis  haec  hactenus.' 

Of  course  he  will  dismiss  Gorgias,  though  Gorgias  had  been  very 
useful  in  the  daily  rhetorical  exercises ;  and  so  on.  This  was 

1  749.  4. 

2  Cicero  is  constantly  giving  directions  to  Atticus  with  regard  to  the  amount  and 
despatch  of  his  son's  allowance:  657.  1;  664.2;  709.  2;  714.2;  721.  4;  724.  5; 
748.  4 ;  749.  1 ;  752.  4 ;  769.  5. 

3  769.  5. 

4  786.     We  are  a  little  surprised  that  he  did  not  write  to  Cicero  himself ;  but 
this  does  not  seem  to  have  been  the  first  occasion  on  which  the  father  had  reason 
to  feel  aggrieved  that  his  son  chose  the  freedman  of  the  family  as  his  correspondent : 
cp.  748.  4,  ad  me  cnim  de  hoc  re  nihil  scripsit,  ad  quew  nitnirum  potissimum  debuit. 

5  §  4,  cum  frugv  sever  ague  est  vita. 


MARCUS  CICERO  THE  YOUNGER.  cvii 

[indeed  the  Golden  Age  of  University  life.  Not  only  does  the 
[professor  lie  down  (to  supper)  with  the  student,  and  the  student 
put  of  his  own  allowance  pay  the  rent  of  the  professor's  house, 
but  the  student  has,  or  at  least  wants  to  get  as  soon  as  possible, 
a  private  secretary  who  knows  Greek  to  copy  out  his  notes,  so  that 
I  his  valuable  time  may  not  be  wasted.1 

About  September  M.  Brutus  arrived  at  Athens.  He,  too,  not 
I  only  attended  lectures  by  Cratippus — that  was  apparently  the 
respectable  thing  to  do — but  also  proceeded  to  recruit  among  the 
'students.  The  athletic  young  Cicero  at  once  volunteered,  delighted, 
we  are  sure,  to  get  rid  of  Cratippus,  of  Greek  and  Latin  declama- 
tion, and  all  the  rest  of  it.2  Brutus  appointed  him  to  the  com- 
Imand  of  a  squadron  of  cavalry ;  and  formed  such  a  high  opinion 
of  him  that  he  declared  that,  whether,  he  was  awake  or  asleep,  he 
admired  young  Cicero  for  his  noble  nature  and  his  hatred  of 
tyrants.3  He  did  good  service  for  Brutus  in  the  campaign  against 
C.  Antouius,  received  the  surrender  of  L.  Piso,  who  was  in  com- 
mand of  a  legion,  and  won  a  victory  over  C.  Antonius  himself, 
who  attempted  to  force  a  pass  at  Byllis.4 

About  this  time  Cicero  wished  that  his  son  should  be  elected 
long  the  Pontifices,  but  thought  that  perhaps  it  was  advisable 
he  should  not  return  to  Italy  until  Brutus  came  himself.5 
It  was  fortunate  he  did  not  return  to  the  city  where  he  would 
have  met  the  fate  of  his  father,  his  uncle,  and  his  cousin  ;  for 
young  Marcus  Cicero  was  registered  among  the  proscribed.6  He 
fought  at  Philippi,  and  probably  ran  away,  as  Horace  did.  At  all 

1  786.  8. 

2  It  was  about  this  time  that  Cicero  dediaated  to  his  son  his  elegant  and  earnest 
treatise  De  Officiis :  cp.  Att.xv.  13,  6  (795),  Nos  hie  QiXoaofyovncv — quid  enim  aliud? — 
et  TO.  Trcpi  rov  Kad-fiKovTos  magnifice  explicamus  irpoff<p(avovfji.fvque  Ciceroni.  Qua  de  re 
enim  potius  pater  filio  ? 

3  Plut.  Brut.  24,  S>v  3)v  Kal   KiKepwvos   vlbs  %v  eiraive'i   $ta<pep6vT<i)S  KO.I  (pT/jffiv,  eJfr' 
fjp-nyopev  e£r'  eVvTrj/m^erai,  Qav^a^fiv  ovra  yevvaiov  ovro.  Kal  fjufforvpavvov:  Cp.Brut. 
ii.  3,  6  (837),  Cicero,  filius  tuus,  sicmihi  se  probat  industria,  patientia,  labore,  animi 
tnagnitudine,  omni  denique  officio,  tit  prorsus  numquatn  dimittere  videatur  cogitationem 
euit4s  sit  Jilius.     Quare  quoniam  efficere  non  possum  ut  pluris  facias  eum  qui  tibi  est 
earissimus,  illud  tribue  iudicio  meo  ut  tibi  persuadeas  non  fore  illi  abutendum  gloria 
tua  ut  adipiscatur  honor es  paternos. 

4  Cic.  Phil.  x.  13  ;  Plut.  Brut.  24,  26 ;  Plut.  Cic.  45. 

5  Brut.  i.  5,  3  (852) ;  12,  3  (909) ;  14,  2  (913). 

6  Appian  iv.  19. 


cviii  INTRODUCTION. 

events,  after  the  battle  he  fled  to  Sextus  Pompeius,  by  whom  he 
was  appointed  to  a  post  of  command  in  his  army1  ;  but  he  doubt- 
less returned  to  Rome  in  -39,  when  an  amnesty  was  granted  by 
the  Treaty  of  MIsenum.2  Some  time  later  Octavian,  as  an  amende 
for  having  given  up  Cicero  to  death,3  made  him  augur,  and  in 
September,  30,  elevated  him  to  the  dizzy  eminence  of  consul 
siiffectm.'  During  this  consulship  of  young  Cicero,  and  apparently 
at  his  proposal,  the  Senate 

'threw  down  the  statues  of  Antony,  and  annulled  all  the  other  honours 
which  had  been  bestowed  upon  him,  and  further  decreed  that  henceforth 
no  Antonius  should  bear  the  name  of  Marcus.  Thus  Heaven  (TO  Scu/uoVtov) 
delivered  over  to  the  house  of  Cicero  the  final  punishment  of  Antony.'5 

Afterwards,  when  the  death  of  Antony  was  announced,  young 
Cicero  '  read  the  news  to  the  people,  and  posted  the  letter  on  the 
Rostra  where  formerly  his  father's  head  had  been  fixed.'6 

After  his  consulship,  when  an  interval  of  five  or  probably  ten 
years  had  elapsed,  young  Cicero  governed  Asia  as  pro-consul ; 
and  later,  probably  not  before  13,  he  was  legatus  of  Syria.7  This 
is  the  last  event  in  young  Cicero's  life  of  which  we  hear.  It  would 
seem  to  show  that  he  was  not  such  a  drunken  sot  as  some 
writers  represent  him,  though  doubtless  he  was  sometimes  guilty 
of  excess.  Thus  we  are  told  that,  when  drunk  on  the  occasion  of 
a  banquet  during  his  proconsulship  of  Asia,  he  had  the  rhetori- 
cian Cestius  whipped  for  having  called  his  father  an  uneducated 
man  ;  and  that  on  another  occasion  he  flung  a  cup  at  Marcus 
Agrippa.  Seneca  also  tells  us  that  he  ruined  any  little  memory 
he  had  by  drunkenness.8  But  whatever  allowances  we  make,  we 

1  Appian  iv.  51.  2  Veil.  ii.  77. 

3  Appian  iv.  51,  4s  a.iroXoyia.v  TTJS  Kuccpuvos  fK86ffcws. 

4  Fasti  Consulares  ap.  C.  I.  L.  i2,  p.  160. 

5  Plut.  Cic.  49 :  cp.  Seneca  De  Benef.  iv.  30.  2  :  Dio  Cass.  li.  19.  4 

6  App.  iv.  51. 

7  App.  iv.  51.  The  well-known  inscription,  M.  TULLIOM.  P.  M.  N.  M.  p.  N.  (=  prone- 

poti)     COR.  |  CICERONI     COS.     PROCO8.     PROV.    ASIAE   LEG.    IMP.  |  CAES.    AUG.    IN    SYRIA 

PATRONO,  like  so  many  others  found  at  Rocca  d'Arce  relating  to  the  family  of  the 
Cicero*,  is  unfortunately  not  genuine  :  cp.  C.  I.  L.  x.  *704  ;  Mommsen  Resgestae  d. 
Aug.,  p.  165. 

8  Senec.  Suas.  7,  13,    Erat  autcm  Cestius,  nullius  quidem  ingenii,   Ciceroni  etiam 
infestus :  quod  illi  non  impune  cessit.     Nam  cum  M.   Tullius,  Jilius  Ciceronis,  Asiam 
obtineret,   homo    qui    nihil    ex   paterno     ingenio    habuit     praeter   urbani- 


MARCUS  CICERO  THE  YOUNGER.  cix 

must  confess  that  the  son  of  Cicero  had  an  essentially  common 
nature,  transmitted  to  him  possibly  from  Terentia.  He  was 
a  degenerate  son  of  his  illustrious  father,  though  he  appears  to 
lave  inherited  some  of  Cicero's  wit.  But  he  had  no  other  intel- 
ectual  gift  whatever,  and  he  was  especially  deficient  in  application 
and  memory.  Nor  does  he  appear  to  have  had  any  ambition  l 
nor  much  energy  ;  he  was  idle  and  listless,  and  even  in  boyhood, 
while  his  cousin  required  the  curb,  he  required  the  spur.2  He 
jeems  to  have  been  good  at  physical  exercises,  to  have  been  a 
capable  subordinate  officer  in  the  army,  and  was  probably  a  fairly 
competent  administrator  :  but  it  saddens  one  to  think  that  what 
?ame  has  borne  down  the  ages  as  the  most  noteworthy  feat  of 
;he  son  of  Cicero  is  that  he  was  accustomed  to  drink  nearly  a 
gallon  and  a  half  of  wine  at  one  bout.3 

a  tern,  cenabat  apud  ewn  Cestius.    M.  Tullio  et  natura  memoriam  dempserat  et  ebrietas 

t  quid  ex  ea  supererat  subducebat  ;  subinde  interrogabat  qui  ille  vocaretur  qui  in  imo 
recumberet,  et  cum  saepe  subieetum  illi  nomen  Cestii  excidisset,  novissime  servus,  ut 
ctliqua  nota  memoriam  eius  faceret  certiorem,  interroganti  domino,  quis  ille  esset  qui  in 

mo  recumberet,  ait  '  hie  est  Cestius  qui  patrem  tuum  negabat  litteras  scisse  '  ;  adferri 
ociusflagra  iussit  et  Ciceroni,  ut  oportuit,  de  corio  Cestius  satisfecit.  The  chastisement 
was  perhaps  merited  ;  but  it  represents  a  strange  state  of  manners  to  scourge  a  guest 
at  one's  own  table  for  an  offence  committed  at  a  previous  time. 

1  In  a  fragment  of  a  letter  found  in,  Priscian  viii.  96  (i.  445.  2  Keil)  we  find  his 

ather  urging  him  '  to  work  and  strive  earnestly  to  excel  '  (quare  effice  et  elabora  ut 
excelleas).  He  doubtless  felt  that  his  son's  dull  soul  did  not  warm  with  the  desire  alev 


2  Cp.  above,  p.  ciii. 

3  Plin.  H.  N.  xiv.  147  is  justly  severe  :  Tergilla  Ciceronem  M.  F.  binos  congios 
nmul  haurire  sohtum  ipsi  obicit,  Marcoque  Agrippae  a  temulento  scyphum  impactum. 
Etenim  haec  sunt  ebrietatis  opera.    Sed  nimirum  hanc  gloriam  auferre  Cicero  voluit  inter- 
fectori  patris  sui,  M.  Antonio  :  is  enim  ante  eum  avidissime  adprehenderat  hanc  pair 


lmam. 


cx  INTRODUCTION. 

IV. -ADDENDUM  TO  THE  COMMENTARY. 
FAM.  IV.  5,  4  (EP.  555). 

ST.  AMBROSE  EPISTOLAE  i.  39.  3  =  MIGNE  xvi.  1099. 
(To  Faustinus,  who  has  shut  himself  up  in  despair  at  the  death  of  him 


Sed  doles  quod  dudum  florentissima  repente  occiderit.  Verum  hoc  nobis! 
commune  non  solum  cum  hominibus,  sed  etiara  cum  civitatibus  terrisque  ipsis 
est.  Nempe  de  Bononiensi  veniens  urbe  a  tergo  Claternam,  ipsam  Bononiam, 
Mutinam,  Rhegium,  derelinquebas,  in  dextera  erat  Brixellum,  a  fronte 
occurrebat  Placentia,  veterem  nobilitatem  ipso  adhuc  nomine  sonans  ;  ad ; 
laevam  Appennini  inculta  miseratus,  et  florentissimorum  quondam  populorura 
castella  considerabas,  atque  affectu  relegebas  dolenti.  Tot  igitur  semirutarum 
urbium  cadavera,  terrarumque  sub  eodem  conspectu  exposita  funera  non  te 
admouent  unius,  sanctae  licet  et  admirabilis  feminae,  decessionem  consola- 
biliorem  habendam;  praesertim  cum  ilia  in  perpetuum  prostrata  ac  diruta 
sint;  haec  autem  ad  tempus  quidem  erepta  nobis,  meliorem  illic  vitain 
exigat  ? 

Itaque  non  tarn  deplorandam  q  uam  prosequendam  orationibus  reor :  new 
moestificandam  lacrymis  tuis  sed  magis  oblationibus  animam  eius  Domino 
commendandam  arbitror.  , 

The  language  may,  perhaps,  be  inferior  to  that  of  Sulpicius, 
but  the  hope  is  higher. 

The    very   hesitating    manner    (cp.    555.  6   note)    in   which  i 
Sulpicius  speaks  of  the  possibility  that  there  may  be  a  future  life — 
si  qui  etiam  inferis  sensus  est — no  doubt  represents  the  views  of  ai 
certain  circle  of  educated  Romans  of  Cicero's  time ;  but  it  was 
not  the  opinion  of  Cicero  himself.1    Cicero  believed  in  the  immor- 
tality of  the  soul.     He  based  his  view  mainly  on  the  ground  of 

1  It  is  true  that  Cicero  sometimes  argues  on  the  supposition  that  the  soul  may  he 
mortal:  cp.  Tusc.  i.  82 ;  Fam.  v.  16,  4  (529),  dicam  quae  saepissime  et  legi  et  audivi, 
nihil  malt  esse  in  morte,  ex  qua  si  resident  sensus,  immortalitas  ilia  potius  quam  mors 
ducenda  sit,  sin  sit  amissus,  nulla  videri  miseria  debeat  quae  non  sentiatur  (cp. 
Plato  Apol.  40  c)  ;  but,  as  Zeller  says,  '  this  is  merely  the  prudence  of  the  Academi- 
cian and  of  the  practical  man  of  the  world,  who  would  make  the  moral  effect  of  Ids 
discourses  as  far  as  possible  independent  of  all  theoretic  presuppositions,'  and  who  is 
especially  anxious  to  dispel  the  fear  of  death,  which  may  prove  so  disturbing  a  factor 
in  the  conduct  of  Mfe. 


ADDENDUM  TO  THE  COMMENTARY.  cxi 

innate  notions  on  the  subject,  and  on  the  conviction  that  '  such  a 
piece  of  work  as  man,  so  noble  in  reason,  so  infinite  in  faculty,  .  .  . 
n  apprehension  so  like  a  god/  could  not  possibly  be  formed  of 
merely  earthly  mould.  No ;  rather  he  is  an  effluence  of  the 
Divine  spirit  enclosed  in  the  prison-house  of  the  body.1  To  these 
a  priori  notions  he  adds,  as  verification,  the  universal  consent 
which  obtained  with  reference  to  the  idea  of  immortality,  shown 
especially  in  the  worship  of  the  dead ;  the  care  which  each  man 
takes  that  he  be  held  in  remembrance  after  death;  and  the 
belief  of  the  great  men  of  his  own  nation,  who,  strong  in  that 
oelief,  faced  all  the  terrors  of  death  for  their  country,  and  made 
Rome  Eome.2  In  order  possibly  to  gratify  learned  readers, 
Jicero  sometimes  adduces  recondite  Platonic  arguments3 ;  but  the 
others  were  the  real  grounds  on  which  he  based  his  faith.  They 
were  such  as  actuated  the  bulk  of  the  ordinary  high-minded  and 
;houghtful  Romans  ;  and  it  is  not  the  least  attractive  of  the  many 
)roadly  human  characteristics  of  Cicero's  nature  that,  with  all  his 
extensive  learning,  he  grounded  his  deepest  beliefs  on  the  same 
!oundation«  as  did  the  mass  of  his  countrymen. 

1  Cp.  De  Leg.   i.   22,   Animal  hoc  providum,   sagax,  multiplex,  acutum,  memor, 
plenum  rationis   ft  consili,   quern  vocamus   hominem,  praeclara   quadam  condieione 
leneratum  esse  a  supremo  deo.  Solum  est  enim  ex  tot  animantium  generibus  atque  naturis 
jarticeps    rationis    et   cogitationis,    cum   cetera   sint  omnia  expertia.  .  .  .  Est  igitur, 
moniam  nihil  est  ratione  melius,  eaque  est  et  in  homine  et  in  deo,  prima  homini  cum  deo 
rationis  societas  :  ibid.  24,  quod  (genus  humanum)  sparsumin  terras  atque  satum,  divino 
auctum   sit  animorum   munere.     Cumque  alia   quibus   cohaererent   homines  a  mortali 
genere  sumpserint,  quae  fragilia  essent  et  caduca,  animum  esse  ingeneratum  a  deo:   De 
Senect.   77,    Bum  sumus  in  his  inclusi  compagibus  corporis,  munere  quodam  necessitates 
et  gravi  opere  perfungimur  :  est  enim  animus  caelestis  ex  altissimo  domicilio  depressus  et 
quasi  demersus  in  terram,  locum  divinae  naturae  aeternitatique  contrarium. 

2  Tusc.  i.  27  ;  30,  omni  in  re  consensio  omnium  gentium  lex  naturae  putanda  est ; 
31,    Maximum    vero   argumentum  est  naturam   ipsam   de  immortalitate   animorum 
tacitam  iudicare,  quod  omnibus  curae  sunt,  et  maximae  quidem,  quae  post  mortem  futura 
sint.  '  Serit  arbores  quae  alteri   saeclo  prosint*  ut  ait  Statius  in  Synephebis, 
quid  spectans  nisi  etiam  poster  a  saecula  ad  se  pertinere?    32,  Quid  in  hac  re  publica  tot 
tantosque  viros  ob  rem  publicam  interfectos  cogitasse  arbitramur  ?  iisdemne  ut  Jlnibus 
nomen  suum,  quibus  vita,  terminaretur  ?     Nemo  unquam  sine  magna  spe  immortalitatis. 
se  pro  patria  offerret  ad  mortem. 

3  e.g.  Tusc.  i.  53  ff. 


PART    VIII. 


MIHI  OMNIS  SEEMO  EST  CUM  LITTERIS  ;    EUM    TAMEN 
INTEEPELLAT  FLETUS. 


PART     VIII 


LETTERS  FROM  THE  DEATH  OF  TULLIA  TO  THE  DEATH 

OF  CAESAR. 

EPP.  545-698. 


A.U.C 709,710 

B.  C .        45,    44 

AET.  CIC.  61,    62 


A  2 


CICERO'S    CORRESPONDENCE 


545.    CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  13). 

ASTURA  :    MARCH  7  J    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.   45  J  AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Atticae  valetudine,  de  litteris  Bruti,  de  solitudine  sua,  de  desiderio  Attici,  de 
|se  excusando  apud  Appuleium,  de  Cocceio  appellando. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Commovet  me  Attica,  etsi  adsentior  Cratero.  Bruti  litterae 
lecriptae  et  prudenter  et  amice  multas  mihi  tamen  lacrimas  attule- 
runt.  Me  haec  solitude  minus  stimulat  quam  ista  celebritas. 
Te  unum  desidero ;  sed  litteris  non  difficilius  utor  quam  si  domi 
iessem.  Ardor  tamen  ille  idem  urget  et  manet,  non  mehercule 
indulgente  me,  sed  repugnante  tamen.  2.  Quod  scribis  de 


Astura]  Tullia  died  about  the  middle 
[of  February  at  Tusculum.  After  that 
Cicero  seems  to  have  gone  to  a  villa  of 
Atticus,  near  Rome,  and  remained  there 
until  March  5  or  6,  when  he  came  to  the 
unfrequented  little  sea-coast  town  of 
Astura,  which  was  pleasantly  situated 
(552. 1 :  649)  between  Antium  and  Circeii. 
He  remained  there  until  the  end  of  the 
month,  writing  to  Atticus  every  day. 

1.  Attica]  Attica,  who  was  about  six 
years  old  now,  was  suffering  from  a  fever, 
and  was  not  getting  well  as  soon  as  Cicero 
expected. 

Cratero}  This  famous  physician  had 
doubtless  taken  a  cheerful  view  of  Attica's 
malady.  He  is  mentioned  by  Hor.  Sat.  ii. 
3,  161,  and  Persius  iii.  65,  who  borrows 
the  name  from  Horace,  as  he  does  those  of 
Nerius,  Pedius,  Bestius.  Other  characters 
mentioned  both  in  Cicero's  letters  and  in 
Horace's  Satires  and  Epistles  are  Arrius, 
Arbuscula,  the  son  of  Aesopus,  Damasip- 
pus,  Tarpa,  Tigellius,  Trebatius. 

stimulat]  '  is  less  painful  to  me.'  Sti- 
mulare  is  more  frequent  in  this  sense  in 


Cicero  [cp.  Att.  ix.  15.  2  (373)]  than  in 
the  meaning  of  '  urging  to  action,'  which 
stimulate  bears  in  our  language. 

ardor]  *  torment '  — a  very  unusual  sense 
of  the  word,  but  found  in  Lucr.  iii.  251. 
sive  voluptas  est  sive  est  contrarius  ardor  ; 
and  Catull.  ii.  8,  grams  adquiescat  ardor. 
In  both  these  places  the  attributes  contra- 
rius  and  gravis  suggest  that  the  emotion 
which  the  word  expresses  is  painful. 
Here  the  word  by  itself  conveys  the  idea 
of  pain,  unless  it  means  simply  '  the  pas- 
sionate feeling  of  love,'  as  in  Lucr.  iv, 
1086,  1098.  Shuckburgh  translates  'pas- 
sionate unrest.' 

repugnante  tamen]  '  my  agony  haunts 
me :  not,  God  knows,  because  I  foster  it, 
but,  though  I  struggle  against  it,  in  spite 
of  my  struggles.'  The  course  taken  by 
all  the  editors  on  this  passage  is  to  insert 
a  non  before  repugnante.  "We  have  had 
occasion  before,  especially  on  Q.  Fr.  ii. 
9,  4  (132),  to  protest  against  the  audacity 
of  editors  who  do  not  hesitate  to 
make  Cicero  utter  a  sentiment  the  very 
opposite  to  that  which  the  MSS  (our  only 


c. 


EP.  5^5  (ATT.  XIL  IS). 


Appuleio,  nihil  puto  opus  esse  tua  contentione  necBalbo  et  OppioJ 
quibus  quidem  ille  receperat  mihique  etiam  iusserat  nuntiari  sel 
molestum  omnino  non  futurum.  Sed  cura  ut  excuser  morbi  causa 
in  dies  singulos.  Laenas  hoc  receperat.  Prende  C.  Septimium, 
L-  Statilium.  Denique  nemo  negabit  se  iuraturum  quern  rogaris.j 
Quod  si  erit  durius,  veniam  et  ipse  perpetuum  morbum  iurabo. 


evidence)  ascribe  to  him.  Thus  in  Ep.  1 32 
the  editors  have  forced  Cicero  to  deny  to 
Lucretius  either  ingenium  or  ars,  though 
the  words  handed  down  to  us  by  the  MSS 
convey  the  much  truer  criticism  that  the 
author  of  The  Constitution  of  Nature  pos- 
sessed both  genius  and  also  that  quality 
which  rarely  accompanies  it,  artistic 
finish.  Here  the  case  is  even  stronger  for 
adherence  to  the  MS  tradition.  Cicero  did 
struggle  against  his  grief,  as  is  plain  to 
anyone  who  reads  $  3  of  the  next  letter. 
Cp.  Lactantius  quoted  on  Ep.  574,  1.  He 
even  tried  a  remedy  against  it,  hitherto 
never  essayed,  in  drawing  up  for  himself 
an  abstract  of  the  sources  of  consolation 
which  were  open  to  him,  But  it  was  in 
vain;  his  agony  came  back  on  him, 
'  though  he  did  not  indulge  it,  but  in 
spite  of  his  struggles  against  it,  all  the 
same  (tainen).'  We  have  before  met 
tamen  in  the  sense  of  '  after  all ' ;  cp.  de 
dictatore  tamen  actum  adhuc  nihil  est, 
Q.  Fr.  iii.  9.  3  (160)  ;  qui  te  tamen  ore 
referret,  Verg.  A.  iv.  329 ;  alieniore  aetate 
post  faceret  tamen  ('all  the  same'),  Ter. 
Ad.  110,  cp.  174.  The  only  change  we 
have  made  is  the  transposition  of  repug- 
nante  and  tamen.  Dr.  Reid  suggests 
etiam  for  tamen.  Possibly  tamen  may  be 
rightly  placed  in  the  MSS,  and  the  meaning 
be  ('though  I  might  fairly  indulge  my 
sorrow),  yet  I  struggle  against  it.' 

2.  Appuleio']  Appuleius  was  augur 
this  year.  He  was  quaestor  in  43,  and 
handed  over  to  M.  Brutus  his  troops  and 
money  in  Greece  :  cp.  note  to  850.  1 :  also 
Phil.  x.  24,  and  xiii.  32 :  Appian,  B.C. 
iii.  63  :  iv.  75. 

Sed  cura  ut  excuser]  The  usual  view 
of  this  affair  is  as  follows  : — It  was  cus- 
tomary for  all  the  augurs  to  be  present  at 
the  banquet  given  by  the  incoming  mem- 
ber of  the  college.  Those  banquets  some- 
times lasted  several  days.  Appuleius  had 
promised  not  to  exact  Cicero's  presence. 
Cicero,  however,  preferred  to  provide 
himself  with  the  formal  plea  for  absence, 
namely,  the  plea  of  ill -health,  certified 
by  three  other  members  of  the  augural 
college.  This  seems  somewhat  improbable 


on  several  grounds.  It  requires  us  (1)  to 
postulate  a  number  of  augurs  who  are 
elsewhere  unnoticed :  (2)  to  suppose  thai 
an  augural  feast  lasted  for  several  days  ti 
(3)  that  absence  therefrom  required  someJ 
thing  of  the  nature  of  a  legal  affidavit,  a 
requirement  not  noticed  elsewhere,  anJ 
almost  certainly  not  demanded  in  the 
case  of  other  confraternities,  e.g.  the 
Arvales  Fratres,  where  the  attendance  is 
often  most  meagre.  These  considera^ 
tions  are  urged  by  Bardt  (Die  Prieste^ 
der  vier  grossen  Colkgien,  p.  27).  ThI 
probability  is  that  the  affidavit  (so  to 
speak)  of  excuse  was  required  when  th«i 
business  to  be  transacted  at  the  AuguraJ 
Meeting  (usually  held  on  the  Nones,  cp; 
De  Div.  i.  90,  Lael.  8)  was  of  a  special 
nature,  e.g.  when  the  co-option  of  a  new 
augur  took  place,  or,  perhaps,  some 
special  legal  or  financial  business  had 
to  be  transacted — the  reference  to  Balbu* 
and  Oppius  may  point  to  that.  The  meet- 
ing may  have  lasted  for  some  days  if  th| 
business  was  extensive  or  important :  and 
though  the  business  was  an  essential 
feature  of  the  meeting,  we  can  well  supJ 
pose,  as  in  the  case  of  the  meetings  of  oid 
own  Societies  and  Associations,  that  a  veri 
considerable  element  was  social  and  con^ 
vivial  (hence  Cicero  says,  cum  mihi  caret* 
dum  nit  conviviis) — the  principal  host 
being  probably  Appuleius,  and  the  prin« 
cipal  entertainment,  of  course,  being  the 
cena  aditialis  of  the  newly  elected  augur, 
which  was  generally  of  a  very  splendid 
nature  (cp.  Fam.  vii.  26.  2  (94)  :  also 
Seneca  Epist.  95.  41  :  123.  4.  Hortenn 
si  us  first  served  up  peacocks  at  such  a 
banquet,  Varro  R.  R.  iii.  6.  6).  "VW 
think  Appuleius  was  the  new  augur  :  but 
the  other  men  mentioned,  Laenas,  Septi-i 
mius,  Statilius,  &c.  (cp.  550),  were  p«M 
bably  only  witnesses  to  the  legal  excuM 
furnished  by  Cicero. 

Prende]  '  have  a  talk  with '  :  cp.  Gael] 
ap.  Fam.  viii.  11.  2  (267).  Often  irj 
Terence :  e.g.  Heaut.  509  ;  Phorm.  620 

durius]     *  if  there  is  any  difficulty ' 
cp.  Ter.  Phorm.  238. 

morbum  ittrabo]    cp.  Att.  i.  1.  1  (10) 


EP.  546  (ATT.  XII.  14).  7 

Cum  enim  mihi  carendum  sit  conviviis,  malo  id  lege  videri  facere 
quam  dolore.  Cocceium  velim  appellee.  Quod  enim  dixerat  non 
facit.  Ego  autem  volo  aliquod  emere  latibulum  et  perfugium 
doloris  mei. 


546.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  14). 

ASTURA  :    MARCH  8  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45;    AKT.  C1C.  61. 

De  se  excusando  apud  Appuleium,  de  negotio  Cornificii  pro  quo  spopondit,  de 
f  maerore  suo  propter  mortem  Tulliae,  de  desiderio  Attici,  de  litteris  Bruti,  de  valetudine 
Atticae. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  De  me  excusando  apud  Appuleium  dederam  ad  te  pridie 
litteras.  Nihil  esse  negoti  arbitror.  Quomcumque  appellaris, 
nemo  negabit.  Sed  Septimium  vide  et  Laenatem  et  Statilium ; 
tribus  enim  opus  est.  Sed  mihi  Laenas  totum  receperat.  2.  Quod 
scribis  a  lunio  te  appellatum,  omnino  Corniticius  locuples  est ;  sed 
tamen  scire  velim  quando  dicar  spopondisse  et  pro  patre  anne 
pro  filio,  neque  eo  minus,  ut  scribis,  procuratores  Cornifici  et 
Appuleium  praediatorem  videbis.  3.  Quod  me  ab  hoc  maerore 
recreari  vis,  facis  ut  omnia,  sed  me  mihi  non  defuisse  tu  testis  es. 

Ill -health  and   absence   on  state -service  himself,  but  also  to  procure  two  others  to 

were  the  only  legitimate  grounds  for  non-  join  him  in  making  up  the  number.    For 

attendance.  Shuckburgh  refers  to  Lael.  8:  the  construction  cp.  Plancius  ap  Fam.  x. 

quod  autem  Nonis   in  collegia   nostro  non  21.  1  (861)  omnia  ei  petenti  recepi.     The 

ajfttisses,    valetudinem    respondeo  causam,  \vovdreciperein  this  sense  is  very  frequent 

non  maestitiam  fuisse.      LAEL.    Recte   tu  in  the  correspondence :  see  many  examples 

quidem  Scaevola,  et  vere  :  nee  enim  ab  isto  in  L.  and  S.  s.v.  recipio  B.  2.b. 

vfficio  quod  semper  usurpavi  cum  valerem  2.  lunio"]  Cicero  seems  to  have  become 

abduci  incommodo  meo  debui,  nee  ullo  casu  security  for  Cornificius,  who  had  borrowed 

arbitror   hoc  constanti  homini  posse  con-  money  from  Junius.     The  latter  applied 

tingere  ut  ulla  intermissio  fiat  offici.  to  Atticus  as  Cicero's  agent.    Cicero  says 

Cocceium]   seems  to  have  owed  money  that   Cornificius  is  in  a  position  to  pay 

to  Cicero,  and  not  to  have  kept  his  promise  himself  (locuples  est).     Moreover,  he  does 

about  paying  :  cp.  549.  3.  not  remember  when  the  alleged  transac- 
tion took  place,  and  whether  he  is  said 
to  have  become  security  for  Cornificius 

1.  apud~\     Both  ad  (cp.  Att.  ix.   6.  1  senior    (now    deceased)     or     Corniticius 

(360):   565.  1)  as  well  as  apud  (547.  1 :  junior.     Cp.  also  550:   552.  2. 

5-50.  1)  are  used  after  excusare.     Compare  Appuleium  praediatorem~\     ThisAppu- 

such  expressions  as  Lig.  30  ad  parentem  leius,  who  is  to  be  distinguished  from  the 

•  sic  agi  solet  :    ad  Brut.   i.    15.    2   (914)  augur  mentioned  above,  was  a  dealer  in 

landare  ad  £rutum  :  Liv.  xl.  24. 1  accusare  landed  estates  sold  under  foreclosure  of 

ad  patrem.  mortgage:    cp.  Att.   xii.   17(550).     For 

totum  receperat']  Laenas  had  undertaken  praediator  cp.  Balb.  45  (with  Reid's  note) 

not  only  to  give  the  necessary  certificate  and  Gaiusii.  61. 


8 


EP.  5£6  (ATT.  XII.  IK). 


Nihil  enim  de  maerore  minuendo  scriptum  ab  ullo  est  quod 
non  domi  tuae  legerim.     Sed  omnem  consolationem  vincit  dolor. 
Quin  etiam  feci,  quod  profecto  ante  me  nemo,  ut  ipse  me  pel 
litteras  consolarer,  quern  librum  ad  te  mittam,  si   descripserinl 
librarii.     Adfirmo  tibi  nullam  consolationem  esse  talem.     Tot< 
dies  scribo,  non  quo  proficiam  quid,  sed  tantisper  impedior — noi 
equidem  satis  (vis  enim  urget) — sed  relaxor  tamen  omniaque  uitoi 
non  ad  animum,  sed  ad  vultum  ipsum,  si  queam,   reficiendum, 
idque  faciens  interdum  mihi  peccare  videor,  inter dum  peccaturus 
esse  nisi  faciam.     Solitudo    aliquid     adiuvat,    sed     multo     plus 
proficeret,  si  tu  tamen  interesses,  quae  mihi  una  causa  est  hinc 
discedendi.     Nam  pro  malis  recte  habebat.    Quamquam  id  ipsum 
doleo.     Non  enim  iam  in  me  idem  esse  poteris.     Perierunt  ilia 
quae  amabas.     4.  De  Bruti  ad  me  litteris  scripsi  ad  te  antea  : 
prudenter  scriptae,  sed  nihil   quod  me  adiuvarent.     Quod  ad  te 
scripsit,  id  vellem,  ut  ipse  adesset :  certe  aliquid,  quoniam  me  tarn 


3.  domi  tuae]  cp.  545.  1,  584.  2. 

ut  ipse  . .  .  consolarer]  ut  is  explanatory: 
cp.  note  on  Petit.  Cons.  42  (Ep.  12), «  I  did 
what  certainly  no  one  has  hitherto  done, 
I  wrote  a  consolatory  letter  (treatise)  to 
myself,'  cp.  564.  2  :  ad  Brut.  i.  9.  1 
(902)  teque  per  litteras  consolarer :  Fronto 
p.  188.  1  sentio  quam  dijficile  te  absentem 
per  litteras  consolari  :  Lactantius  i.  15. 
16  M.  Tullius  .  .  .  in  eo  libro  quo  se  ipse 
de  morte  filiae  consolatus  est. 

consolationem']  Cicero  says  there  is  no 
means  of  consolation  so  efficacious  as 
drawing  up  such  a  work  as  he  speaks  of. 
We  need  not,  by  printing  Consolationem, 
force  on  Cicero  the  egotistical  declaration 
that  his  own  treatise  surpasses  all  others 
on  the  same  subject. 

impedior]  '  I  find  in  it  a  temporary 
check — no,  not  quite  that,  my  affliction 
is  too  heavy — but  at  all  events  a  miti- 
gation (of  the  course  of  my  grief).' 
The  verbs  impedior  and  relaxor  would 
naturally  be  followed  by  some  words  in- 
dicating that  from  which  he  was  relieved, 
such  as  a  dolore,  which  Boot  would  insert, 
reading  a  dolore  atque  enitor  (see  Adn. 
Grit.) ;  but  the  words  may  well  be  under- 
stood in  a  letter.  Tamen  is  characteristic 
of  a  resumption  after  a  parenthesis. 

omniaque  nitor']  So  Zl.  M  has  ad 
omniaque  nitor,  but  with  a  line  under 
ad  to  show  that  it  should  be  deleted.  If 


we   read   ad   omnia,  the   phrase   will   bej 
analogous  to  descendere  ad  extrema   and 
such  like  (for  niti  ad  cp.  De  Sen.  82)  : 
while   omnia   nitor   would   be   like  con- 
tendere   omnia  (Verr.    ii.   52) :   cp.  for  a 
neuter  adj.   with  nitor  De  Sen.  33  tan-  [ 
turn  quantum  potest  quisque  nitatur.     Wei 
prefer  to   omit   ad,    considering   that   it  \ 
arose  from  the  proximity  of  ad  animum 
and    ad  vultum.      Wesenberg    alters    to  ; 
omnique  vi  enitor,    which  is  adopted  by  . 
Baiter,   but    is    hardly    necessary.     Cp.  ] 
Reid  in  Hermathena,  x  (1898),  p.  133. 

reficiendum]  '  To  secure  mere  composure 
of  countenance,  if  I  cannot  secure  any- 
thing like  composure  of  mind.'  For  the 
use  of  ipsum  cp.  Fin.  i.  67,  ipsam  ami-  . 
citiam,  '  the  mere  existence  of  friend- 
ship '  (as  a  relation  between  man  and 
man). 

peccaturus  esse]  sc.  mihi  vidtor. 

tamen]    '  however,'  i.e.  if  you  (not- 
withstanding all  your  business)  yet  could ; 
be  with  me. 

pro  malls']  '  This  place  is  well  enough, 
in  so  far  as  any  place  can  be  well,  in  my 
misery.' 

id  ipsutn]  '  The  fact  that  I  am  going  to 
meet  you,'  who  will  find  me  such  poor 
company  in  my  affliction. 

4.  ut  ipse  adesset]  '  his  company  '  :  cp. 
ut  .  .  .  consolarer,  above,  §  3. 


EP.  548  (ATT.  XII.  16).  9 

valde  amat,  adiuvaret.  Quod  si  quid  scies,  scribas  ad  me  velim, 
muxime  autem,  Pansa  quando.  De  Attica  doleo,  credo  tamen 
Cratero.  Piliam  angi  veta  :  satis  est  me  maerere  pro  omnibus. 


547.  CICEEO  TO  ATTIGUS  (ATT.  xn.  15). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  9  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  \   B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  se  excusando  apud  Appuleium,  de  solitudine  sua  et  vita  omnino. 
CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Apud  Appuleium,  quoniam  in  perpetuum  non  placet,  in  dies 
ut  excuser  videbis.  In  hac  solitudine  careo  omnium  colloquio, 
cumque  mane  me  in  silvam  abstrusi  densam  et  asperam,  non  exeo 
inde  ante  vesperum.  Secundum  te  nihil  est  mihi  amicius  solitudine. 
In  ea  mihi  omnis  sermo  est  cum  litteris ;  eum  tamen  interpellat 
fletus,  cui  repugno  quoad  possum.  Sed  adhuc  pares  non  sumus. 
Bruto,  ut  suades,  rescribam.  Eas  litteras  eras  habebis.  Cum  erit 
cui  des,  dabis. 

548.  CICEEO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  ie). 

ASTURA  J    MARCH  10  ;  A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  vita  sua  et  desiderio  Attici. 
CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Te  tuis  negotiis  relictis  nolo  ad  me  venire,  ego  potius  accedam, 
si  diutius  impediere.  Etsi  ne  discessissem  quidem  e  conspectu  tuo, 
nisi  me  plane  nihil  ulla  res  adiuvaret.  Quod  si  esset  aliquod 

Pansa  quando]  *  the  date  of  Pansa's  de-  excuse  for  refusing  his  hospitality,  you 

parture,'  as  we  learn  from  550j#w. :    552.  will  kindly  see   that   particular   excuses 

3.     Pansa  had  heen  appointed  to  succeed  are  made  for  each  day.'     In  perpetuum, 

Brutus  in  the  government  of   Cisalpine  which    should    properly    mean    '  for   all 

Gaul.     He  was  consul  with   Hirtius   in  time,'    here    denotes   the    whole    period 

43.     For  the  ellipse  cp.  588.  1  Et  quod  during   which   Appuleius   shall   exercise 

tu  scire  volebas  ego  quando  ex  hoc  loco  (sc.  his  hospitality  to  his  brother  augurs, 
proficiscar),   postridie   Idus   Lanuvi  con-  careo]    'I  avoid'  all  society,  cp.  659. 

stitui  manere  ;  and  Heidemann,  p.  55.  1    domo    carendum  propter    matrem  :    2 

credo']    '  I    have    confidence    in,'    cp.  Yerr.  v.  38  domo  carendum  esse  meretricis. 

Q.  Fr.   i.    3.    8  (66)  quantum   Hortensio  '  He  confined  himself  to  his  house '  is, 

'credendum  sit  nescio.  in  Lat.,  caruit  publico  (Mil.  18)  ;  *  to  be 

exiled  '  is  patria  carer  e  (Mil.  63). 

cui  repugno   quoad  possum"]     Another 

in  perpetuum  .  .  .  in  dies]  '  since  you  reason  for  not  inserting  non  before  repug- 

do  not  approve  of  my  making  a  general  nante  in  the  last  letter. 


10  EP.  549  (ATT.  XII.  18). 

levamen,  id  esset  in  te  uno,  et,  cum  primum  ab  aliquo  poterit  esse, 
a  te  erit.  Nunc  tamen  ipsum  sine  te  esse  non  possum.  Sed  nee  j 
tuae  domi  probabatur  nee  meae  poteram,  nee,  si  propius  essem 
uspiam,  tecum  tamen  essem.  Idem  enim  te  impediret  quo  minus 
mecum  esses,  quod  nunc  etiam  impedit.  Mihi  nihil  adhuc  aptius 
fuit  hac  solitudine,  quam  vereor  ne  Philippus  tollat.  Heri 
enim  vesperi  venerat.  Me  scriptio  et  litterae  non  leniunt  sed 
ob  turban  t. 

549.     CICEKO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  is). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  11  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;  AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  dolore  suo,  de  fano  Tulliae  aedificando,  de  solitudine  sua  ne  a  Philippo  quidem 
obturbata,  de  epistula  adiuncta  ad  Brutum  danda,  de  rebus  domestieis.  de  Attici 
itinere  ad  se  suscipiendo. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Dum  recordatioues  fugio,  quae  quasi  morsu  quodam  dolorem 
efficiunt,  refugio  ad  te  admonendum :  quod  velim  mihi  ignoscas, 
cuicuimodi  est.  Etenim  habeo  non  nullos  ex  iis  quos  nunc 
lectito  auctores  qui  dicant  fieri  id  oportere  quod  saepe  tecum 
egi  et  quod  a  te  approbari  volo.  De  fano  illo  dico,  de  quo  tantum 
quantum  me  amas  velim  cogites.  Equidem  neque  de  genere 

Nunc  ipsuiii]    l  at  this  present  moment '  husband  of  Caesar's  niece,  Atia,  the  mother 

op.  584.  2.  of  the  future  Augustus. 

probabatur^    sc.    tecum   esse :    *  It   did  obturbanf]      '  distract.'      In   the   next 

not  seem  advisable  to  be  at  your  house.'  letter  §  I    solitudinem   obturbavit   means 

We  do  not  know  tbe  reason  why.  '  to   break  in   upon,'    '  to    disturb  '    my 

tamen']     'after  all':  cp.  545.  1.  loneliness. 

aptius']     So    all   the  mss   except   M1, 

which  reads  peius.     It  is   corrected    by  1.  ad  te  admonendum~\     '  I  take  refuge 

M2.     Viet,  conjectured  prius  ;  but  prius  in  refreshing  your  memory  [about  all  my 

did  not   bear  the  sense  of  '  preferable '  plans] ;  and  whatever  you  may  think  of 

in    Cicero's    time.      Kahnt    conjectured  this  particular  one,  I  hope  you  will  ex- 

optatius,  and    Otto    potius.      For   aptius  cuse'   [the  trouble  I  am  giving  you]. 

Miiller  compares  587.  5  :  Fam.  ix  24.  3  cuicuimodi  est]     cp.  549. 1  and  note  to 

(820)  nihil  est   aptius   vitae.     Dr.    Reid  81.4. 

conjectures  paratius,  comparing  2  Verr.  fano]     a  temple  to  be   consecrated  to 

i.  Ill)  paratissimum  perfugium:  Tuso.  i.  the  memory  of  his  dead  daughter.     We 

118.  hear  a  great  deal  about  it  in  the  ensuing 

Philippus']     A    neighbour    of    his    at  letters.     He  desired  it  for  the  ctTrofleWis 

Astura.     Afterwards  in  Att.  xii.  9  (649)  of  his  daughter;  and  the  whole  incident 

he  is  called  Amyntae  films.    Cicero's  fears  brings  under  our  notice  a  state  of  feeling 

were  groundless,  as  we  learn  from  the  strongly  contrasting  with  the  sentiments 

next  letter  that,  after  a  ceremonial  call,  of  modern  times.     He  here  begs  Atticus 

Philippus  at  once  left  Astura  for  Rome.  to  turn  over  the  project  in  his  mind. 

This  L.  Marcius  Philippus  was  the  second  genere~]     '  the  design,'  which  was  that 


EP.  549  (ATT.  XII.  18). 


11 


dubito — placet  enim  mihi  Cluati — neque  de  re — statutum  esi 
enim — de  loco  non  numquam.  Velim  igitur  cogites.  Ego, 
quantum  his  temporibus  tarn  eruditis  fieri  potuerit,  profecto  illam 
consecrabo  omni  genere  monimentorum  ab  omnium  ingeniis  sump- 
torum  et  Grraecorum  et  Latinorum  :  quae  res  forsitan  sit  refricatura 
vulnus  meum.  Sed  iam  quasi  voto  quodam  et  promisso  me  teneri 
puto,  longumque  illud  tempus  cum  non  ero  magis  me  movet 
quam  hoc  exiguum,  quod  mihi  tamen  minium  longum  videtur. 
Habeo  enim  nihil  te'mptatis  rebus  omnibus  in  quo  acquiescam. 
Nam,  dum  illud  tractabam  de  quo  ad  te  ante  scripsi,  quasi 
fovebam  dolores  meos.  Nunc  omnia  respuo,  nee  quidquam  habeo 
tolerabilius  quam  solitudinem,  quam,  quod  erarn  veritus,  non 
obturbavit  Philippus.  Nam,  ut  heri  me  salutavit,  statim  Komam 
profectus  est.  2.  Epistulam  quam  ad  Brutuin,  ut  tibi  placuerat, 
scripsi,  misi  ad  te.  Curabis  cum  tua  perferendam.  Eius  tamen 
misi  ad  te  exemplum,  ut,  si  minus  placeret,  ne  mitteres. 
3.  Domestica  quod  ais  ordine  administrari,  scribes  quae  sint  ea. 
Quaedam  enim  exspecto.  Cocceius  vide  ne  frustretur.  Nam  Libo 
quod  pollicetur,  ut  Eros  scribit,  non  incertum  puto.  De  sorte  mea 
Sulpicio  confido  et  Egnatio  scilicet.  De  Appuleio  quid  est  quod 
labores,  cum  sit  excusatio  facilis  ?  4.  Tibi  ad  me  venire,  ut 
ostendis,  vide  ne  non  sit  facile.  Est  enim  longum  iter,  disceden- 


of  the  architect  Cluatius.  Cluatius  is 
mentioned  again  in  578.  3. 

re]  ' the  question '  whether  the  shrine 
shall  be  built  or  not.  On  that  he  '  has 
made  up  his  mind.' 

omni  genere  .  .  .  Latinorum]  '  every 
kind  of  memorial  which  the  genius  of 
every  artist,  whether  Greek  or  Roman,  can 
supply  '  :  sumptorum  is  the  reading  of  2 
and  the  ed.  Romana  :  A  has  scriptorum. 

longumque  illud  tempus]  This  is  the 
motto  of  George  Eliot's  poem,  '  Oh  may 
I  join  the  choir  invisible.'  It  is  a  veiy 
beautiful  sentiment,  not  unlike  Soph. 
Ant.  74,  eTrel  TT\ei<ay  \p6vos  |  $>v  Se?  /*' 
apfffKeiv  TO?S  KO.TID  rwv  eV0a8e. 

illud  tractabam]  his  treatise,  written 
for  his  own  consolation  (546.  3),  called 
'  De  Consolatione '  or  'De  Luctu  minu- 
endo.'  Cicero  quotes  from  it  in  Tusc. 
i.  65,  and  mentions  it  elsewhere  in  his 
philosophical  writings,  e.g.  Tusc.  i.  75. 
The  fragments  and  references  to  it  are 
collected  in  Miiller's  Cicero,  part  iv. 
vol.  iii.,  pp.  333  ff. 


fovebam]  Yet  he  says  in  ep.  545,  non 
mehercule  indulgente  me,  'my  grief  abides 
with  me,  not  through  my  fostering  it, 
but  in  spite  of  all  my  struggles  against  it.' 

2.  Epistulam~\     This  was  an  answer  to 
Brutus's  letter  of  consolation  (546.  4)  : 
cp.  554.  3. 

tamen]  'however'  i.e.  though  I  say 
you  are  to  send  the  letter. 

3.  Quaedam  exspecto]    '  I  expect  some 
information.' 

Cocceius]  He  and  Libo  seem  to  have 
owed  money  to  Cicero.  Cic.  felt  fairly 
sure  that  Libo  would  pay,  but  was  no't 
so  certain  about  Cocceius,  cp.  546.  2 : 
552.  2.  Probably  Sulpicius  and  Egnatius 
were  securities  for  the  repayment  of  the 
capital  (de  sorte  mea). 

scilicet]  'of  course,'  'naturally.'  This 
sense  is  very  common  in  Cicero  and  the 
drama  ;  the  ironical  usage  is  oftener  met 
in  later  writers. 

4.  ostendis]    'promise,'  cp.  641.  1  note. 
vide  ne  non  sit  facile]  '  consider — perhaps 

it  may  not  be  easy ' :  cp.  note  to  554.  1. 


12  EP.  550  (ATT.  XII.  17). 

temque  te,  quod  celeriter  tibi  erit  fortasse  faciendum,  non  sine 
magno  dolore  dimittam.  Sed  omnia  ut  voles.  Ego  enim,  quidquid 
feceris,  id  cum  recte  turn  etiam  mea  causa  factum  putabo. 


550.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Axx.  xn.  17). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  12  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  se  excusato  apud  Appuleium,  de  sponsione  sua  pro  Cornificio. 
CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Marcianus  ad  me  scripsit  me  excusatum  esse  apud  Appuleium 
a  Laterense,  Nasone,  Laenate,  Torquato,  Strabone :  iis  velim  meo 
nomine  reddendas  litteras  cures,  gratum  mihi  eos  fecisse.  Quod  pro 
Cornificio  me  abhinc  amplius  annis  xxv  spopondisse  dicit  Flavius 
etsi  reus  locuples  est  et  Appuleius  praediator  liberalis,  tamen 
velim  des  operam  ut  investiges  ex  consponsorum  tabulis,  sitne  ita — 
mihi  enim  ante  aedilitatem  meam  nihil  erat  cum  Cornificio,  potest 
tamen  fieri,  sed  scire  certum  velim — et  appelles  procuratores,  si 

tibi  videtur.  Quamquam  quid  ad  me  ?  Verum  tamen .    Pansae 

profectionem  scribes,  cum  scies.    Atticam  salvere  iube  et  earn  cura, 
obsecro,  diligenter.     Piliae  salutem. 

omnia]    sc.  fac,  as  often :  e.g.  564.  3  likely  to  give  a  good  price  for  the  estate 

Tu  vero  nihil,  nisi  ut  illi  volent :  598.1.  of  Cornifieius  (cp.   546.    2).      If  Junius 

and  Flavius,  the  creditors  of  Cornificius, 

Appuleius  praediator']     cp.  546.  2.  became  insistent,  Cicero   may  have   felt 

aedilitatem']     Cicero  was  aedile  in  70  that   he  was   secured   by  the  law    (quid 

B.C.    The  Lex  Furia  freed  all  sureties  ad  me?    Verumtamen — cp.  552.   2):  cp. 

from  their  obligation  at  the  end  of  two  Rein,  Privatrecht,  p.  673  :   Roby,  Roman 

years.    But  unfortunately  the  date  of  the  Private  Law,  ii.  p.  30,  note  2. 

Lex  Furia  cannot  be  exactly  fixed  :  it  is  quid  ad  me]     a  common  colloquialism  : 

just  possible  that  it  may  have  been  passed  cp.  Catull.  x.  31;   Plin..  Epp.  iv.  27.4 

after  Cicero's  time.     If,  as  Poste  (Gaius,  (in  a  passage  of  verse) ;  Mart.  xii.  30,  2. 

p.  402)  says,  it  was  passed  about  95  B.C.,  To  add  id  spoils  the  phrase, 

then  we  may  suppose  that  Cicero  could  Verum  tamen]     Like  'however*   with 

have  pleaded   the   statute,   but    did   not  us,  and  ciAA*  o^wws,  verum  tamen  is  often 

wish  to  do  so,  at  least  at  first,  as  Corni-  followed  by  an  aposiopesis :  cp.  Fam.  xvi. 

ficius  was  a  man  of  means,  and  Appuleius  23.  1  (754)  note. 


EP.  551  (ATT.  XII.  18a). 


551.    CICEKO  TO  ATTIC  US  (ATT.  xn.  is  a). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  13  J    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  adventu  Antonii  sibi  nuntiato  ;  quod  Terentia  de  obsignatoribus  sui  testament! 
loquitur  nihil  esse  demonstrat. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Heri,  cum  ex  aliorum  litteris  cognovissem  de  Antoni 
adventu,  admiratus  sum  nihil  esse  in  tuis.  Sed  erant  pridie 
fortasse  scriptae  quam  datae.  Neque  ista  quidem  euro.  Sed 
tamen  opinor  propter  praedes  suos  accucurrisse.  2.  Quod  scribis 
Terentiam  de  obsignatoribus  mei  testamenti  loqui,  primum  tibi 
persuade  me  istaec  noii  curare  neque  esse  quidquam  aut  parvae 
curae  aut  novae  loci.  Sed  tamen  quid  simile  ?  Ilia  eos  non  adhi- 
buit  quos  existimavit  quaesituros,  nisi  scissent  quid  esset.  Num  id 
etiam  mihi  periculi  fuit  ?  Sed  tamen  faciat  ilia  quod  ego.  Dabo 


1.  nihil  esse  in  tuis]  sc.  episttilis  de 
Ant.  reditu  scriptum. 

Neque  ista  quidem  euro]  It  is  very 
unfair  of  Drumann,  i.  76  (=  55,  ed.  2)  to 
say  that  this  return  of  Antony  frightened 
Cicero  :  cp.  552.  2  :  553.  1. 

propter  praedes  suos}  Cicero's  account 
in  Phil.  ii.  76-78  is  that  Antony  was  on 
his  way  to  join  Caesar  in  Spain,  when 
suddenly  he  came  back,  partly  to  give 
an  amorous  surprise  to  his  lately  wedded 
wife,  the  notorious  Fulvia  ;  but  that  the 
real  reason  was  lest  Plancus,  the  prefect 
of  the  city,  should  sell  up  his  sureties, 
because  he  had  not  paid  for  the  proscribed 
property  of  Pompey,  which  he  had  pur- 
chased. Antony  and  Caesar  were  just 
now  on  bad  terms,  as  Antony  considered 
it  unreasonable  and  ungrateful  that 
Caesar  should  require  him  to  pay  up 
(cp.  Phil.  ii.  72).  The  immediate  events 
of  this  time  are  thus  summarized  by 
Cicero  in  his  invective  ib.  77  f.  Ergo,  ut 
te  Catamitum,  nee  opinato  cum  te  osten- 
disses,  praeter  spem  mulier  aspiceret,  id- 
circo  urbem  terror e  nocturno,  Italiam 
multorum  dierum  metu  perturbasti  ?  Et 
domi  quidem  causam  amoris  habuit,  foris 
etiam  turpiorem,  ne  L.  Plancus  praedes 
suos  vender et.  Productus  autem  in  con- 
tionem  a  tribuno  plebis,  cum  respondisses  te 
rei  tuae  causa  venisse,  populum  etiam 


dicacem  in  te  reddidisti.  "We  do  not 
know  what  the  exact  jokes  were  which 
the  people  made,  perhaps  some  reference 
to  his  amorous  propensities,  perhaps  to 
his  speaking  of  res  mea  in  his  bankrupt 
condition.  Antony  does  not  seem  to 
have  ever  paid  up  these  obligations.  He 
became  reconciled  to  Caesar  soon  after- 
wards, probably,  as  Drumann  (I.e.)  sug- 
gests, because  Caesar  wanted  such  an 
able  officer  for  the  Parthian  War. 

2.  testamenti']  Terentia  seems  to  have 
feared  lest  Cicero  should  have  failed  to 
make  proper  provision  in  his  will  for 
Tullia's  infant,  Lentulus,  whose  birth  is 
announced  in  Att.  x.  18  (404).  Her  fears 
derived  confirmation  from  the  rumour 
that  no  relative  of  Dolabella,  the  father, 
was  present  at  the  execution  of  the  \vill, 
and  that  Publilius,  the  brother  of  Publilia, 
Terentia' s  successor,  had  been  asked  to 
be  present. 

curae]  may  be  either  genitive  or  dative. 
Cicero  uses  both  cases  with  locus  in  the 
sense  of  '  room  for.' 

quid  esset]  '  the  contents,'  *  the  sub- 
stance,' sc.  scriptum  in  testamento. 

Num  .  .  .fuit  ?]  *  Surely  there  was  not 
the  same  (sense  of)  danger  in  my  case ' 
(i.e.  I  did  not  refuse  to  summon  witnesses 
from  any  such  fear).  For  id . .  .  periculi 
cp.  such  phrases  as  hoc  praemi,  Vatin.  11. 


14 


JSP.  552  (ATT.  XII.  19). 


meum  testamentum  legendum  cui  voluerit,  intelleget  non  potuisse 
honorificentius  a  me  fieri  de  nepote  quam  fecerim.  Nam  quod  non 
advooavi  ad  obsignandum,  primum  mihi  non  venit  in  mentem 
deinde  ea  re  non  venit,  quia  nihil  attinuit.  Tute  scis,  si  modo 
meministi,  me  tibi  turn  dixisse  ut  de  tuis  aliquos  adduceres  : 
quid  enim  opus  erat  multis?  Equidem  domesticos  iusseram.  Tuna 
tibi  placuit  ut  mitterem  ad  Silium  ;  inde  est  natum  ut  ad  Publilium. 
Sed  necesse  neutrum  f  uit.  Hoc  tu  tractabis  ut  tibi  videbitur. 


552.    CICEEO  TO  ATTICUS  (An.  xn.  19). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  14  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  loco  fani  Tulliae  condendi,  de  Cocceio  et  Libone,  de  sponsione  sua  pro 
Cornificio,  de  litteris  Balbi  et  Oppii  ad  se  de  Antonio  datis,  de  Pansae  profectione, 
de  adventu  Bruti,  de  negotio  cum  Terentia  transigendo. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Est  hie  quidem  locus  amoenus  et  in  mari  ipso  qui  et  Antio 
et  Circeiis  aspici  possit,  sed  ineunda  nobis  ratio  est  quemadmodum 


advocavi  ad  obsignandum~}  advocare 
means  'to  call  in'  anyone  to  give  assist- 
ance in  any  respect,  e.g.  as  a  witness 
(Plaut.  Bacch.  261),  to  seal  a  will 
(Quintilian  Declam.,p.  53,  15  ed.  Hitter), 
or  the  like.  It  is  used  absolutely  in 
Cluent.  54  :  Seneca  De  Brev.  Vitae  ii.  4 
hie  advocat,  hie  adest.  Yet  in  a  special 
individual  case  it  seems  a  little  strange 
to  have  no  accusative.  Boot  desires  to 
add  alios.  Could  the  reading  have  been 
advocates  advocavi,  as  in  1'laut.  Gas.  570  ? 

nihil  attinuit}  'it  was  of  no  conse- 
quence '  (that  they  should  be  sum- 
moned). The  inf.  advocari  is  to  be  sup- 
plied, cp.  Quintil.  x.  1.  105. 

aliquosl  l  a  few.'  For  the  antithesis 
with  multus  cp.  Fam.  iv.  3.  1  (494)  sed 
aliquid  atque  adeo  multa  addunt. 

domesticos}  It  looks  as  if  Cicero's  law 
was  at  fault  here.  We  are  told  that 
domestici  testes  non  adhibendi  sunt  (Ul- 
pian  Reg.  xx.  3,  p.  594,  Huschke)  ;  and 
domestici  are  said  to  be  those  who  are  in 
the  power  of  the  testator.  These  latter 
were  cartainly  ineligible  as  witnesses :  cp. 
Gaius  ii.  105.  In  testibus  autem  non  debet 
is  etse  qui  in  potestate  est  ant  familiae 
emptoris  aut  ipsius  testatoris  .  .  .  itaque 
reprobation  est  in  ea  re  domes ticuni  testi- 
monium :  cp.  Justinian  Inst.  ii.  10.  9. 


Mr.  Roby  (Roman  Private  Law,  i.  179, 
note  1)  says  that  Cicero  here  "  does  not 
appear  to  have  had  any  witnesses  who 
were  within  Gains'  prohibition."  Then 
we  take  it  the  word  domestici  in  our 
passage  has  a  wider  meaning  than  that 
used  in  the  law-books,  and  means  those 
living  in  his  household,  whether  they 
were  under  his  power  or  not.  For 
example,  the  learned  men  who  were 
often  in  the  house  of  Cicero,  Dionysius, 
Nicias,  and  the  like,  if  they  had  obtained 
Roman  citizenship,  may  have  been  called 
in.  Or  could  it  be  that  the  practice  of 
calling  in  as  witnesses  those  who  were 
in  the  power  of  the  testator  was  unde- 
sirable (non  debet  :  reprobatum  est)  but 
not  strictly  illegal  ?  It  might  have  been 
better  to  get  in  outsiders,  but  not  strictly 
necessary  (necesse)  to  do  so.  We  hardly 
think  so,  and  believe  that  domesticos  here 
means  '  members  of  my  household,'  i.e. 
staying  in  my  house,  though  not  strictly 
in  Cicero's  power. 

est  natttm}  'it  came  about,'  cp.  Fin. 
iii.  63. 

neutrum}  either  for  Atticus  to  bring 
strangers  or  for  Cicero  to  send  for  Silius. 

1.  Antio  et  Circeiis}  'is  within  view 
both  from  Antiuni  and  Circeii.'  Cicero 


EP.  552  (ATT.  XII.  19). 


15 


in  omni  mutatione  dominorum,  quae  innumerabiles  fieri  possunt  in 
infinita  posteritate,  si  modo  haec  stabunt,  illud  quasi  consecratum 
remanere  possit.  Equidem  iam  nihil  egeo  vectigalibus  et  parvo 
contentus  esse  possum.  Cogito  interdum  trans  Tiberim  bortos 
aliquos  parare  et  quidem  ob  bane  causam  maxime  :  nihil  enim 
video  quod  tarn  celebre  esse  possit,  sed  quos,  coram  videbimus,  ita 
tamen  ut  hac  aestate  fanum  absolutum  sit.  Tu  tamen  cum 
Apella  Ohio  confice  de  columnis.  2.  De  Cocceio  et  Libone  quae 
scribis  approbo,  maxime  quod  de  iudicatu  meo.  De  sponsu, 
si  quid  perspexeris  et  tamen  quid  procuratores  Cornifici  dicant 
velim  scire,  ita  ut  in  ea  re  te,  cum  tarn  occupatus  sis,  non  multum 
operae  velim  ponere.  De  Antonio  Balbus  quoque  ad  me  cum 
Oppio  conscripsit,  idque  tibi  placuisse,  ne  perturbarer.  Illis  egi 


indicates  the  relations  of  place  by  case 
alone  without  prepositions.  We  have  a 
characteristic  passage  in  Att.  ix.  5, 1  (359), 
iter  ad  superum,  navigatio  infero,  discessus 
Arpinwn,  mansio  Formiis. 

si  modo  haec  stabunt}  '  as  long  as  Rome 
is  Rome.'  Cicero  sometimes  uses  haec  for 
'  the  present  constitution  of  things/  *  the 
Roman  Republic'  :  cp.  Reid  on  Sull.  32. 
Boot  quotes  Sull.  76,  where  Cicero  says  of 
persons  like  Catiline,  Cethegus,  Autronius, 
Lentulus,  neque  enim  est  quisquam  qui 
arbitretur,  illis  inclusis  in  rep.  pestibtis, 
diutius  haec  stare  potuisse.  Again  in 
Flacc.  104,  liceat  Us  qui  haec  salva  esse 
voluerunt  ipsis  esse  salvis  :  cp.  Cat.  iv.  7  : 
Gael.  39. 

vectigalibus]  '  income  from  various 
sources  '  (the  idea  of  *  large  '  is  implied 
in  the  plural)  :  cp.  561.  1. 

kortos~]  "We  think  the  principal  idea  of 
this  word  in  the  plural  is  a  suburban 
building  site  where  a  villa  residence  with 
some  ground  about  it  either  was  or  could 
be  built :  but  the  condition  of  ita  being 
in  reasonable  proximity  to  a  city  is 
essential. 

celebre]  '  I  do  not  think  there  is  any 
other  position  so  frequented.'  Cicero  was 
desirous  that  the  shrine  dedicated  to  his 
daughter  should  be  in  a  frequented  site, 
where  there  would  be  many  passers-by  to 
see  the  shrine. 

sed  quos~\  '  what  particular  pleasure- 
ground  I  shall  purchase  there,  we  shall 
settle  when  we  meet,  only  keeping  this 
before  us,  that  the  monument  must  be 
completed  this  summer.' 


Apella  Ohio"]  The  marble  of  the 
columns  was  to  be  Chian. 

2.  De  Cocceio}  cp.  549.  3. 

iudicatu  meo}  Cicero  was  desirous  of 
avoiding  the  duty  of  serving  on  juries. 
It  was  a  moot  point  whether  augurs  were 
liable  to  be  called  on.  "We  read  in  Brut. 
117  that  Q.  Aelius  Tubero  decided, 
against  the  testimony  of  his  uncle  the 
younger  Scipio,  that  augurs  did  not 
possess  this  privilege  of  exemption : 
cp.  554.  3  iudiciali  molestia.  The  word 
iudicatus  is  rare.  Dr.  Reid  thinks  that 
in  this  passage  the  reference  is  not  to 
criminal  juries,  but  to  the  private  office 
of  iudex,  a  complimentary,  not  obligatory, 
office.  For  the  general  exemption  of 
priests  from  militia  and  munera  publica 
cp.  Marquardt  iii,  216,  note  5  (ed.  1878)  : 
Wissowa,  Religion  und  Kultus  der  Homer, 
p.  429  (ed.  1902). 

De  sponsu}  See  Adn.  Grit.  For  Cicero's 
suretyship  in  this  case  cp.  546.  2  : 
550. 

tamen}  '  at  any  rate.' 

ita  ut  .  .  ponere}  'only  I  would  not 
wish  to  spend  much  time  in  the  matter.' 
For  ita  ut  cp.  Vol.  Is,  p.  84. 

De  Antonio}  cp.  551.  1. 

conscripsit}  Boot  rightly  warns  us 
that  conscripsit  does  not  necessarily  imply 
joint  authorship  of  the  letter.  Conscribere 
is  often  used  just  like  scribere  in  the 
letters.  But  probably  the  letter  was  a 
joint  one,  like  Ep.  357. 

idque}  '  and  they  said  that  you  approved 
of  their  writing,  to  save  me  from  being 
frightened.' 


16  EP.  553  (ATT.  XII.  20). 

gratias.  Te  tamen,  ut  iam  ante  ad  te  scripsi,  scire  volo  me 
ueque  isto  nuntio  esse  perturbatum  nee  iam  nllo  perturbatum  iri. 
3.  Pansa  si  hodie,  ut  putabas,  profectus  est,  posthac  iam  incipito 
scribere  ad  me  de  Bruti  adventu  quid  exspectes,  id  est,  quos  ad 
dies.  Id,  si  scies  ubi  iam  sit,  facile  coniectura  adsequere.  4.  Quod 
ad  Tironem  de  Terentia  scribis,  obsecro  te,  mi  Attice,  suscipe 
totum  negotium.  Vides  et  officium  agi  meum  quoddam,  cui  tu 
es  conscius,  et,  ut  nonnulli  putant,  Ciceronis  rem.  Me  quidem 
id  multo  magis  movet,  quod  mihi  est  et  sanctius  et  antiquius, 
praesertim  cum  hoc  alter um  neque  sincerum  neque  firmum  putem 
fore. 


553.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  20). 
ASTURA;  MARCH  15;  A.  u.  c.  709  ;  B.  c.  45;  AET.  cic.  ei. 

De  Antonio,  de  Terentia,  tuna  de  dolore  suo  dissimulando,  quod  hortatus  erat 
Atticus,  se  litteras  de  fano  et  de  Terentia  ab  Attico  exspectasse,  denique  de  rebus 
bistoricis  quibusdam  ab  Attico  certior  fieri  vult. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Nondum  videris  perspicere  quam  me  nee  Antonius  commo- 
verit  nee  quidquam  iam  eiusmodi  possit  commovere.  De  Terentia 
autem  scripsi  ad  te  iis  litteris  quas  dederam  pridie.  Quod  me 
hortaris,  idque  a  ceteris  desiderari  scribis,  ut  dissimulem  me  tarn 
graviter  dolere,  possumne  magis  quam  quod  totos  dies  consumo  in 
litteris  ?  Quod  etsi  non  dissimulations  sed  potius  leniendi  et 
sanaudi  animi  causa  facio,  tamen,  si  mihi  minus  proficio,  simu- 
lationi  certe  facio  satis.  2.  Minus  multa  ad  te  scripsi,  quod 

3.  quos  ad  dies}  'about  wbat  day  ?'  (sincerum)    or    deeply    rooted   (Jirmum). 

4.  de    Terentia}     Tbis    refers    to    tbe  He  thinks  she  possibly  does  not  mean  to 
payment  of  her  dower.  Cicero  says,  '  you  keep  her  promise,  and,  even  if  she  does 
see"  it  is  a  question  involving  my  character  now  mean  it,  she  will  probably  change  her 
as  an  upright  man — and  ot  this  you  are  mind  soon. 

cognizant— and     involving     further,   in 

the  opinion  of  some,  the  pecuniary  in-  1.  quod}  So  M.  No  doubt  quom  of 
terests  of  my  son.'  Terentia  had  possibly  Gronovius  would  be  more  strictly  accu- 
undertaken  to  make  an  allowance  to  rate;  but  the  inaccuracy  is  slight.  No- 
young  Cicero,  if  the  portion  were  re-  one  would  feel  any  difficulty  in  an  un- 
funded. Cicero  says  this  latter  considera-  studied  composition  in  English  in  saying 
tion  has  much  less  weight  with  him  than  «  Can  I  do  so  more  than  that  (i.e.  the  fact 
his  regard  for  his  own  character  (cp.  that)  I  spend  whole  days  in  writing  ?  ' 
557.  4),  for  he  does  not  think  Terentia's  prtfcio  .  .  .  simulation^}  '  if  I  am  not 
feeling  towards  Marcus  is  either  sincere  doing  much  good  to  myself,  surely  I 


EP.  654  (ATT.  XIII.  6,  §§  1-3). 


17 


exspectabam  tuas  litteras  ad  eas  quas  ad  te  pridie  dederam. 
Exspectabam  autem  maxime  de  fano,  non  nihil  etiam  de  Terentia. 
Velim  me  facias  certiorem  proximis  litteris,  On.  Caepio,  Serviliae 
Claudi  pater,  vivone  patre  suo  naufragio  perierit  an  mortuo,  item 
Eutilia  vivone  C.  Cotta  filio  suo  mortua  sit  an  mortuo.  Pertinent 
ad  eum  librum  quern  '  de  luctu  minuendo '  scripsimus. 


554.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  6,  §§  1-3). 

ASTURA  ;    MIDDLE  OF  MARCH  ;    A.  TJ.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  \   AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  aquae  ductu,  de  columnario,  de  Pisone  et  hereditate  Herenniana,  de  epistula 
sua  ad  Brutum  data. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  De    aquae   ductu   probe   fecisti.      Columnarium    vide    ne 
nullum  debeamus.     Quamquam   mihi   videor    audisse  e  Camillo 


am  doing  enough  to  keep  up  appear- 
ances.' 

2.  Cn.  Caepio  .  .  .  mortuo]  Servilia 
was  the  wife  of  Claudius.  We  have  no 
data  to  settle  the  question  whether  Caepio 
died  during  the  life,  or  after  the  death, 
of  his  father ;  but  that  Rutilia  (sister  of 
Rutilius  mentioned  hy  Cicero,  Brut.  110) 
survived  her  son  Cotta  is  made  certain 
by  a  passage  in  Seneca  (Consol.  ad  Hel- 
viam  16,  7),  nee  quisquam  lacrimas  eius 
post  elatum  filium,  notavit.  Atticus  was 
not  able  to  answer  Cicero's  question  at 
once  :  cp.  558.  2.  C.  Cotta  is  one  of  the 
interlocutors  in  the  De  Natura  Deorum. 

de  luctu  minuendo']  This  is  the  same 
treatise  as  that  usually  called  De  Consola- 
tione,  cp.  549.  3,  note. 


1.  aquae  ductu~\  We  have  no  data  to 
guide  us  to  the  subject  here  mentioned, 
unless  it  is  the  same  as  that  mentioned  in 
Att.  v.  12,  3  (202).  Boot  remarks  that 
Cicero  tells  us,  De  Leg.  Agr.  iii.  9,  that 
he  paid  a  tax  to  the  town  of  Tusculum 
,(cp.  692.  3)  for  the  use,  for  his  private 
grounds,  of  the  Aqua  Crabra,  an  aqueduct 
which  supplied  Tusculum.  Cicero  at 
times  seems  to  have  taken  counsel's 
opinion  as  to  his  use  of  the  Aqua  Crabra 
(Balb.  45). 

VOL.   V. 


Columnarium']  a  tax  on  pillars  im- 
posed (possibly)  by  Julius  Caesar  among 
his  sumptuary  laws  (Suet.  Caes.  43),  to 
check  extravagance  in  the  architecture  of 
private  houses.  Cicero's  question  was 
probably  connected  with  some  building 
he  was  engaged  on  at  Tusculum.  The 
word  columnarium  is  also  found  applied  to 
an  extra  tax  imposed  on  the  province  of 
Asia  by  the  Pompeians  in  48  (Caes. 
B.C.  iii.  22). 

vide  ne  nullum]  literally,  'take  care  do  I 
owe  no  tax,'  that  is,  '  perhaps  we  are  not 
liable  for  the  tax  at  all'  :  cp.  549.  4,  and 
Roby,  §  1656.  Cicero  had  heard  a  rumour 
of  a  modification  of  the  act  which 
would  render  him  liable ;  hence  quam- 
quam.  Video  is  used  like  vereor  in 
the  letters;  cp.  Fam.  xvi.  26  (814), 
where  vide  ut  probare  possit  means  'take 
care  will  he  be  able  to  prove,'  literally 
'  take  care  about  Bis  being  able.'  Just  as 
vereor  ut  veniat  is  '  I  have  my  fears  about 
his  coming,'  that  is,  '  I  fear  he  will  not 
come,'  so  vide  ut  possit  in  some  cases  is 
'  take  care  about  his  being  able,'  that  is, 
'  take  care  that  he  does  not  prove  unable,' 
which  might  also  be  expressed  vide  nenon 
possit,  as  here.  But  vide  ut  in  814  might 
also  possibly  be  =  cura  ut,  as  in  Fam.  xvi. 
1.  2  (285) :  «  see  that  he  is  able  to  prove,' 
*  see  that  he  succeeds  in  proving.' 

B 


18 


JSP.  554.  (ATT,  XIII.  6,  §§  1-3). 


commutatam  esse  legera,  2.  Pisoni  quid  est  quod  honestius 
respondere  possimus  quam  solitudinem  Catonis  ?  Nee  cohere- 
dibus  solum  Herennianis,  sed  etiam,  ut  scis — tu  enim  mecum. 
egisti — de  puero  Lucullo,  quam  pecuniam  tutor — nam  hoo 
quoque  ad  rem  pertinet — in  Achaia  sumpserat.  Sed  agit  libe- 
raliter,  quoniam  negat  se  quidquam  facturum  contra  nostram 
voluntatem.  Coram  igitur,  ut  scribis,  constituemus  quern  ad 
modum  rem  explicemus.  Quod  reliquos  coheredes  convenisti, 
plane  bene.  3.  Quod  epistulam  meam  ad  Brutum  poscis,  non 
habeo  eius  exemplum,  sed  tamen  salvum  est  et  ait  Tiro  te  habere 
oportere  et,  ut  recorder,  una  cum  illius  obiurgatoria  tibi  meam 
quoque  quam  ad  eum  rescripseram  misi.  ludiciali  molestia  ut 
caream  videbis. 


2.  solitudinem~]  '  the  unprotected  condi- 
tion of  young  Cato,'  that  is,  '  the  absence 
of  his  guardians.'  Piso  seems  to  have 
applied  to  young  Cato  for  money  owed  by 
his  father  to  the  heirs  of  Herennius. 

Nee  coheredibus]  Wes.  proposes  to  add 
cfe,  but  it  is  bar  (Unnecessary.  '  Our  excuse 
is  the  unprotected  position  of  young 
Cato,  not  only  to  the  heirs  of  Herennius, 
but  also,  as  you  know,  in  the  matter  of 
young  Lucullus,  in  respect  of  the  money 
which  the  tutor  of  Lucullus  (i.e.,  Cato, 
the  father,  who  was  tutor  of  young 
Lucullus,  Fin.  iii.  8:  Varro  R.  R.  iii. 
2.  17,  M.  Cato  nuper  cum  Luculli  accepit 
tutelam)  took  when  he  was  in  Asia.'  The 
expression  is  slightly  irregular  for  de 
pecunia  puero  Lucullo  debita  quam,  but 
the  sense  is  plain.  Boot  ingeniously 
suggests  that  we  should  read  debel  for  de. 
At  one  time  we  thought  that  possibly  de 
stood  for  D  C  (i.e.,  sexcenta  millia  sester- 
tium),  in  order  to  get  an  antecedent  for 
quam  pecuniam — the  word  debet  being 
easily  understood  from  the  context.  But 


it  is  hardly  necessary.  It  would  seem 
from  tu  enim  mecum  egisti  that  Cicero 
and  Atticus  were  joint  guardians  of  the 
young  Lucullus. 

agit  liberaliter]  sc.  Piso. 

convenisti']  After  this  word  the  old 
editors  supplied  fecisti.  But  the  word 
can  be  understood,  cp.  635.  4,  Attributes 
quod  appellas,  valde  probe,  sc.  fecisti. 

3.  Tiro']  This  passage  shows  that  Tiro 
used  to  keep  copies  of  Cicero's  letters. 

obiurgatoria~\  Brutus  remonstrated 
with  Cic.  for  'persevering  in  obstinate 
condolement '  for  the  loss  of  Tullia.  The 
letter  is  referred  to  545. 1  :  546.  4  :  547  : 
549.  2.  This  matter  about  the  correspon- 
dence with  Brutus  and  the  reference  to 
exemption  from  serving  as  a  iudex  seem  to 
place  this  letter  in  March  and  not  in 
June  :  for  further  considerations  see  0.  E. 


Schmidt,  pp.  311-312. 
549.  2." 


misi]    He  did  so  on   March  llth,  cp. 


ludiciali  molestia']  '  the  annoyance  of 
serving  on  a  jury  '  :  cp.  552.  2. 


EP.  555  (FAM.  IV.  5). 


19 


555.     SERVIUS  SULPICIUS  TO  CICEEO  (FAM.  iv.  5). 

ATHENS  ;    MIDDLE  OF  MARCH  ;    A.  TJ.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ',    AET.  CIC.  61. 

Servius   Sulpicius  Achaiae  praefectus,  consolatur  M.  Ciceronem  adflictum  obitu 

liae. 

SERVIUS  CICERONI  S. 

1.  Postea  quam  mihi  renuntiatum  est  de  obitu  Tulliae,  filiae 
uae,  sane  quam  pro  eo  ac  debui  graviter  molesteque  tuli  commu- 
temque  earn  calamitatem  existimavi,  qui,  si  istic  adfuissem, 
leque  tibi  defuissem  coramque  meum  dolorem  tibi  declarassem. 
Stsi  genus  hoc  consolationis  miserum  atque  acerbum  est,  propterea 
uia,  per  quos  ea  confieri  debet  propinquos  ac  familiaris,  ii  ipsi 
:>ari  molestia  adficiuntur  neque  sine  lacrimis  multis  id  conari 
Dossunt,  uti  magis  ipsi  videantur  aliorum  consolatione  indigere 
[uam  aliis  posse  suuin  officium  praestare,  tamen  quae  in  praesentia 
n  mentem  mihi  venerunt  decrevi  brevi  ad  te  perscribere,  non  quo 
a  te  fugere  existimem,  sed  quod  forsitan  dolore  impeditus  minus 

There  is  a  learned  discussion  on  the 
Language  of  Sulpicius  by  J.  H.  Schmalz 
n  the  Zeitschrift  fur  das  Gymnasialwesen 
txxv.  pp.  87-126.  He  points  out  that 
Sulpicius  studied  to  improve  his  style  by 
urning  poetry  into  prose  (Quintil.  x.  5, 
;),  and  that  he  probably  used  for  that 
mrpose  Ennius,  Terence,  and  Plautus, 
who  were  authors  eminently  adapted  for 
lis  purpose,  and  also  popular.  We  are 
further  told  (Phil.  ix.  13)  that  Sulpicius 
was  fond  of  what  was  old,  largely  owing 
no  doubt  to  his  legal  studies  (cp.  vol.  iv, 
p.  Ixxix ;  cp.  Top.  36)  ;  so  'that  it  is 
natural  that  his  language  should  be  some- 
times archaic. 


1.  renuntiatum]  'news  had  duly  (re-) 
reached  me,'  cp.  Mayor  on  reddere  in  Juv. 
•  93. 

sane  quam~]  '  I  was  indeed,  as  in 
duty  bound,  most  deeply  and  grievously 
moved.*  For  sane  quam  see  on  Att.  i.  11, 
3(7). 

,  pro  eo  ac  debui']  cp.  Cat.  iv.  3.  Nam 
primum  debeo  sperare  omnis  deos  qui  huic 
urbi praesident  pro  eo  mihi  ac  mereor  rela- 
turos  gratiam  esse.  Cicero  more  commonly 
uses  pro  eo  quod.  Schmalz  (p.  122)  says 
pro  eo  ac  debeo  is  a  legal  phrase,  and  that 


Cicero  would  probably  have  said  ut 
Fam.  i.  9,  2  (153),  Att.  xiii.  1,  3  (601). 

neque  tibi  defuissem]  1 1  should  have 
been  with  you.' 

genus  hoc  consolationis]  ( consolation 
generally,'  '  consolation  in  the  abstract,' 
'  consolation  per  se.'  In  Fam.  v.  12,  1 
(109)  genus  scriptorum  tuorum  means  '  the 
general  character  of  your  work,'  and  in 
Fam.  vii.  23,  2  (126)  genus  signorum 
omnium  means  '  all  the  statues  in  the 
world.' 

miserum  atque  acerbum  est]  '  is  sad  and 
heart-rending.' 

propterea  quia~]  Quia  is  often  thus  used 
in  Cicero's  philosophical  works,  never  in 
his  orations. 

confieri~]  Not  found  in  Cicero,  but  used 
by  Plant.  Trin.  408 ;  Lucr.  iv.  291 ; 
Caesar  B.  G.  vii.  58,  2,  and  confieret  by 
Balbus  ap.  Att.  viii.  I5a,  3  (346) :  ix.  7a,  1 
(351) ;  and  Liv.  v.  50,  7.  Cicero  always 
uses  confici,  cp.  Boot  on  Att.  ii.  16,  2 
(43). 

propinquos  ac  familiaris']  Schmalz  (p. 
117)  refuses  to  eject  these  words  (which 
many  editors  consider  to  be  a  gloss)  on 
the  ground  that  diffusiveness  is  a  charac- 
teristic of  the  style  of  Sulpicius,  e.g.  in 
this  section  alone  propterea  quia  for  quia  ; 
si  istic  adfuissem  for  si  adfuissem. 

B2 


20 


EP.  555  (FAM.  IV.  5). 


ea  perspicias.     2.  Quid  est  quod  tanto  opere  te  commoveat  tuu 
dolor  intestinus  ?     Cogita  quern  ad  modum  adhuc  f ortuna  nobis 
cum  egerit :    ea  nobis   erepta   esse    quae    hominibus  non  minu 
quam  liberi  cara  esse   debent,  patriam,  honestatem,  dignitatem 
honores   omnis.     Hoc   uno  incommodo   addito  quid  ad  dolorem 
adiungi  potuit  ?     Aut  qui  non  in   illis  rebus  exercitatus  animus- 
callere  iam  debet  atque  omnia  minoris  existimare  ?     3.  An  illiu&i 
vicem,  cedo,  doles  ?     Quotiens  in  earn  cogitationem  necesse  esti 
et  tu  veneris  et  nos  saepe  incidimus,  hisce  temporibus  non  pessime- 


perspicias]  \iforsitan  did  not  intervene, 
we  should  have  had  the  indicative  per- 
spicis  after  quod. 

2.  Quid  est  quod. .  .commoveat}  Usually 
the  indicative  follows  a  question  expressed 
in  this  form  :  cp.  Plaut.  Epid.  560,  Quid 
est  quod  voltus  turbatust  tuus  ;  Hud.  414, 
Quis  est  qui  nostris  tarn  proterve  foribus 

facit  iniuriam. 

intestinus~\  '  private,'  '  personal^'  often 
united  with  domesticum,  cp.  2  Verr.  i.  39, 
itttestinum  ac  domesticum  malum. 

Aut  qui  non]  '  or  what  heart,  trained  in 
the  school  of  present  events,  must  not 
have  become  hardened,  and  think  all  else 
of  slighter  value.'  For  callere  cp.  the  joke 
in  Plaut.  Pers.  305,  magis  calleo  quam 
aprugnum  callum  c'allet.  Dr.  Reid  thinks 
(perhaps  rightly),  and  so  does  the 
Thesaurus,  that  in  our  passage  callere 
means  '  to  be  wise,'  It  has  been 
noticed  that  existimare  with  a  genitive  of 
price,  though  found  in  Plaut.  Capt.  682, 
Mostell.  73  ;  Nepos  Cato  1,2-;  Suet.  Oct. 
40,  is  not  Ciceronian.  In  Att.  i.  20,  2  (26), 
Leg.  Agr.  ii.  40,  Muren.  34,  there  is  a 
variant  aestimare,  which  is  generally  read. 
See  Schmalz,  p.  99. 

3.  An  illius  vicem,  cedo,  doles  ?]  So  we 
read  for  credo  of  the  MSS.     Cp.,  for  cedo 
used  in  questions,  Naev.  ap.  De  Sen.  20, 
Cedo    qui    vestram    rempublicam    tantam 
amisistis  tarn  cito  ? :  Cato  ap.  Quintil.  ix. 
2,  21,  Cedo,  si  vos  in  eo  loco  essetis  quidaliud 

fecissetis  ?  The  change  to  credo  is  just  the 
kind  of  change  which  would  be  made  by  a 
copyist ;  cp.  Rah.  Post.  38,  where  cedo  is 
corrupted  into  accedo&n&accredo  (Mr.  Clark 
reads  age,  cedo) ;  and  by  reading  cedo  we 
can  retain  An,  which  is  almost  certainly 
right.  Manutius  and  Lambinus  alter  An 
to  At,  a  possible,  but  too  facile,  pro- 
ceeding. If  we  retain  credo,  as  Mendels- 
sohn does,  it  must  be  interpreted  as  having 


a  slight  shade  of  irony  which,  at  least  to 
modern  ideas,  is  sadly  out  of  place,  *  or  is 
it  for  her  sake  (I  suppose  it  is)  that  you  are 
grieving?'  For  this  parenthetic  and 
ironical  sense  of  credo,  cp.  Q.  Fr.  i.  1.  7 
(30) :  587.  3 ;  Reid  on  Arch.  10,  and 
Lucr.  v.  174,  at,  credo,  in  tenebris  vita  at 
maerore  iacebat  J)onec  diluxit  rerum  geni- 
tails  origo,  '  or  was  it  (I  presume  it  was) 
that  life  long  lay  prostrate,'  &c.  In  our 
passage  Munro  wished  to  read  Cicero  for 
credo,  and  in  the  passage  from  Lucretius 
to  alter  credo  to  crepera,  '  wavering '  or 
'  in  darkness '  — both  of  which  alterations, 
however  striking,  are  most  unconvincing.. 
There  is  no  doubt,  however,  that  credo 
parenthetic  in  an  interrogative  sentence- 
is  almost  unprecedented.  Leg.  Agr.  i.  19- 
is  not  a  case. 

illius  vicem]  vicem  is  very  common  in 
the  Epp.  with  verbs  and  phrases  expressing 
emotion  :  cp.  Fam.  xii.  23,  3  (792),  tuam 
vicem  saepe  doleo:  i.  9,  2  (153);  Att.  iv. 
6,  1  (110)  ;  vi.  3,  4  (264) ;  viii.  2,  2  (332)  ; 
15,  3  (350)  ;  ad  Brut.  i.  10,  5  (897). 

et  tu  veneris  et  nos  saepe  incidimits] 
There  is  a  slight  anacoluthon  ;  for  incidi- 
mus is  co-ordinate  with  necesse  est,  whereas 
it  ought  to  be  co-ordinate  with  veneris* 
'  How  often  must  you  have  arrived  at  the 
same  conclusion,  and  it  occurred  to  me- 
too ' :  for  the  displacement  of  et  cp. 
note  on  785.  8,  and  Reid  on  Acad.  ii.  12  ; 
69.  In  order  partly  to  avoid  this  anacolu- 
thon, Lambinus  read  ut  tu  veneris.  But 
the  translation  given  above  shows  the 
force  of  the  double  et. 

For  the  difference  between  venire  in 
cogitationem,  *  to  arrive  at  a  conclusion  ' 
by  previous  thought,  and  incidere  in 
cogitationem,  'to  stumble  upon  a  con- 
sideration '  by  mere  chance,  Watson 
excellently  compares  Fam.  ii.  7,  2  (227), 
quod  in  reipublicae  tempus  non  incideris 


EP.  555  (FAM.  IV.  5).  21 

cum  iis  esse  actum  quibus  sine  dolore  licitum  est  mortem  cum 
vita  commutare  ?  Quid  autem  fuit  quod  illam  hoc  tempore  ad 
vivendum  magno  opere  invitare  posset  ?  Quae  res  ?  Quae  spes  ? 
^Quod  animi  solacium  ?  Ut  cum  aliquo  adulescente  primario  con- 
iuncta  aetatem  gereret  ?  Licitum  est  tibi,  credo,  pro  tua  dignitate 
ex  hac  iuventute  generum  deligere  cuius  fidei  liberos  tuos  te  tuto 
committere  putares !  An  ut  ea  liberos  ex  sese  pareret  quos  cum 
lorentis  videret  laetaretur  ?  Qui  rem  a  pareute  traditam  per  se 
;enere  possent,  honores  ordinatim  petituri  essent,  in  re  publica, 
n  amicorum  negotiis  libertate  sua  uti  ?  Quid  horum  fuit  quod 
non  prius  quam  datum  est  ademptum  sit  ?  '  At  vero  malum 
est  liberos  amittere.'  Malum  :  nisi  hoc  peius  est,  haec  sufferre 
et  perpeti.  4.  Quae  res  mihi  non  mediocrem  consolationem 
attulit  volo  tibi  commemorare,  si  forte  eadem  res  tibi  dolorem 


ed  veneris — iudicio  enim  tuo,  non  casu,  in 
\psum  di&crimen  rerum  contulisti  tribuna- 
um  tuum :  add  Petron.  107,  hoc  argumento 
ncidisse  videntur  in  navem,  non  venisse. 

licitum  est]  This  (not  licuit)  is  the 
jerf.  which  was  used  in  ordinary,  un- 
daborated  style.  In  Cicero  it  is  found 
>nly  in  his  earlier  works  and  in  his  Epp. : 
p.  Schmalz,  Antib.  ii.  22. 

res  .  .  .  spes~\  The  alliteration  caused 
y  the  juxtaposition  of  these  words,  which 
s  so  common  in  Latin  (cp.  Att.  iii.  22,  4 
81);  Fam.  xii.  25,  2  (825);  Sail.  Cat. 
1)  can  hardly  be  reproduced  in  English. 
What  scope,  what  hope,  what  heart's 
olace?'  (Shuckburgh)  :  'what  hope? 
iirhat  fruition?  what  consolation  for  the 
oul  ? '  (Jeans). 

aetatem  gereret]  This  is  rare  for  the 
more  usual  aetatem  ageret :  cp.  Petr.  63, 
vitam  Chiam  gessi :  Suet.  Vesp.  24,  Dom. 
1 ;  Val.  Flacc.  vi.  695,  semivir  impubem- 
que  gerens  sterilemque  iuventam. 

liberos]  The  plural  is  often  used  for  a 
single  child  :  cp.  Prov.  Cons.  35 ;  Tac. 
Ann.  i.  42;  also  Gell.  ii.  13,  Antiquiora- 
tores  historiaeque  aut  carminum  scriptores 
etiam  umim  filium  filiamve  liberos  multi- 
tudinifs  numero  appellarunt. 

ordinatim']  l  in  regular  course  '  accord- 
ing to  the  Lex  Annalis,  from  which,  says 
Watson,  Caesar  had  departed  in  favour  of 
his  friends.  For  the  adverb,  cp.  Dec. 
Brut.  ap.  Fam.  xi.  13,  2  (859);  Cicero 
would  have  said  ordine. 

uti~\  So  the  MSS  ;  supply  possent. 
Gulielmius  and  "Wesenberg  (Em.  57)  read 


usuri.  Inferior  MSS  give  uterentur.     Hof- 
mann  suggests  usi. 

At  vero]  almost  =  at  enim,  as  Watson 
says,  comparing  Phil.  ii.  33,  At  vero 
Cn.  Pompei  voluntatem  a  me  aliertabat 
oratio  mea. 

Malum  :  nisi]  The  sense  is,  '  a  mis- 
fortune, true  (and  so  to  be  deplored),  only 
(lit.  "  were  it  not  that")  this  is  a  greater 
misfortune '  (and ordinary  ills  seem  trifling 
in  presence  of  a  grave  calamity).  For 
this  elliptico-adversative  sense  of  nisi  = 
1  only '  after  a  negative  or  virtual  negative, 
cp.  Madv.  442,  c.  obs.  3,  and  note  on 
Att.  xi.  23,  1  (437).  To  the  exx.  there 
given  add  Ter.  Eun.  548  ;  Phorm.  475. 
The  ellipse  is  sometimes  expressed :  cp. 
Phorm.  953,  Nescio,  nisi  me  dixisse  nemini 
certo  scio.  See  a  good  note  on  this  usage 
by  Kritz  on  Sail.  Jug.  24,  5  ;  cp.  ib.  67.  3. 

4.  Quae  res  .  .  .  attuliC]  Wes.  reads 
attulerit.  Schmalz  (p.  124)  argues 
that  the  indicative  of  the  MSS  is  to 
be  retained  (1)  as  usual  in  the  old 
poets,  e.g.  Plaut.  Cist.  65,  unde  est  tibi 
cor  commemora,  cp.  Drager  ii.  p.  462 ; 
(2)  and  in  the  old  orators,  e.  g.  Cato  ap. 
Gell.  vi.  3,  16,  cogitate  quanto  nos  inter 
nos  privatim  cautius  facimus ;  (3)  and  in 
ordinary  language,  e.g.  Petron.  76,  84, 
100,  &c.  The  polemic  of  Madvig  on  Fin. 
iv.  67,  is,  perhaps,  too  sweeping.  Schmalz 
retains  the  indicative  in  Cornif .  ad  Herenn. 
iv.  13  (gerimus],  Verr.  ii.  131  (sunt) : 
Att.  xiii.  18  (630),  vides  propinquitas  quid 
habet ;  but  we  can  hardly  think  rightly. 

volo  tibi  commemorare']  =  commemorabo. 


22 


EP.  555  (FAM.  IV:  5). 


miimere  possit.  Ex  Asia  rediens,  cum  ab  Aegina  Megarara  verst 
navigarem,  coepi  region  es  circumcirca  prospicere  :  post  me  eraB 
Aegina,  ante  me  Megara,  dextra  Piraeus,  sinistra  Corinthus ;  quaj 
oppida  quodam  tempore  florendssima  fuerunt,  nunc  prostrata 
diruta  ante  oculos  iacent.  Coepi  egomet  mecum  sic  cogitare  :  *  hem 
nos  humunculi  indignamur  si  quis  nostrum  interiit  aut  occisus  es 
quorum  vita  brevior  esse  debet,  cum  uno  loco  tot  oppidum  cadaver 
proiecta  iacent  ?  Yisne  tu  te,  Servi,  cohibere  et  meminisse  horn 
nem  te  esse  natum  ? '  Crede  mihi,  cogitatione  ea  non  mediocrit< 


Ex  Asia  rediens]  A  fine  passage  imi- 
tated by  St.  Ambrose  (see  Addenda  to 
the  Comment.}  and  referred  to  by  Byron 
(Childe  Harold,  iv.  44).  Too  much  stress 
must  not  be  laid  on  Roman  rhetoric  in 
reference  to  this  topic  ;  and  some  deduc- 
tion must  be  made  before  we  can  use  it 
as  evidence  of  the  condition  of  Hellas  at 
this  time.  On  the  exaggeration  of  Roman 
writers  about  the  decay  of  Greece,  cp. 
Dr.  Reid,  Municipalities  of  the  Roman 
Empire,  pp.  405  f .  It  was  a  good  theme 
for  pathetic  rhetoric,  in  competition 
with  which  truth  is  at  times  obscured. 
For  example,  Seneca,  in  Ep.  91,  is  cer- 
tainly guilty  in  this  respect.  However, 
Megara  had  never  wholly  recovered  its 
destruction  by  Demetrius  Poliorcetes 
(307  B.C.)  :  Piraeus  had  been  recently 
burned  by  Sulla  in  the  Mithridatic  war  ; 
Corinth  had  not  yet  been  restored  by 
Julius  Caesar,  and  become  the  Laus  Julia ; 
cp.  Leg.  Agr.  ii.  87,  Corinthi  vestigium 
vix  relictum  est.  For  the  singular  Me- 
garam,  cp.  De  Div.  i.  57. 

regiones  circumcirca}  This  adverb,  as 
most  compound  adverbs,  is  rare  ;  and  it  is 
not  used  by  Cicero.  For  the  adverb  used 
as  an  adjective,  cp.  Liv.  xxii.  23,  4, 
omnibus  circa  solo  aequatis  ;  Cic.  N.  D.  ii. 
166,  ipsorum  deorum  saepe  praesentiae, 
where  Mayor  compares  Ter.  Andr.  175, 
eri  temper  lenitas  ;  Plaut.  Pers.  385,  non 
tu  nunc  hominum  mores  vides.  Add 
St.  Paul,  1  Timothy  v.  23,  «  Use  a  little 
wine  for  thy  stomach's  sake  and  thine  often 
infirmities.'  Sometimes  whole  phrases 
are  used  as  adjectives,  e.  g.  De  Orat.  iii. 
10,  Carbonis  eodem  illo  die  mors :  De 
Orat.  ii.  20,  tot  locis  sessiones. 

hmn  /]  '  Ah  ! '  cp.  for  its  use  in  cases 
of  reflection,  Ter.  Heaut.  128:  uK  video 
haec  coepi  cogitare,  *  hetn,  tot  men  solius 
Kolliciti  sint  causa  ? ' 

indignamur  *i]     cp.  Vol.  Max.  iii.  8, 


7,  Non  indignabuntur  lumina  Urbis  nostr 
si  ...  centurionum  quoque  virtus  spectat 
dam  se  obtulerit.  Often  after  verbs  e: 
pressing  emotion  (e.  g.  mirari)  si  is  tin 
used,  as  et  in  Greek,  e.  g.  Lael.  54. 

oppidum    cadavera"]      This    contracts 
genitive  plural  (-«•/»  for  -orum)  is  verj 
rare  in  neuters  ;  cp.  Neue  i3  181.    Forth! 
sentiment  Bockel   compares,  in   additioj 
to  Cat.   iv.   11,  lines  from  the  Anthoj 
Lat.  iii.  2,  8   (ed.  Burmann),  Hae  sum 
quas    merito    quondam    mirata    vetustaM 
Magnarum  rerum  magna  sepulcra  vides 
Rutil.  i.  413,    Non    indignemnr   mortalj 
corpora   solvi     Cernimus   exemplis   opj. 
posse  mori ;  Byron,  Childe  Harold  ii. 
'  Look  on  this  spot — a  nation's  sepulchre| 

Visne   iu~\     According    to    Bentley 
Hor.  Sat.  ii.   6,   92,  visne  tu,  or  vin  tt 
simply   asks   a   question,     while   vis 
'can't  you,'   'won't  you,'  is  a 
exhortation.     If  this   is  true,    it  woul 
appear  that  we  ought  to  read  vis  tu  her 
Bentley  has  fallen  into  an  error  as  regai 
his  own  rule  on  Hor.  Sat.   i.  9,   69, 
which  see  Palmer's  critical  note. 

homincm~\    and  so  liable  to  the  chanj 
and  chances  of  this  mortal  life :  see 
on  Q.  Fr.  ii.  9,  4  (132)  ;  Fam.  v.  16, 
(529). 

Crede  tnihi]  Schmalz  (p.  115)  la 
down  that  crede  mihi  belongs  to  comm< 
language,  mihi  crede  to  more  polish* 
style  ;  and  gives  the  following  conclusioi 
as  the  result  of  an  extended  induction  :- 
(1)  In  Cicero's  speeches  and  philosophic 
works  only  mihi  crede ;  (2)  crede  mil 
by  preference  in  Att.,  but  only  once 
Fam.  ;  (3)  in  Cicero's  correspond* en ts  onlj 
c.  in.,  never  in.  c.  ;  (4)  in  Ovid  Ponl 
c.  tn.  9  times,  m.  c.  once  :  just  the 
verse  proportion  in  Met. ;  (5)  in  Hor 
Sat.  and  Epp.  only  m.  c.  ;  (6)  the  plebeii 
language  of  Varro's  Menippeans 
Petronius  has  only  c.  m.  ;  (7)  if  the  w< 


EP.  555  (FAM.  IV.  5). 


23 


sum  confirmatus.  Hoc,  idem  si  tibi  videtur,  fac  ante  oculos  tibi 
sroponas  :  modo  urio  tempore  tot  viri  clarissimi  interierunt ;  de  im- 
perio  populi  Roman  i  tanta  deminutio  facta  est;  omnes  provinoiae 
conquassatae  sunt :  in  unius  mulierculae  animula  si  iactura  facta 
est,  tanto  opere  commoveris  ?  Q/uae  si  hoc  tempore  non  diem 
suum  obisset,  paucis  post  annis  tamen  ei  moriendum  fuit,  quoniam 
homo  nata  fuerat.  5.  Etiam  tu  ab  bisce  rebus  animum  ac  cogita- 
ionem  tuam  avoca  atque  ea  potius  reminiscere  quae  digua  tua 
)ersona  sunt :  illam  quarn  diu  ei  opus  fuerit  vixisse ;  una  cum  re 
niblica  fuisse  ;  te,  patrern  suum,  praetorem,  consulem,  augurem 
vidisse ;  adulescentibus  primariis  nuptam  fuisse;  omnibus  bonis 


separated,     crede     always     precedes 
mihi. 

Hoc,  idem  si  tibi  videtur']  So  Mendels- 
ohn punctuates;  usually  the  conima  is 
)laced  after  idem.  In  either  case  take 
hat  word  as  neuter.  Schmalz  (p.  113) 
ays  that  it  is  a  mark  of  more  elegant 
tyle  to  omit  tibi.  In  the  Epp.  we 
lave  si  tibi  videtur  18  times,  si  videtur 
>nly  once  (Fam.  iv.  2,  43  Ep.  389) :  con- 
versely in  the  De  Legibus  si  placet  1 
times,  while  si  tibi  placet  does  not  occur 
tall. 

\odo  .  .  .  interierunt']  Melmoth 
uotes  the  reflections  of  Addison  in 
Vestminster  Abbey  (Spectator,  No.  26) : 
"When  I  look  upon  the  tombs  of  the 
great,  every  emotion  of  envy  dies  within 
me ;  when  I  read  the  epitaphs  of  the 
beautiful,  every  inordinate  desire  goes 
out ;  when  I  meet  with  the  grief  of  parents 
upon  a  tombstone,  my  heart  melts  with 
compassion ;  when  I  see  the  tomb  of  the 
parents  themselves,  I  consider  the  vanity 
of  grieving  for  those  whom  we  must 
quickly  follow  ;  when  I  see  kings  lying 
by  those  who  deposed  them,  when  I  con- 
sider rival  wits  placed  side  by  side,  or  the 
holy  men  that  divided  the  world  with 
their  contests  and  disputes,  I  reflect  with 
sorrow  and  astonishment  on  the  little 
competitions,  factions,  and  debates  of 
mankind.  When  I  read  the  several  dates 
of  the  tombs  of  some  that  died  yesterday, 
and  some  six  hundred  years  ago,  I  con- 
sider  that  great  day  when  we  shall  all 
of  us  be  contemporaries  and  make  our 
appearance  together.' ' 

deminutio']     i.e.  in  prestige  and  moral 
influence,  not  in  territory. 


conquassatae']  '  convulsed,'  cp.  Sest.  56, 
etiam  exteras  nationes  illius  anni  furore 
conquassatas  videbamus. 

in  unius  .  .  .  animula]  *  in  the  frail 
life  of  one  feeble  woman.'  The  dimi- 
nutives express  pity.  Animula  recalls 
Hadrian's  celebrated  address  to  his  soul: 
Animula  vagula  blandula  Hospes  comesque 
corporis  Quae  mine  abibisinloca  (Spartian. 
Hadr.  25).  Schmalz  (p.  114)  says  that 
almost  always  in  Cicero  and  'Caesar 
iactura  and  similar  words  are  used  with 
the  genitive  of  the  thing  lost ;  in  with 
ablative  belongs  to  a  less  elegant  style, 
though  it  occurs  in  Fam.  x.  28,  3  (819), 
magnum  damnum  factum  est  in  Servio ; 
cp.  Quintil.  x.  1,  89  :  Curt.  iv.  14.  17, 
semper  gravior  in  paucitate  iactura  est.  In 
565.  2,  iactura  in  repraesentando  is  some- 
what different. 

diem  suum  obisset]  cp.  Serv.  ap.  Fam. 
iv.  12,  2  (613),  Marcellum  diem  suum 
obisae  ;  Plaut.  Cist.  175,  Ea  diem  suum 
obiit,  facta  morigera  est  viro  ;  Poen.  904. 
The  classical  phrase  is  obire  mortem.  We 
do  not  find  obire  by  itself  meaning  'to 
die '  in  Cicero,  but  he  uses  obitus  for 
'  death '  in  Rep.  ii.  52. 

5.  ac  cogitationein]  Cicero  does  not  use 
ac  before  c,  g,  q. 

tua  persona]  '  the  character  you  bear,' 
'  the  position  you  hold  ' :  cp.  note  to  Fam. 
vi.  6.  10(488). 

una  .  ..fuisse]  cp.  Att.  vii.  10  (303), 
Lael.  2.  An  old  alteration  approved  by 
Weiske  and  Madvig  ^Adv.  Crit.  iii.  156, 
note)  is  Jloruisse. 

primariis']  sc.  Cn.  Piso,  Crassipes, 
Dolabella.  " 


24 


EP.  555  (FAM.  IV.  5). 


prope  perfunctam  esse :  cum  res  publica  occideret,  vita  excessisse 
Quid  est  quod  tu  aut  ilia  cum  fortuna  hoc  nomine  queri  possitis 
Denique  noli  te  oblivisci  Ciceronem  esse  et  eum  qui  aliis  consueri 
praecipere  et  dare  consilium,  neque  imitare  malos  medicos  qu 
in  alienis  morbis  profitentur  tenere  se  medicinae  scientiam,  ips 
se  curare  non  possunt ;  sed  potius  quae  aliis  tute  praecipere  sole 
ea  tute  tibi  subice  atque  apud  animum  propone.  6.  Nullu 
dolor  est  quern  non  longinquitas  temporis  minuat  ac  molliat 
hoc  te  exspectare  tempus  tibi  turpe  est  ac  non  ei  rei  sapienti 
tua  te  occurrere.  Quod  si  qui  etiam  inferis  sensus  esi 


perfunctam  esse]  ferfungi,  '  to  pass 
through,'  is  generally  used  of  evil  fortune, 
but  sometimes  we  find  it  applied  to  a 
course  of  honours  and  good  fortune,  e.g. 
Fana.  i.  8.  3  (119),  cum  et  honoribus  am- 
plissimis  et  laboribus  maximis  perfuncti 
essemus  ;  De  Orat.  iii.  7,  <tb  honorum  per- 
functione:  Brut.  8,  aetas  nostra  perfuncta 
rebus  amplissimis  ;  Ter.  Hec.  594. 

cum  res  publica  occideret]  cp.  De  Orat. 
iii.  10  of  M.  Antonius,  the  orator,  ut  ille 
et  vixisse  cum  republica  pariter  et  cum  ilia 
simul  exstinctus  esse  videatur. 

hoc  nomine]  '  on  this  account,'  origi- 
nally a  hook-keeping  term,  cp.  note  to 
Earn",  ii.  1,  1  (166).  To  the  exx.  there 
given  add  Sull.  21  ;  Muren.  82 ;  Phil. 
xiv.  29. 

imitare']  So  all  the  MSS.  Schmalz 
(p.  126)  rightly  says  that  this  is  to  be 
taken  as  the  archaic  infinitive  of  the  active 
form,  and  not  as  the  imperative  of  the 
deponent;  comparing Liv. Andr.  1  (Bibb.), 
Si  malos  imitabo.  Varro  ap.  Non.  473,  20, 
tuum  opux  nemo  imitare  potest.  He  thinks 
Sulpieius  may  be  imitating  or  quoting  an 
old  poet  who  said,  noli  imitare  malos 
medicos.  For  a  long  list  of  verbs  active 
in  archaic  Latin,  but  deponent  in  later 
times,  cp.  Drageri.  150,151.  Forthecon- 
struction  which  supplies  the  affirmative 
volueris  out  of  the  negative  noli,  Hofmann 
compares  Fam.  xii.  30.  1  (899),  noli  mihi 
impudens  esse  nee  mihi  molestiam  exhibere. 
Essentially  similar  are  Hor.  Sat.  i.  1,  3 
(where  see  Palmer) ;  Cic.  N.  D.  i.  17  : 
Alt.  vii.  15,  3  (311) :  cp.  Madv.  462  b. 

apud  animum  propone]  cp.  Fam.  ii.  3, 
1  (169),  apud  animum  tuum  relinquam  ; 
Liv.  xxxiv.  2.  4,  utatuere  apud  animum 
meum.  In  his  exhaustive  treatise  on 
Greek  and  Roman  Consolationes  in  the 
Leipziger  Studien,  ix.  p.  99,  Buresch 


thinks  that  the  verses  of  Sophocles  (Frag. 
666,  ed.  Nauck)  were  introduced  into  Tusc. 
iii.  71,  owing  to  this  rebuke  of  Sulpieius. 

6.  longinquitas  temporis']  cp.  Soph.  El. 
179  xp°vos  7"P  fv/u-apljs  0*6$  'time  is  a 
comfortable  god.' 

hoc  te  .  .  .  tibi  turpe  est]  Cicero  would 
have  left  out  either  tibi  (cp.  Fam.  iv.  6, 1 
(574),  turpe  enim  esse  existimo  me  non  ita 
ferre  casum  meum,  where  he  is  perhaps 
tacitly  correcting  Sulpieius)  ;  or  te  (cp. 
Att.  ix.  10,  6  (365),  turpe  nobis  puto  esse 
de  fug  n  coffitare). 

ei  rei .  .  .  occttrrere]  '  to  anticipate  this 
result,'  lit.  '  to  go  to  meet '  :  cp.  Q.  Fr.  i. 
1,  4(30),  contraque  erigas  ac  resistas  sive 
etiam  ultra  occurras  negotiis.  For  the 
sentiment  cp.  Fam.  v.  16,  5  (529),  Nam 
quod  adlatura  est  ipsa  diuturnitas  quae 
maximos  luctus  vetustate  tollit,  id  nos  prae- 
cipere consilio  prudentiaque  debemus ;  and 
especially  Att.  xii.  10  (651)  impetret  ratio 
quod  dies  impetratura  est. 

Quod  si  qui . .  .  sensus  est]  '  if  the  dead 
have  any  consciousness' — a  sad  if:  cp. 
Tac.  Agr.  46.  1.  Our  passage  has  been 
referred  to  by  Archbishop  Whately  to 
show  that  a  belief  in  a  future  life, 
though  nominally  professed,  cannot  be 
regarded  as  practically  forming  any  part 
of  the  creed  of  the  cultured  Romans  of 
Cicero's  time.  In  a  letter  to  Torquatus 
in  the  early  part  of  this  year  Cicero 
speaks  of  death,  if  it  should  befall  him 
in  the  troubles  and  tumults  of  the  period, 
as  sine  ullo  sensu.  Fam.  vi.  4.  4  (540). 
It  should,  however,  be  noticed  that 
when  Cicero,  to  beguile  his  grief,  devoted 
himself  to  philosophical  studies,  one  of 
the  first  results  (some  months  later)  was 
the  Tusc.  Disp.,  in  the  first  book  of 
which  he  has  collected  whatever  his 
learning  or  reflections  could  contribute 


EP.  555  (FAM.  IV.  5). 


25 


•qui  illius  in  te  amor  fuit  pietasque  in  omnis  suos,  hoc  certe 
ilia  te  facere  non  vult.  Da  hoc  illi  mortuae ;  da  ceteris  amicis 
ac  familiaribus  qui  tuo  dolore  maerent ;  da  patriae,  ut,  si  qua 
in  re  opus  sit,  opera  et  consilio  tuo  uti  possit.  Denique,  quoniam 
in  earn  fortunam  devenimus  ut  etiam  huic  rei  nobis  serviendum 
sit,  noli  committere  ut  quisquam  te  putet  non  tarn  filiam  quam 
rei  publicae  tempora  et  aliorum  victoriam  lugere.  Plura  me  ad 
te  de  hac  re  scribere  pudet  ne  videar  prudentiae  tuae  diffidere ; 
qua  re,  si  hoc  unum  proposuero,  finem  faciam  scribendi:  vidimus 
aliquotiens  secundam  pulcherrime  te  ferre  fortunam  magnamque 
ex  ea  re  te  laudem  apisci :  fac  aliquando  intellegamus  adversam 
quoque  te  aeque  ferre  posse  neque  id  maius  quam  debeat  tibi  onus 
videri,  ne  ex  omnibus  virtutibus  haec  una  tibi  videatur  deesse. 
Quod  ad  me  attinet,  cum  te  tranquilliorem  animo  esse  cognoro, 
de  iis  rebus  quae  hie  geruntur  quemadmodumque  se  provincia 
habeat  certiorem  faciam.  Yale. 


to  throw  light  on  the  condition  of  the 
soul  after  death.  The  received  philo- 
sophical opinion  on  the  subject  seems  to 
have  heen  expressed  by  Seneca  when  he 
terms  the  belief  in  the  immortality  of  the 
soul  a  beautiful  dream  (belhtm  somnium), 
and  describes  its  adherents  as  asserting 
rather  than  proving  a  most  acceptable 
doctrine.  Friedlander  (SG.  iii6  735  if.) 
has  a  learned  discussion  on  the  relation 
of  a  belief  in  a  future  life  to  ancient 
Roman  speculation  and  conduct. 

qui  illius]  cp.  Fam.  vii.  2,  1  (182). 
Si  mihi  permisisses,  qui  meus  amor  in  te 
est,  confecissem. 

Denique}  Watson  points  out  that  it  is 
probable  that  Sulpicius  intended  to  finish 
his  letter  with  the  words  uti  possit,  when 
this  new  topic  occurred  to  him. 

ut  etiam  .  .  .  sit]  '  that  even  this  con- 
sideration must  be  attended  to.' 


alionttii]  perhaps  not  exactly  '  the  other 
side '  (alterorum),  but  '  others  '  than  we 
and  the  supporters  of  the  republic. 

pulckerrime']  'most  nobly/  'finely' 
(KCH^WS). 

apisci']  For  this  form  cp.  note  to  Att. 
viii.  14.  3  (349).  It  is  found  in  Livy  and 
post-Augustan  writers.  To  the  exx.  in 
the  Dictt.  add  Cic.  Leg.  i.  52  ;  Turpil.  10 
(Ribb.),  apisci  haud  possem  sine  maana 
miseria ;  Titin.  2.  purpuramque  aptae 
nimus. 

tranquilliorem']  This  reading  of  the 
MSS  is  rightly  defended  by  Lehmann 
(p.  83)  ;  cp.  Att.  xi.  12,  4  (427),  Quod  me 
audis  erectiorem  esse  animo  ;  Fam.  ii.  8,  2 
(201),  et  animo  et  consilio  paratum  ;  v.  12, 
9  (109),  alacres  animo  ;  Tusc.  iv.  37  ;  Rep 
i.  14. 

provincial  Achaea :  cp.  Fam.  iv.  4  2 
(495). 


KP.  066  (ATT.  XII. 


556.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (An*,  xn.  21). 


ASTURA;  MARCH  16 ;  A.  u.  c.  709;  B.  c.  45  ;  AET.  cic.  ei. 

De  dote,  de  Balbi  condicione,  de  loco  fani  Tulliae  aedificandi  et  aliis  rebus  privatis. 

1.  De  dote,  tanto  magis  perpurga,     Balbi  regia  condicio  est 
delegandi.     Quoquo  raodo   confice.     Turpe   est   rem   impeditam 


1.  De  dote]  This  must  refer  to  the  re- 
payment of  her  dower  to  Terentia,  a 
matter  frequently  mentioned  in  the  letters 
of  this  period. 

tanto  magis  perpurga']  sc.  quanta  diffi- 
cilius  est.  Atticus  had  dwelt  on  the 
difficulty  of  coming  to  a  settlement. 
Perpurga  is  a  stronger  expression  than 
explica  or  expedi  for  winding  up  a  busi- 
ness transaction.  Translate  '  make  a 
clean  settlement  of  it '  :  cp.  purgare 
rationes,  Suet.  Calig.  29.  But  perhaps  it 
may  mean  something  quite  different, 
namely,  *  make  our  apologies  most 
amply.' 

delegandi]  The  generally  accepted 
view  of  this  passage  is  that  Terentia 
became  desirous  of  getting  the  mcmey 
due  for  her  dowry  without  delay  (she 
had  been  divorced  for  about  a  year),  and 
Balbus  advanced  the  money,  as  it  were 
bought  the  debt  from  her,  and  then 
Terentia  assigned  (delegare}  Balbus  to 
Cicero  as  his  creditor  in  the  matter.  She 
would  appear  to  have  done  this  without 
consulting  Cicero,  just  notifying  to  him 
the  transfer  of  his  obligation.  This 
conduct  seemed  to  Cicero,  and  not  un- 
reasonably, to  be  '  lordly '  (regia}. 
Balbus  may  have  had  no  desire  to  press 
Cicero  hard ;  but  Cicero  naturally  did 
not  wish  to  he  under  an  obligation  to 
such  an  influential  Caesarean  as  Balbus, 
and  was  accordingly  insistent  that  Atticus 
should  clear  off  the  debt.  The  transla- 
tion will,  then,  be  :  "  Terentia' s  arrange- 
ment in  assigning  Balbus  as  my  creditor 
is  a  very  lordly  proceeding."  'This  is  a 
somewhat  rare  use  of  delegare.  It  is 
generally  used  of  assigning  or  deputing 
one's  debtor  to  pay  not  oneself  but  a 
third  person  :  cp.  Ulpian's  definition  in 
Dig.  xlvi.  2.  11  Delegare  est  vice  sua 
alium  reutn  dare  creditori  vel  cui  iusserit 
('or  to  his  order'):  Seneca  Benef.  iv.  11.3 
The  shipwrecked  mariner  whom  we 
have  helped  nunquam  amplius  in  con- 


deos  delegat  illi  pro   se  gratiam   reddant   1 
(cp.  Proverbs  19.   17)  :    but  it  seems  to    j 
be    occasionally  found   in  the   sense  of 
assigning  one's  creditor   to  become  the 
creditor  of  one's  debtor,    as   Terentia  is 
held    to    have     assigned     her     creditor 
Balbus  to  be  the  creditor  of  her  debtor 
Cicero  :  cp.  Seneca  Epist.  18.  14  Prius, 
inquis,  redde  quod  debes.     Delegabo  te  ad 
Epicurum  :      ab     illo    fiet     numeratio  : 

*  Immodica    ira    gignit    insaniam.' 
(In  Digest  xxiii.  3.  5.  8  creditorem  dele- 
gavit  ut  daret  dotem,  the  word  only  means 

*  ordered  ').    But  allowing  the  possibility 
of  this  interpretation,  the  order  of  words 
is  rather  against  taking  Balbi  and  delegandi 
together.     We   rather  think,    with    Dr. 
Reid  (Hermathena  x.  (1898),  pp.  132-3) 
that  delegandi  means  delegandi  pecuniamr 
and  is  used  in   a   partially   untechnical 
sense,  meaning  little  more  than  'making 
over,'   'paying  over,' the  money.    Cicero 
may    have    approached    Balbus    with   a 
proposal    that    he    should   advance    the 
money  to  satisfy   Terentia's   claim,  and 
Balbus  was  for  exacting  hard  conditions. 
For    this    use    of    delegare    cp.    663.  4 
Quinto  dekgabo    ('make   over')    *i   quid 
aeri  meo  alieno  supererit :  Font.  18  Quid  si 
hoc    critnen    optimis    no  minibus    delegare 
possumus   ('  if  we  can  shift  (make  over) 
the  charge  to  men  of  excellent  credit'): 
De  Domo  16  Lelegavi  (sc.  I  transferred 
the   claim   the  people  made    on  me  to 
lower  the  price   of  corn)  amico   locuple- 
tiori    (sc.   Pompeio).      In  Att.  xii.  3.  2 
(468)   delegationem  a  mancipe  annua  die 
means    '  transference   of   the    debt    [due 
to  Cic.  by  the  former  owner  of  the  con- 
fiscated estate]   to  the  purchaser  to  be 
paid  by  him  to  me  a  year  hence,'   the 
phrase    delegatio    a    mancipe   being   like 
solvere  ab  Egnatio  Att.  vii.  18.  4  (316)  i 
cp.  Plane.   103   and  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  3.  69 
Scribe  decem    a   Nerio    (to  be   paid  by 
Nerius).    Perhaps,  too,  in  the  uncertain/ 


EP.  556  (ATT.  XII.  21).  27 

iacere.  Insula  Arpinas  habere  potest  germanam  cnroBldMriv,  sed 
vereor  ne  minorem  TI/UTJV  habere  videatur  t/croTnajuoe-  Est  igitur 
animus  in  hortis :  quos  tamen  inspiciam,  cum  venero.  2.  De 
Epicuro,  ut  voles,  etsi  /ueOapfjL6<roij.ai  in  posterum  genus  hoc  perso- 
narum.  Incredibile  est  quam  ea  quidam  requirant.  Ad  antiques 
igitur :  ave/jttnjrov  yap.  Nihil  habeo  ad  te  quod  scribam,  sed 
tamen  institui  cotidie  mittere  ut  eliciam  tuas  litteras,  non  quo 
aliquid  ex  his  exspectem,  sed  nescio  quo  modo  tamen  exspecto. 
Qua  re  sive  habes  quid  sive  nil  habes,  scribe  tamen  aliquid  teque 
cura. 


passage  of  Cato  149.  2  donicum  pecu- 
niam  <solverit  aut~>  satisfecerit  aut 
delegarit,  the  word  pecuniam  should  be 
transposed  to  precede  delegarit,  and  no 
addition  should  be  made.  Generally, 
however,  the  ace.  of  the  thing  after 
delegare  signifies  a  sphere  of  duty  :  cp. 
Caelap.  Fam.  viii.  1.  1  (192)  hunc  laborem 
alteri  delegavi. 

Insula  Arpinas]  Cicero  says,  '  It 
would  be  a  perfect  site  for  the  deification, 
hut  I  fear  its  out-of-the-way  position 
would  seem  to  diminish  the  token  of 
respect '  paid  to  the  memory  of  the  dead. 
The  Insula  Arpinas  is  generally  supposed 
to  be  the  island  formed  by  the  delta  of  the 
Fibrenus  just  hefore  it  flows  into  the 
Liris.  0.  E.  Schmidt,  in  his  charming 
and  learned  treatise  on  '  Cicero's  "Villas,' 
pp.  10  ff.  (cp.  p.  20),  shows  that  that 
island  was  the  spot  in  which  Cicero's 
own  villa,  his  '  Arpinas,1  lay  ;  hut  that 
\vhat  he  calls  the  Insula  Arpinas  here  was 
an  island  formed  ahout  a  mile  and  a  half 
higher  up  the  Fibrenus,  and  now  called 
Carnello. 

sed  vereor  ne  minorem  n^v]  These 
words  are  omitted  by  the  A  family  of 
See  Adn.  Crit. 


in  hortis]  The  trans- Tiberine  villa 
of  which  he  writes  in  Ep.  552.  1. 

tamen]  can  only  mean  here  '  be  that 
as  it  may,'  i.e.  whether  I  buy  them  or 
not,  I  shall  examine  them.  Perhaps  we 
should  read  turn. 

2.  /j.edap/j.offo/na.i']  *  I  shall  remodel.' 
Attic  us  had  asked  Cicero  to  give  the 
statement  of  the  Epicurean  view  in  the 
'  De  Finibus  '  to  some  friend  of  his,  who 
had  asked  him  to  make  interest  with 
Cicero  to  procure  him  this  honour. 
Cicero  grants  his  request,  but  adds,  'In 
future  I  shall  remodel  my  practice  with 
regard  to  the  persons  in  my  dialogues. 
You  would  be  surprised  how  some  people 
covet  a  place  among  the  interlocutors.  I 
will  have  recourse  only  to  the  ancients. 
This  causes  no  heart-burnings  '  :  cp.  in 
another  connexion,  Juv.  i.  170 — 

Experiar  quid  concedatur  in  illos, 
Quorum  Flaminia  tegitur  cinis  atque  Latina. 

ut  eliciam]  '  to  write  with  a  view  of 
drawing  replies  from  you  ;  ut  eliciam 
follows  mittere  closely;  if  it  went  with 
constitui,  it  should  of  course  in  strict 
sequence  be  elicerem :  but  institui  elicere 
practically  is  the  same  as  missurus  sum. 


28 


EP.  557  (ATT.  XII. 


557.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  21). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  17  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.   61. 

De  epistula  Bruti  ad  Atticum  missa,  de  hortis   emendis,  de  Terentia,  de  Oviae 
C.  Lolliiuxoris  negotio,  de  se  in  forum  non  rursus  vocando. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Legi  Bruti  epistulam  eamque  tibi  remisi,  sane  non  prudenter 
rescriptam  ad  ea  quae  requisieras.  Sed  ipse  viderit,  quamquam 
illud  turpiter  ignorat :  Catonem  primum  sententiam  putat  de  auim- 
adversione  dixisse,  quam  omnes  ante  dixerant  praeter  Caesarem ; 
et  cum  ipsius  Caesaris  tarn  severa  f  uerit,  qui  turn  praetorio  loco 
dixerit,  consularium  putat  leniores  fuisse,  Catuli,  Servili,  Lucul- 
lorum,  Curionis,  Torquati,  Lepidi,  Gelli,  Volcati,  Figuli,  Cottae, 
L.  Caesaris,  C.  Pisonis,  M'.  Glabrionis,  etiam  Silani,  Murenae, 
design atorum  consulum.  '  Cur  ergo  in  sententiam  Catonis  ? ' 


1.  Bruti  ep."]  Brutus  had  written  a 
Cato  in  which  Cicero  thinks  that  his  own 
services  as  regards  the  Catilinarian  con- 
spiracy were  underrated,  and  those  of 
Cato  exaggerated.  Attic  us  had  written 
to  Brutus,  pointing  out  some  defects 
(mistakes)  in  the  work,  and  Cicero  con- 
demns the  ill-considered  nature  and 
general  tone  of  Brutus'  reply. 

prudenter]  '  a  very  ill-considered 
reply,'  "Watson,  who  compares  quam 
cuiquam  minus  prudenti  non  satis  gratns 
videri,  Vhil.  ii.  5,  where  minus  prudenti 
is  translated  by  Mr.  King,  '  who  does 
not  look  at  the  matter  in  the  light  light.' 
The  tempting  change  to  pudenter  is  there- 
fore unnecessary. 

quae  requisieras]  '  the  mistakes  you 
pointed  out  in  the  work  ' :  cp.  Att.  vi.  1, 
8  (252),  e  quibus  unum  iaropiKov  requiris, 
'  in  which  you  point  out  one  mistake  in 
history,'  literally,  '  you  miss  historical 
accuracy  in  one  point.' 

animadversione]  'the  punishment'  of 
Lentulus  and  his  associates. 

quam  omnes  ante]  '  though  the  others 
had  expressed  this  opinion  before  him.' 

severa]  Caesar  was  for  punishing  the 
conspirators  by  imprisonment  for  life, 
and  confiscation  of  their  property. 

f  uerit  .  .  .  dixerit]  These  are  the  re- 
ported views  of  Brutus,  as  expressed  in 


his  letter ;  the  verbs  must  therefore  be 
in  the  subjunctive. 

praetorio]  Caesar  was  praetor  desiyna- 
tus  at  the  end  of  63.  The  order  in  which 
Senators  were  usually  asked  their  opinion 
was — consuls  elect  (this  would  only  apply 
for  the  later  months  of  the  year),  the 
princeps  senatits,  the  consul  ares,  the 
praetorii,  the  aedilicii,  the  tribunicii  and 
the  quaestoricii — in  all  these  classes  the 
magistrates  elect  (when  members  of  the 
Senate)  speaking  before  the  ex-magis- 
trates of  the  same  class :  cp.  Greenidge, 
Roman  Public  Life,  p.  269  f. 

etiam]  After  enumerating  the  consu- 
lars  Cicero  introduces,  by  etiam,  the 
names  of  the  consuls  elect.  The  MSS 
place  etiam  wrongly  before  M\  G labrionis. 
The  correction  was  made  by  Boot.  Very 
nearly  the  same  list  of  distinguished  con- 
sulars  who  approved  of  Cicero's  action  dur- 
ing his  consulship  is  found  in  Phil.  ii.  12. 

'  Cur  ergo  .  .  .  Catonis']  sc.  itum  est. 
This  is  supposed  to  be  an  objection  raised 
by  Brutus  in  defence  of  his  statement. 
'If  all  these  had  already  given  their 
opinion  to  that  effect,  why  was  it  on  the 
proposal  of  Cato,  a  tribune  elect,  that 
the  house  divided  ? '  The  answer  of 
Cicero  is,  because  it  embodied  the  same 
proposal  in  more  striking  and  detailed 
language. 


EP.  657  (ATT.  XII.  21). 


29 


Quia  verbis  luculentioribus  et  pluribus  rem  eamdem  comprehen- 
derat.  Me  autem  hie  laudat  quod  rettulerim,  non  quod  patefecerim, 
quod  cohortatus  sim,  quod  denique  ante  quam  consulerem  ipse 
iudicaverim.  Quae  omnia  quia  Cato  laudibus  extulerat  in  caelum 
perscribendaque  censuerat,  idcirco  in  eius  sententiam  est  facta 
discessio.  Hie  autem  se  etiam  tribuere  multum  mihi  putat,  quod 
scripserit  *  optimum  consulem.'  Quis  enim  ieiunius  dixit  in- 
imicus  ?  Ad  cetera  vero  tibi  quern  ad  modum  rescripsit !  Tanturn 
rogat  de  senatus  consulto  ut  corrigas.  Hoc  quidem  fecisset,  etiam 
si  a  ftdrario  admonitus  esset.  Sed  haec  iterum  ipse  viderit. 
2.  De  hortis,  quoniam  probas,  office  aliquid.  Rationes  meas  nosti. 
Si  vero  etiam  a  Faberio  aliquid  recedit,  nihil  negoti  est.  Sed 


hie]     Brutus. 

quod']  4  for  bringing  the  matter  before 
the  senate,  not  for  disclosing  the  plot.' 
In  Att.  i.  14,  5  (20)  he  complains  that 
Clodius  spoke  of  him  as  '  the  mere  dis- 
coverer' of  the  conspiracy  me  tantum  com- 
perisse  omnia  criminabatur. 

consulerem  .  .  .  iudicaveritn]  ( for  having 
formed  my  own  opinion  before  I  asked 
that  of  the  Senate.'  iudicare  is  generally 
'to  pronounce  an  opinion,'  but  it  some- 
times means  '  to  form '  one.  Good  ex- 
amples of  the  latter  are  in  De  Or.  i.  118, 
in  artibus  .  .  .  fastidiose  iudicamus  :  ii. 
178,  plura  iudicant  homines  odio  out  amore 
.  .  quam  veritate. 

Cato']  He  spoke  as  tribune  elect. 

perscribendaque].  There  were  special 
senators  appointed  by  Cicero  to  take 
accurate  account  of  the  whole  of  this  im- 
portant debate  (Cic.  Sull.  41-42).  The 
president  of  the  senate  could  have  a  record 
of  the  discussion  made,  and  when  it  was 
made  and  approved  by  him  it  had  a  semi- 
official character,  but  was  left  in  the 
keeping  of  the  president  (Willems  Le 
Senat,  ii.  205).  Cato  proposed,  that  is, 
we  gather,  suggested  to  the  president, 
Cicero,  that  his  motion  should  be  so  re- 
corded; and  as  the  motion  was  .highly 
laudatory  of  Cicero,  his  suggestions  were 
adopted  (Sull.  1.  c.). 

idcirco~\  Cicero  now  ascribes  the  adop- 
tion of  Cato's  proposal,  as  the  one  on 
which  to  divide  the  house,  riot  so  much 
to  its  greater  fulness  and  clearness,  as  to 
the  praises  of  himself  which  it  contained. 

enim']    '  why,    who   ever   spoke    more 

r' pngly,    even     though    a     personal 
y?''lit.     (But  he  is  wrong),   <  for 


what  enemy,'  &c.  For  enim,  referring  to 
an  ellipse,  cp.  Juv.  vii.  158,  mercedem 
appellas  ?  quid  enim  scio,  and  Dougan  on 
Tusc.  i.  11. 

de  senatus  consulto]  Brutus  acknow- 
ledged some  one  mistake  made  about  the 
decree  of  the  senate,  and  merely  asked 
Atticus  to  correct  it.  But  this,  says 
Cicero,  does  not  show  any  respect  for 
the  criticisms  of  Atticus.  He  would 
have  done  the  same,  even  if  the  error  had 
been  pointed  out  to  him  by  a  copying 
clerk.  Hofmann  suggests  Salvio,  one  of 
the  copyists  of  Atticus  :  cp.  646.  3.  But 
he  appears  to  have  been  one  of  the  more 
important  of  the  copyists  of  Atticus  (cp. 
772.  6),  so  Cicero  would  hardly  have 
chosen  his  name  in  this  connexion. 

2.  recedif]  This  is  the  MSS  reading, 
and  is  defended  by  Dr.Eeid  (op.  ci*.p.!34), 
who  says  that  when  property  or  money 
passed  over  from  one  person  to  another 
it  was  said  recedere,  and  he  compares  Pro 
Quinct.  38,  cum  res  ab  eo,  quicum  con- 
traxisset,  recessissei  et  ad  heredem  per- 
venisset.  The  word  is,  however,  somewhat 
unusual,  '  if  any  money  has  passed  from 
Faberius.'  Faberius  was  a  secretary  of 
Caesar,  and  owed  Cicero  money,  which  he 
found  hard  to  recover.  It  would  be 
attractive  if  we  could  read  Sin  JEroti 
(Hofmann  had  suggested  Eros  for  vero) 
iam  a  Faberio  aliquid  recedit,  *  if  any 
money  has  by  now  reverted  to  Eros  from 
Faberius ' :  but  that  would  be  rather 
bold.  For  Eros,  the  accountant  of 
Atticus,  often  mentioned  in  the  corre- 
spondence of  the  years  46  to  44,  see 
Index.  He  had  all  particulars  of  the 
debt  due  by  Faberius  to  Cicero,  cp.  606.  1. 


30 


JSP.  557  (ATT.  XII.  21). 


etiam  sine  eo  posse  videor  contendere.  Venales  certe  sunt  Drusi, 
fortasse  etiam  Lamiani  et  Cassiani :  sed  coram.  3.  De  Terentia 
non  possum  commodius  scribere  quam  tu  scribis.  Officium  sit 
nobis  antiquissimum :  si  quid  nos  fefellerit,  illius  malo  me  quam 
mei  paenitere.  4.  Oviae  C.  Lolli  curanda  sunt  HSc.  Negat 
Eros  posse  sine  me,  credo,  quod  accipienda  aliqua  sit  et  danda 
aestimatio.  Vellem  tibi  dixisset.  Si  enim  res  est,  ut  mihi  scribit, 
parata  nee  in  eo  ipso  mentitur,  per  te  confici  potuit.  Id  cognoscas 
et  conficias  velim.  5.  Quod  me  in  forum  vocas,  eo  vocas  unde 
etiam  bonis  meis  rebus  fugiebam.  Quid  enim  mihi  foro,  sine 
iudiciis,  sine  curia,  in  oculos  incurrentibus  iis  quos  aequo  animo 
videre  non  possum  ?  Quod  autem  homines  a  me  postulare  scribis, 
ut  Romae  sim,  neque  mihi  ut  absim  concedere,  aut  quadamtenus 
eos  mihi  concedere,  iam  pridem  scito  esse  cum  unum  te  pluris 
quam  omnis  illos  putem.  Ne  me  quidem  contemno  meoque 
iudicio  multo  stare  malo  quam  omnium  reliquorum.  Neque 
tamen  progredior  longius  quam  mihi  doctissimi  homines  concedunt, 
quorum  scripta  omnia,  quaecumque  sunt  in  earn  sententiam,  non 
legi  solum,  quod  ipsum  erat  fortis  aegroti  accipere  medicinam,  sed 


The  usual  emendation  is  that  of  Klotz 
(also  found  in  *)  accedit  (cp.  recepi 
in  M  in  Att.  xii.  37,  1  (579)  for  accepi 
of  CZ).  Boot  conjectures  redit  or  redierit. 
The  latter  is  adopted  hy  Andresen. 

contendere]  '  make  a  push  for  it ' 
(Jeans) ;  that  is,  for  the  effecting  of  a 
purchase  of  some  building-ground  on 
which  to  erect  the  monument  to  Tullia. 

Lamiani]  belonging  to  L.  Aelius 
Lamia :  cp.  Fam.  xi.  16  (888).  It  was 
probably  his  son  who  was  addressed  by 
Horace  in  Carm.  i.  26 ;  iii.  17. 

3.  De  Terentia]     The  business  is  that 
referred  to  at  the  end  of  Ep.  552. 

si  quid  nos  fefellerit]  'If  I  prove  to  have 
made  a  mistake  in  the  matter  [that  is,  not 
to  have  consulted  my  own  interests],  I 
would  rather  have  to  feel  dissatisfied  with 
her  [for  taking  advantage  of  me]  than 
with  myself  for  any  failure  in  my  own 
conduct.'  This  is  a  fine  sentiment,  which 
has  sometimes  been  obscured  by  careless 
or  inadequate  translation. 

4.  Oviae  C.  Loll%]  sc.  uxoris. 
aestimatio]     See   on    Fam.    ix.    16,  7 

(472). 

5.  bonis  meis  rebus]    '  when  I    was  a 
happy  man.'     This  use  of  abl.  absol.  has 


been  frequently  commented  on,  e.g. 
131.  4. 

ut  .  .  .  concedere']  omitted  in  the  MSS, 
but  found  in  I  and  J,he  edition  of  As- 
censius.  See  Adn.  Grit. 

aut  quadamtenus]  So  Lamb,  for  aut 
quatenus  of  the  MSS.  Andresen,  omitting 
the  words  ut  Romae  .  .  .  concedere,  reads 
scribis,  aliquatenus  eos  mihi  concedere, 
which  seems  to  mean,  '  As  to  the  demand 
you  say  that  people  make  of  me,  that  it  is 
only  up  to  a  certain  point  that  they  grant 
indulgence  to  me  (and  do  not  tolerate  my 
long-continued  grief).'  But  the  ex- 
pression is  unnatural,  and  the  addition 
given  above  is  a  decided  improvement : 
'  they  require  my  presence  in  Rome,  and 
do  not  tolerate  my  absence,  or  tolerate  it 
only  up  to  a  certain  point.' 

iam  pridem  .  .  .  cum]  t  it  is  long  since.' 
This  is  the  only  instance  of  iam  pridem  est 
cum  in  Cicero,  though  he  uses  multi  anni 
.sunt  cum  and  like  phrases  often  enough  ; 
Fam.  xv.  14.  1  (241);  Att.  ix.  lla.  2. 
(366) :  ep.  iam  diust  cum,  Plaut.  Amph. 
302  ;  iam  diust  factum  cum,  as  in  251. 

tamen]  '  all  the  same'  (though  this  seeias 
to  be  a  self-willed  and  arrogant  opinion). 

accipere  medicinam']  *  that  is,  taJdng  my 


EP.  558  (ATT.  XII.  22}.  31 

in  mea  etiam  scripta  transtuli,  quod  certe  adflicti  et  fracti  animi 
non  fuit.  Ab  his  me  remediis  noli  in  istam  turbam  vocare,  ne 
recidam. 


558.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  22.) 

ASTURA  J    MARCH  18  ;     A,  U.  C.  709  ;   B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Terentia,  turn  requirit  ab  Attico  quo  tempore  Rutilia  et  Clodia  mortuae  sint,  de 
hortis  emendis. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  De  Terentia,  quod  mihi  omne  onus  imponis,  non  cognosco 
tuam  in  me  indulgentiani.  Ista  enim  sunt  ipsa  vulnera  quae  non 
possum  tractare  sine  maximo  gemitu.  Moderare  igitur,  quaeso,  ut 
potes.  Neque  enim  a  te  plus  quam  potes  postulo :  potes  autem 
quid  veri  sit  perspicere  tu  unus.  2.  De  B-utilia,  quoniam  videris 
dubitare,  scribes  ad  me  cum  scies,  sed  quam  primum,  et  num. 
Clodia  D.  Bruto  consular!,  filio  suo,  mortuo  vixerit.  Id  de 
Marcello  aut  certe  de  Postumia  sciri  potest,  illud  autem  de 
M.  Cotta  aut  de  Syro  aut  de  Satyro.  3.  De  hortis  etiam  atque 
etiam  te  rogo.  Omnibus  meis  eorumque  quos  scio  mihi  non 
defuturos  facultatibus — sed  potero  meis — enitendum  mihi  est. 
Sunt  etiam  quae  vendere  facile  possim.  Sed,  ut  non  vendam 

medicine.'     Perhaps  these   words   are   a  fore  what  lie  asks  of  Atticus  is  to  consider 

gloss,  but  the  expression  is  correct  enough,  '  what  is  fair'   {quid  veri  sit).     For  cog- 

and  not  superfluous.  nosco  =  agnosco  cp.  Plaut.  Pseud.  988  :  Cic. 

recidam']  'lest  I  may  have  a  relapse.'  Brut.  313  :  Verg.  J5n.  6.  340,  and  often: 

Recidere  is   a  technical   word,    cp.   Liv.  also  Madv.  Fin.  ii.  82. 

xxiv.  29.  3.     We  find  febres  recidivae  in  2.  De  Rutilia]  cp.  553.  2. 

Plin.  H.  N.  xxx.  104.  Id]     'the  latter.' 

illud"]  '  the  former  '  question,  whether 
Rutilia  survived  Cotta.     In  this  sentence 

•  1.  cognosco]  1 1  do  not  see  your  usual  de  in  all  the  five  places  means  'from.'  We 
thought! ulness  for  me  in  throwing  the  do  not  know  which  of  the  Marcelli  is  re- 
whole  weight  of  this  matter  [about  the  ferred  to.  Postumia  was  wife  of  Servius 
refunding  of  Terentia' s  portion]  on  me.  Sulpicius.  M.  Cotta  was  governor  of 
The  parts  of  the  business  you  leave  to  me  Sardinia  at  the  beginning  of  the  Civil 
are  just  the  sore  spots  which  I  cannot  War,  cp.  Att.  x.  16.  3.  (402).  Syrus  and 
touch  without  great  distress.'  Probably  Satyrus  were  probably  literary  slaves 
Atticus  had  suggested  an  interview  with  belonging  to  Atticus. 
Terentia,  with  a  view  to  inducing  her  to  3.  ut  non  vendam']  *  supposing  I  do 
moderate  her  demands.  Cicero  wishes  to  not  sell  [to  provide  money  for  the  pur- 
do  what  is  right.  Terentia  seems  to  have  chase],  but  pay  rent  to  the  person  from 
tried  to  get  more,  under  a  promise  of  whom  I  shall  purchase  the  property,  but 
making  advances  to  young  Marcus,  which  not  more  than  for  one  year.'  The  ellipse 
promises  Cicero  does  not  think  quite  sin-  of  quam  after  plus  has  been  illustrated  on 
cere  or  likely  to  be  carried  out.  There-  Att.  v.  1.  1  (184),  and  is  common  enough. 


32 


EP.  559  (ATT.  XII. 


eique  usuram  pendam  a  quo  emero  non  plus  annum,  possui 
adsequi  quod  volo,  si  tu  me  adiuvas.  Paratissimi  sunt  Drusiani  r 
cupit  enim  vendere.  Proximos  puto  Lamiae,  sed  abest. 
tamen,  si  quid  potes,  odorare.  Ne  Silius  quidem  quidquam  utiti 
sutSy  et  is  usuris  facillime  sustentabitur.  Habe  tuum  negotium, 
nee  quid  res  mea  familiaris  postulet,  quam  ego  non  euro,  sed  qui( 
velim  et  cur  velim  existima. 


559.    CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  23). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  19  J    A.  TJ.  C.  709  ',    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  dolore  suo  et  solitudinis  amore,  deTerentia,  de  CarneadislegationeRomana,  de-. 
valetudine  Atticae,  de  Gamala,  de  Drusi  hortis  a  se  emendis. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Putaram  te  aliquid  novi,  quod  eius  modi  fuerat  initium 
litterarum,  quamvis  non  curarem  quid  in  Hispania  fieret,  tamen 
te  scripturum,  sed  videlicet  meis  litteris  respondisti,  ut  de  foro  et 
de  curia.  '  Sed  domus  est '  ut  ais  '  forum/  Quid  ipsa  domo  mini 
opus  est  carenti  foro  ?  Occidimus,  occidimus,  Attice,  iam  pridem 
nos  quidem,  sed  nunc  fatemur,  postea  quam  unum  quo  tenebamur 


Proximos]     '  next  most  desirable.' 

utitur}  '  Silius  does  not,  any  more  than 
Drusus  or  Lamia,  make  any  use  of  his 
pleasure  grounds.'  We  have  adopted 
suis  with  Wes.,  and  read  is  for  Us  with 
Lipsius.  Btr.  simply  omits  it* :  but  it  is 
awkward  having  no  object  to  follow 
utitur.  Could  Us  possibly  be  a  corruption 
of  IIS  =  duabus  centesimis  et  semissibus 
2^  per  cent,  (per  month  =  30  p.  c.  per 
annum)  ?  But  that  would  bean  immense 
interest. 

et  ii\  Silius,  like  Drusus  and  Lamia, 
makes  no  use  of  his  gardens,  but,  unlike 
them,  being  a  rich  man  he  will  be  content 
with  the  interest.  Then  sustentabitur 
means  'will  be  staved  off':  cp.  Fam. 
xiii.  64,  1  (235). 

Hale]  '  regard  it  as  if  it  were  your 
own  business.'  Boot  compares  Att.  xiii. 
49,  2  (666\  habuit  suutn  negotium  Qallus. 
Slightly  different  is  a  te  habebo,  <  I  shall 
owe  to  you,'  601,  2. 


1.  Putaram  te~\  'I  thought  you  werejj 
going  to  tell  me  some  news,  as  you  began 
your  letter  by  saying  that,  though  I  ha<K 
no  interest  in  Spain,  yet  you  would  telK 
me  what  was  going  on  there.' 

utdeforo"]  'apparently  you  have  an* 
swered  my  letter,  for  example,  in  writing? 
about  (my  frequenting)  the  forum  and, 
senate.'  videlicet  =  '  as  I  perceive.'  DrJi 
Reid  suggests  et  for  ut. 

domus  est  .  .  .  forum"]  So  great  will  be£. 
the  number  of  Cicero's  visitors  that 
Atticus  says  his  house  will  be  a  sort  of 
forum.  This  must  have  been  urged  b«J 
Atticus  as  a  reason  why  Cicero  should 
come  to  Rome.  Cicero  naturally  asks  what 
purpose  would  be  served  by  his  living  in 
Rome  in  such  privacy  as  his  house  could 
afford  him.  If  he  lives  in  Rome,  he  must 
court  publicity,  and  be  seen  in  the  f  orum> 
and  the  senate  :  cp.  557,  5. 

unum  quo  tenebamur']  '  the  only  link 
that  bound  me  to  life.' 


EP.  559  (ATT.  XII.  23). 


33 


amisimus.  Ifcaque  solitudinem  sequor,  et  tamen,  si  qua  me  res 
isto  adduxerit,  enitar,  si  quo  modo  potero — potero  autem — ut 
praeter  te  nemo  dolorem  meum  sentiat,  si  ullo  modo  poterit,  ne  tu 
quidem.  Atque  etiam  ilia  causa  est  non  veniendi.  Meministi 
quid  ex  te  Aledius  quaesierit :  qui  etiam  nunc  molesti  sunt,  quid 
existimas,  si  venero  ?  2.  De  Terentia  ita  oura  ut  scribis,  meque 
hac  ad  maximas  aegritudines  accessione  non  maxima  libera.  Et, 
ut  scias  me  ita  dolere  ut  non  iaceam,  quibus  consulibus  Carneades 
et  ea  legatio  Romam  venerit  scriptum  est  in  tuo  annali.  Haec 
nunc  quaero,  qua  causa  fuerit ;  de  Oropo,  opinor,  sed  certum 
nescio :  et  si  ita  est,  quae  controversiae  ?  Praeterea,  qui  eo 
tempore  nobilis  Epicureus  fuerit  Athenisque  praef uerit  nortis  ? 
qui  etiam  Athenis  iro\tTiKol  fuerint  illustres  ?  Uuae  te  etiam  ex 
Apollodori  puto  posse  invenire.  3.  De  Attica  molestum,  sed 
quoniam  leviter,  recte  esse  confido.  De  Gamala  dubium  mihi  non 
erat.  Unde  enim  tarn  felix  Ligus  pater  ?  Nam  quid  de  me  dicam, 


solitudinem']  We  agree  with  Boot  that 
we  should  rather  read  solitudinem  with  2A 
than  solitudines  with  C  :  cp.  629.  1.  Cic. 
constantly  speaks  of  solitudo  in  this  hook, 
and  he  means  by  it  « the  life  of  a  recluse  ' 
which  he  could  not  pursue  at  Rome.  By 
solitudines  he  indicates  rather  '  out-of-the- 
way  places,'  as  in  Fam.  ii.  16,  2  (394). 
Translate  '  What  I  want  is  loneliness  ' ; 
cp.  645.  1 :  547.  Cp.  for  the  contrary 
sequor  celebritatem,  563.  1. 

poterit]  'shall  be  possible,'  impers., 
as  often  in  the  letters  ;  see  Index. 

Aledius]  a  Caesarean  :  cp.  469.  2  ; 
560.  1;  563.  2;  564.  3.  The  form 
varies  in  MSS  :  in  inscriptions  it  is  always 
Alledius.  '  If  they  can  be  so  annoying 
tome,'  says  Cicero, '  when  I  am  here, 
what  do  you  think  they  would  be  if  I 
were  to  come  to  you  in  Rome  ? ' 

2.  ita  dolere  ut  non]  '  that  my  grief  is 
not  prostration ' :  cp.  584, 2. 

quibus  consulibus']  P.  Cornelius  Scipio 
Nasica  and  M.  Claudius  Marcellus,  consuls 
in  155. 

ea]  '  that  embassy,'  not  quite  so  strong 
as  would  be  ilia,  *  that  famous  embassy. 

Haec]  He  asks  for  several  details: 
hence  the'plural. 

Oropo']  Cicero's  memory  was  not  at 
fault.  The  envoys  came  to  seek  the  re- 
mission of  the  fine  imposed  on  Athens  for 
the  devastation  of  Oropus.  This  is  the 
VOL.  v. 


first  hint  that  Cicero  was  engaged  on  the 
Aoademica:  cp.  Dr.}leid,Academica,  p.  29. 

certum  nescio"]  '  I  do  not  know  for  cer- 
tain' :  cp.  Sull.  38. 

Apollodori~]  The  ellipse  is  probably 
annali :  cp.  above  in  tuo  annali.  It  is  not 
quite  so  harsh  as  the  ellipse  of  oratione  in 
Orat.  233  sume  de  Gracchi  (sc.  oratione) 
apud  censores,  to  which  passage  Dr.  Reid 
has  referred  us,  as  oratio  is  not  in  the 
context.  See  also  Dr.  Reid  on  Acad. 
i.  13.  In  610.  3  libro  may  have  fallen 
out  before  Libonis. 

3.  leviter]  '  since  her  attack  is  trifling.' 
The  ellipse  is  probably  est,  the  verb  sub- 
tantive  being  used,  as  in  recte  esse. 

De  Gamala']  Atticus  had  questioned 
some  statement  made  by  Cicero  in  his 
work  De  Luctu  Minuendo.  "What  the 
statement  was  and  who  Gamala  was  we 
are  unable  to  say.  The  context  would 
lead  us  to  infer  that  he  was  the  son 
(more  probably  than  the  daughter)  of 
Ligus.  It  is  probable,  further,  that  he  had 
died  during  his  father's  lifetime.  Cicero 
may  have  ascribed  to  him  good  qualities 
to  a  degree  which  led  Atticus  to  question 
his  statement.  Cicero  declares  that  he 
was  right,  and  appeals  to  the  happiness  or 
luck  generally  attributed  to  Ligus,  adding 
that  no  amount  of  prosperity  could  allevi- 
ate his  own  grief.  For  the  name  Gamala 
cp.  C.I.L.  xiv.  373. 

C 


34 


EP.  559  (ATT.  XII. 


cui  ut  omnia  contingant  quae  volo,  levari  non  possum  ?  De  Drus 
hortis,  quanti  licuisse  tu  soribis,  id  ego  quoque  audieram  et,  u 
opinor,  heri  ad  te  scripseram,  sed  quanti  quanti,  bone  emitur  quo< 
necesse  est.  Mihi  quoquo  modo  tu  existimas — scio  enim  ego  ips( 
quid  de  me  existiruem — levatio  quaedam  est,  si  minus  doloris,  a 
offici  debiti.  Ad  Siccam  scripsi,  quod  utitur  L.  Gotta.  Si  nihi 
conficietur  de  Transtiberinis,  habet  in  Ostiensi  Gotta  celeberrimo 
loco,  sed  pusillum  loci :  ad  hanc  rem  tamen  plus  etiam  quam  satis 
Id  velim  cogites.  Nee  tamen  ista  pretia  hortorum  pertimueris.  Nee 
mini  iam  argento  nee  veste  opus  est  nee  quibusdam  amoenis  locis 
hoc  opus  est.  Video  etiam  a  quibus  adiuvari  possim.  Sed  loquere 
cum  Silio.  Nihil  enim  est  melius.  Mandavi  etiam  Siccae.  Re- 
scripsit  constitutum  se  cum  eo  habere.  Scribet  igitur  ad  me  quid 
egerit  et  tu  videbis. 


licuisse]  f  the  price  put  on  Drusus' 
gardens.'  Licere  is  'to  be  valued  at,' 
liceri  '  to  bid  for.' 

ut  opinor,  heri]  Cicero's  memory  has 
failed  him  here.  He  did  not  say  anything 
in  his  letter  of  the  day  before  (§4)  about 
the  price  ;  but  the  addition  of  ut  opinor 
shows  thai  he  did  not  feel  quite  certain  on 
the  point. 

quanti  quanti]  ( be  the  price  what  it 
may' :  cp.  Munro  on  Lucr.  v.  584. 

levatio]  '  it  is  a  discharge  of  my 
bounden  duty,  if  it  is  not  an  alleviation 
of  my  grief.'  The  word  is  zeugmatic,  or 
perhaps  one  should  rather  say  carelessly 
used ;  for  levare  officium,  '  to  discharge 
one's  duty,'  is  hardly  possible,  though 
levare  dolorem  is  quite  regular. 

utitur]  <  he  is  a  friend  of  :  cp.  bruti 
qui  hoc  utatur,  Att.  vi.  1,  25  (252). 

habet]     'has  a  property'  :  cp.  786.7. 

celeberrimo  loco]  « in  a  frequented 
situation,  but  cramped  for  room. ' 

Nee  .  .  .  quibusdam  amoenis  locis]  If  the 
text  is  sound,  the  meaning  must  be  that 
Cicero  can  spare  some  of  his  picturesque 


retreats,  and  by  their  sale  raise  the  money ; 
for  the  site  of  the  monument.     But  the  i 
suggestion  of  Pluygers  mentioned  by  Boot 
is  very  ingenious,  and  worthy  of  that  acute 
scholar.     He  thinks  he  has  detected  in' 
the  passage  a  hexameter  verse  and  thel 
beginning  of  a  second  (with  the  words  of 
Cicero  quam  amoenis  locis  coming  in  be- 
tween the  two  verses)  which  he  woulc 
add  to  the  fragments  of  Lucilius.     He 
would  read — 

Nee  mihi  tarn  argento  nee  veste  opus  est 

neque  bubus. 
quam  amoenis  locis : 
Hoc  opus  est — 

'  I  care  not  so  much  for  plate,  raiment,  ot 
herds '  as  for  picturesque  sites  for  my 
girl's  monument : 
That's  what  I  want.' 

Marx,  however,  does  not  seem  to 
acknowledge  them. 

constitutum]  '  has  made  an  appoint- 
ment '  to  talk  the  matter  over  :  cp.  Fam. 
vii.  4  (503) ;  Att.  xii.  1.  1  (505). 


EP.  561  (ATT.  XII.  25).  35 


560.  CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  24). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  20  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  A.  Silio,  de   Ovia,  de  Cicerone  Athenis   sustentando,  de    Publilii   itinere  in 
Africam,  de  inorte  P.  Crassi  Venuleiae  filii  et  Eegilli  Lepidi  filii. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Bene  fecit  A.  Silius  qui  transegerit:  neque  enim  ei  deesse 
volebam  et  quid  possem  timebam.  De  Ovia  confice,  ut  soribis. 
De  Cicerone  tempus  esse  iam  videtur,  sed  quaero,  quod  illi  opus 
erit,  Athenis  permutarine  possit  an  ipsi  ferendum  sit,  de  totaque  re 
quern  ad  modum  et  quando  placeat  velim  consideres.  Publilius 
iturusue  sit  in  Africam  et  quando  ex  Aledio  scire  poteris :  quaeras 
et  ad  me  scribas  velim.  2.  Et,  ut  ad  meas  ineptias  redeam,  velim 
me  certiorem  facias,  P.  Crassus,  Veuuleiae  filius,  vivone  P.  Crasso 
consulari,  patre  suo,  mortuus  sit,  ut  ego  meminisse  videor,  an  postea. 
Item  quaero  de  Regillo,  Lepidi  filio,  rectene  meminerim  patre 
vivo  mortuum.  3.  Cispiana  explicabis  itemque  Preciana.  De 
Attica  optime :  et  ei  salutem  dices  et  Piliae. 


561.  CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  25). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  21  J    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  hortis  emendis  et  pecunia  pro  iis  solvenda. 
CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Scripsit  ad  me  diligenter  Sicca  de  Silio,  seque  ad  te  rem 
detulisse,  quod  tu  idem  scribis.     Mini  et  res  et  condicio  placet,  sed 

1.  A.    Silius]      apparently     different  Aledio]     cp.  559.  1. 

from  the  Silius  from  whom  Cic.  wished  2.  ad  meas  ineptias']  'to  my  scribbling,' 

to  purchase  horti,  who  seems  to  be  gener-  his  Gonsolatio. 

ally  mentioned  without  a  prenomen:  yet  P.  Crassus]  consul  in  97,  father  of  the 

cp.  562.  1.  Triumvir:  cp.  De  Off.  ii.  57. 

qui  transegerif]     '  in  having  come  to  Regillo]     It  is  not  clearly  known  who 

An  agreement,'  *  having  settled  the  matter  this  man  was.  He  may  have  been  a  son  of 

out  of  court.'     This  refers  to  some  case  the  consul  of  78  (Klebs  in  Pauly-Wis- 

he  had  with  another  man.  sowa  s.v.  Aemilii  No.  84). 

•   Ovia]     cp.  557.  4.  3.   Cispiana]      Cispius    and     Precius 

Athenis]     ( whether  his  allowance  can  possibly  owed  money    to   Cicero.      We 

be  made  to  him  hy  a  draft  on  Athens  or  hear  of  a  Precius  in  Att.  vi.  9.  2  (282) 

must  be  made  over  to  him  here.'  Possibly  who  had  left  a  legacy  to  Cicero.      For 

we  should  read  Athenas.  as  in  748.  4.  Cispius  cp.  616.  2. 

C2 


36 


EP.  561  (ATT.  XII. 


ita  ut  numerate  malim  quam  aestimatione.  Voluptarias  eniral 
possessiones  nolet  Silius.  Yectigalibus  autem  ut  his  possum  esse-' 
contentus  quae  habeo,  sic  vix  minoribus.  Unde  ergo  numerate  ?j 
HS  DC.  exprimes  ab  Hermogene,  cum  praesertim  necesse  erit,  etl 
domi  video  esse  HS  DC.  Reliquae  pecuniae  vel  usuram  Silio-; 
pendemus,  dum  a  Faberio  vel  cum  aliquo  qui  Faberio  debet  reprae-j 
sentabimus.  Erit  etiam  aliquid  alicunde.  Sed  totam  rem  tul 
gubernabis.  2.  Drusianis  vero  hortis  multo  hos  antepono  :  neque- 
sunt  umquam  comparati.  Mihi  crede,  una  me  causa  mo  vet,. 
in  qua  scio  me  T£Tv0w<70eu.  Sed,  ut  facis,  obsequere  huic  error! 
meo.  Nam  quod  scribis  eyy»jjoajua,  actum  iam  de  isto  est :  alia, 
magis  quaero. 


1.  Voluptarias]  'show-places.'  Cicero 
would  rather  give  Silius  ready  money ;  for 
if  he  assigned  to  him  some  property  of  his 
own  at  a  valuation,  that  valuation  should 
he  very  high,  and  Silius  would  not  be 
very  likely  to  accept  it,  as  he  was  under- 
stood not  to  he  desirous  of  acquiring 
*  show -places,'  loci  amoeni,  as  Cicero  calls 
them  elsewhere.  Cicero's  property  would 
he  a  voluptaria  possessio,  not  a  mere  farm. 

Vectigalibus]    '  income.' 

numerate]  '  how,  then,  hy  cash  down  ?  ' 
(sc.  can  I  pay),  referring  to  numerate, 
above. 

HS  DC.]  This  number  is  probably 
erroneous  ;  600,000  sesterces  would  be 
more  than  £5000,  far  too  large  a  sum  to 
represent  a  small  part  of  the  purchase 
price.  Numbers  are  very  easily  cor- 
rupted. 

Hermogene]  cp.  569.  2.  Hermogenes 
owed  money  to  Cicero.  He  may  possibly 
be  the  same  as  Hermogenes  Clodius  (640. 1 
cp.  667.  \).  Corradus  supposes  that  he 
was  the  wild  son  of  the  actor  Aesopus 
(cp.  Aesopifilius  Att.  xi.  15.  3  (430),  and 
Hor.  Sat.  ii.  3.  239),  but  there  is  no 
evidence  that  he  was  called  Hermogenes, 
though  he  adopted  the  gentile  name 
Clodius  (Pliny  H.  N.  ix.  122). 

cum  .  . .  erit]  For  cum  causal  with  fut. 
cp.  Madv.  Fin.  v.  28. 

vel  usuram]  '  I  will  even  pay  interest 
on  the  rest  or  the  purchase-money,  until 
1  can  get  cash  from  Faberius  or  from 
some  debtor  of  his.  Besides  there  will  be 
something  from  other  quarters.' 


2.  hos]      We    have  added  this  with! 
Lamb. 

comparati]  *  the  property  of  DrusueM 
was  never  put  on  the  same  level  as  this.'  : 
We  might  have  expected  comparandi  or 
comparabiks  rather  than  comparati.  Bud 
umquam  virtually  gives  comparati  this 
sense.  Dr.  Reid  compares  Nepos  Timol, 
3.  6  nullius  umquam  consilium  non  modo 
antelatum  sed  ne  comparatum  quidem  est. 

TtrvtySxrQai]     1 1  am  entSltJ  '  I  am  - 
foolish  (daft)  over '  this  scheme  of  dedi- 
cating a  shrine  to  Tullia. 

tyyfipafj.a]     *  as  to  your  advice  that 
I  should  die  in  harness,  that  is  all  up  :  ij 
think  of  other  things  now.'     He  refers  to  i 
Atticus'    advice  to  resort  to  the  forum  j 
and  Senate,   and  to   make  politics  *  the! 
employment  of  his  old  age.'     The  word  3 
literally    means    'an     employment    (orj 
position)  to  grow  old  in.'       With    this- 1 
passage  must  be  compared  Att.  xii.  29,  21 
(565)  vel  tu  illud  tyy-ftpa/ua  vel  evTa.<pior 
putato,  where  it  is  clear  (as  Boot  has 
pointed  out)  that  Cicero  refers  to  the  story 
which  we  find  in  Plutarch's  Gato  24,  that 
even  as  Dionysius  was  advised  by  a  friend 
to  look  on  the  throne  as  the  best  position 
to  die  in  (lvTd<f>iov),  so  Cato  the  censor  I 
thought  the  service  of  the  state  the  best 
place   to   grow  old   in    (lyyfjpafjia)  — '  as. j 
there  is  no  bed  for  a  dying  man  like  the 
throne,  so  there  is  no  armchair  for  old  I 
age  like  politics.'     So  Cicero  says  to  his.  I 
friend,  concerning  the  monument,   'you! 
may  look  on  it  either  as  the  fad  of  my  I 
old  age  or  the  solace  of  my  deathbed.' 


EP.  562  (ATT.  XIL  26).  37 


562.  CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  28). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  22  J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C,  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Siliano  negotio,  de  occupationibus  Attici  et  studio  una  cum  Cicerone  vivendi, 
-de  Nicitt. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Sicca,  ut  scribit,  etiam  si  nihil  confecerit  cum  A.  Silio, 
tamen  se  scribit  x.  Kal.  esse  venturura.  Tuis  occupationibus 
ignosco,  eaeque  mihi  sunt  notae.  De  voluntate  tua  ub  simul  simus, 
vel  studio  potius  et  cupiditate  non  dubito.  2.  De  Nicia  quod  scribis, 
si  ita  me  haberem  ut  eius  humanitate  frui  possem,  in  primis 
vellem  ilium  mecum  habere.  Sed  mihi  solitudo  et  recessus  pro- 
vincia  est.  Quod  quia  facile  ferebat  Sicca,  eo  magis  ilium 
desidero.  Praeterea  nosti  Niciae  nostri  imbecillitatem,  mollitiam, 
oonsuetudinem  victus.  Cur  ergo  illi  molestus  esse  velim,  cum 
mihi  ille  iuoundus  esse  non  possit  ?  Voluntas  tamen  eius  mihi. 
grata  est.  Unam  rem  ad  me*  scripsisti,  de  qua  decrevi  niliil  tibi 
rescribere.  Spero  enim  me  a  te  impetrasse  ut  privares  me  ista 
molestia.  Piliae  et  Atticae  salutem. 

1.  ut  scribit]    These  words  are  gene-       positely  and  elegantly  a  state  of  feeling 
rally  bracketed   by    editors  as  spurious       which   is    very  widely  experienced  but 
because  scribit  follows.     But  to  weed  out       very  rarely  expressed  in  words. 

such  slips  from  the  letters  is  to  rob  them  imbecillilatem,  mollitiam~\    '  how  feeble 

of  a  characteristic  feature.  and  delicate  he  is,  how  he  orders  his  life  by 

2.  Nicia]     Nicias  of  Cos  is  mentioned  rule.'     These  express  physical  disabilities 
in  an  interesting  passage  in  Att.  vii.  3,  on  the  part  of  Nicias.     Cicero  felt  that 
10  (294).    See  also  Index.    Suetonius  De  his  way  of  life  would  prove  a  constraint 
Gramm.  14  tells  us  that  Nicias  carried  a  on  Nicias,  and  did  not  see  that  there  were 
love-letter  from  C.  Memmius  to  the  wife  any  counterbalancing  advantages  accru- 
of  Pompey,   and  for  this  reason  lost  the  ing  to  himself  from  Nicias.   " 
friendship  of  Pompey.     Also  that  Nicias  Unam  rem~\     He  refers  to  the  difficulty 
wrote  a  book  on  Lucilius  of  which  Santra  with  Terentia  from  which  he  has  already 
approved  :  cp.  also  537.1.  (558.  1)  begged  Atticus  to  deliver  him. 

solitudo  .  .  .  est]    '  the  solitary  life  of  a  privares~]     '  rid  me  '  ;   privare,  unlike 

recluse   is   my  sphere  of  action.'     This  our  '  deprive,' of  ten  refers  to  the  removal 

whole  passage  down  to  grata  (quoted  by  of  undesirable   things,   states,  &c. :    cp. 

Suet.  De  Gramm.  14)  expresses  very  ap-  Fin.  i.  37 ;  Lucr.  ii.  649,  iii.  90o. 


38 


EP.  563  (ATT.  XII. 


563.    CICEKO  TO  ATTICUS  (Anvxii.  27). 
ASTUKA;  MARCH  23 ;  A.  u.  c.  709  ;  B.  c.  45  ;  AET.  cic.  6i. 

De  Siliano  negotio,  de  Cottae  villula,  de  Cicerone  suo,  de  Aledio,  de  litteraru 
commercio,  de  Bruti  adventu  exspectato. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  De  Siliano  negotio,  etsi  mihi  iion  est  ignota  condicio,  tame 
hodie  me  ex  Sicca  arbitror  omnia  cogniturum.  Cottae,  quod  nega 
te  nosse,  ultra  Silianam  villam  est,  quam  puto  tibi  notam  esse 
villula  sordida  et  valde  pusilla,  nil  agri,  ad  nullam  rem  loci  satis 
nisi  ad  earn  quam  quaero.  Sequor  celebritatem.  Sed,  si  perficitur 
de  hortis  Sili,  hoc  est,  si  perficis — est  enira  totum  positum  in  te — 
nihil  est  scilicet  quod  de  Gotta  cogitemus.  2.  De  Cicerone,  ut 
scribis,  ita  faciam  :  ipsi  permittam  de  tempore  :  nummorum  quan- 
tum opus  erit  ut  permutetur  tu  videbis.  Ex  Aledio,  quod  scribis, 
si  quid  inveneris  scribes.  Et  ego  ex  tuis  animadverto  litteris 
et  profecto  tu  ex  meis  nihil  habere  nos  quod  scribamus  :  eadem 
quotidie  quae  iam  iamque  ipsa  contrita  sunt,  tamen  facere  non 
possum  quin  quotidie  ad  te  mittam  ut  tuas  accipiam.  3.  De 
Bruto  tamen,  si  quid  habebis.  Scire  te  enim  iam  puto  ubi  Pansam 
exspectet.  Si,  ut  consuetudo  est,  in  prima  provincia,  circiter  Kal, 
adfuturus  videtur.  Vellem  tardius;  valde  enim  urbem  fugio 


1.  pusilla']     «  very  mean   little   farm- 
stead.'   Pusilla  sometimes  means  '  minia- 
ture.'    We  have  Roma  pusilla,  '  the  city 
on  a  small  scale,'  in  Att.  v.  2,  2  (185). 

Sequor  celebritatem']     <  what  I  aim  at  is 
u  frequented  position.' 
scilicet']     « of  course.' 

2.  ut    permutetur']      <  that   a    bill    of 
exchange    he    drawn    for    the    amount 
necessary.' 

Akdio]     cp.  559.  1. 

scribis]  Wes.  reads  scribas,  which 
might  be  somewhat  more  elegant  than 
scribig  of  the  MSS.  ;  but  the  latter  is  quite 
plain. 

contrita]  '  worn  threadbare ':  cp.  Att. 
ix.  4.  1  (361)  quae  sunt  horwn  temporum 
ea  iam  contrivimus. 


3.  De  Bruto']  (sc.  scribe,  cp.  590.  4  and' 
often)  that  is,  about  the  day  of  hisl 
probable  arrival  in  Eome  on  his  return;; 
from  his  Gallic  province. 

Scire  te  enim']  '  1  think  you  mustj 
know  by  this  time  where  he  is  waiting" 
for  Pansa.'  The  MSS  omit  te.  We  do- 
not  think  that  the  subject,  other  than  the  • 
reflexive  pronoun,  can  be  understood 
with  the  verb  :  so  we  must  either  alter  toi 
sciri  with  Baiter :  or  better  read  scire 
<te>  according  to  a  conj.  of  Wesenberg. 

prima  provincia]  '  at  the  very  threshc 
of  his  province,'  that  is,  the  border  nearest' 
Rome  :  cp.  Fam.  iii.  6,  2  (213),  where  see ' 
note ;  ultima  prov.  Att.  v.  16,  4  (208) 
primus   digitus,    Catull.   ii.  3 ;    digit 
primoribus,  Plaut.  Bacch.  675. 


EP.  564  (ATT.  XII.  28).  39 

ttultas  ob  causas.  Itaque  id  ipsum  dubito  an  excusationem  ali- 
[uam  ad  ilium  parem  :  quod  quidem  video  facile  esse.  Sed  babe- 
nus  satis  temporis  ad  cogitandum.  Piliae,  Atticae  salutem. 


564.     CICERO  TO  ATTIOUS  (Are.  xn.  23). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  24  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  \    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  negotio  Siliano,  de  dolore  suo  et  aliorurn  sermone  non  curando,  de  Triario,  de 
astriciano  negotio,  de  Publilii  profectione,  de  Lentulo  puero. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  De  Silio  nilo  plura  cognovi  ex  praeseute  Sicca  quam  ex 
tteris  eius.  Scripserat  enim  diligenter.  Si  igitur  tu  ilium  con- 
eneris,  scribes  ad  me,  si  quid  videbitur.  De  quo  putas  ad  me 
nissum  esse,  sit  missum  necne  nescio ;  dictum  quidem  mihi  certe 
mil  est.  Tu  igitur,  ut  coepisti,  et,  si  quid  ita  conficies,  quod 
quidem  non  arbitror  fieri  posse,  ut  illi  probetur,  Ciceronem,  si 
ibi  placebit,  adhibebis.  Eius  aliquid  interest  videri  illius  causa 
oluisse,  mea  quidem  nihil  nisi  id,  quod  tu  scis,  quod  ego  magni 
estimo.  2.  Quod  me  ad  meam  consuetudinem  revocas,  f uit  meum 
uidem  iam  pridem  rempublicam  lugere,  quod  faciebam,  sed 
nitius.  Erat  enim  ubi  acquiescerem.  Nunc  plane  nee  ego  victum 
ec  vitam  ill  am  colere  possum,  nee  in  ea  re  quid  aliis  videatur 

excusationem   .       .   parent']       For  the  conveneris  above.     This  is  one  of  the  pas- 

ustom  of  going  to   meet  governors   re-  sages  to  which  Munro  appeals  (on  Lucr. 

urning  home  from  their  provinces  cp.  i.  1114)  to  show  that  there  is  often  prac- 

am.  xvi.  11.  2  (301).  tically  no   difference  between  the  first 

Piliae,  Atticae  salutem~\     cp.  550  fin.  ;  and  second  futures  :  cp.  Roby,    §   1485, 

62  fin.  and  often.     The  ellipse  is  dices :  Madv.    Opusc.  Acad.   463   note    1    (ed. 

p.  560.  3.     For  the  asyndeton  of  two  1887). 

roper  names   Heidemann  (p.   81)  com-  ut  illi  probetur']     sc.  Terentiae. 

ares  Alt.  iv.  17.5(149):  vi.  1.  13  init.  Eius    aliquid    interest]      'it   will   do 

252) :  vii.  21.  3  (321).  Marcus  good  to  seem  to  have  studied  her 

interests  ;   I  have  no  concern    in    the 

1.  De  quo  putas]  '  as  to  that  subject  on  matter  but  that  which  you  know  of.'  He 

rhich  you  think  a  message  has  been  sent  refers  to  his  anxiety  to  take  the  course 

o  me.'     This  was  the  affair  of  Terentia's  which  honour  points  out  in  the  whole 

ower  and  her  possible  allowance  to  young  transaction . 

tfarcus,  in  view  of  which  Cicero  suggests  illius  causa  voluisse']  cp.  571.  3 ;  653.  2 ; 

hat  the  latter  should  have  an  interview  666.  1  ;  767.  6,  and  often, 

ith  his  mother  (Ciceronem  adhibebis).  2.  mitius]     '  less  violently.' 

dictum']     '  told,'   i.e.   by  letter.      "We  Erat .  .  .  ttbi~]   He  refers  to  his  love  for 

iculd  say  '  reached  me.'  Tullia. 

conjicies]     Observe  that  this  future  is  vitam  illam   colere']     This   expression, 

sed  in  apparently  quite  the  same  way  as  which   seemed  incorrect  to  Ernesti,   is 


40 


EP.  564  (ATT.  XII. 


mihi  puto  curandum.  Mea  mihi  conscientia  pluris  est  quam 
omnium  sermo.  Quod  me  ipse  per  litteras  consolatus  sum,  non 
paenitet  me  quantum  profecerim.  Maerorem  minui  :  dolorem 
nee  potui  nee,  si  possem,  vellem.  3.  De  Triario,  bene  interpre 
taris  voluiitatem  meam.  Tu  vero  nihil,  nisi  ut  illi  volent.  Am< 
ilium  mortuum,  tutor  sum  liberis,  totam  domum  diligo.  De 
Castriciano  negotio,  si  Castrioius  pro  mancipiis  pecuniam  accipere 
volet  eamque  ita  solvi  ut  nunc  solvitur,  certe  nihil  est  commodius 
Sin  autem  ita  actum  est  ut  ipsa  mancipia  abduceret,  non  mihi 
videtur  esse  aequum — rogas  enim  me  ut  tibi  scribam  quid  mih 
videatur — :  nolo  enim  negoti  Quintum  fratrem  quidquam  habere, 
quod  videor  mihi  intellexisse  tibi  videri  idem.  Publilius,  si 
aequinoctium  exspectat,  ut  scribis  Aledium  dicere,  navigaturus 
videtur.  Mihi  autem  dixerat  per  Siciliam.  Utrum  et  quando 
velim  scire.  Et  velim  aliquando,  cum  erit  tuum  commodum, 
Lentulum  puerum  visas  eique  de  mancipiis  quae  tibi  videbitur 
attribuas.  Piliae,  Atticae  salutem. 


sufficiently  defended  by  the  Plautine 
parallel,  equidem  vix  vitam  colo,  Rud. 
283,  adduced  by  Boot,  and  Ter.  Heaut. 
136:  cp.  Cic.  Fam.  iii.  13.  2  (277); 
Lucr.  iv.  1260  quo  victu  vita  colatur, 
and  often.  '  I  cannot  now  maintain 
that  style  of  living  and  manner  of  life.' 
For  vita  and  victus  cp.  note  to  261.  9,  and 
Lucr.  v.  804.  Generally  the  order  is 
vita  et  victus,  but  cp.  Plaut.  Capt.  493 
victu  et  vita.  For  colere  victutn  cp.  Cic. 
Hortensius  Frag.  43  (ed.  Miiller),  lau- 
tum  victum  et  elegantem  magnifice  .  .  . 
colere. 

me  ipse  .  .  .  consolatus  sum']  cp.  546.  3. 

Maerorem  .  .  .  vellem~\  '  The  sadness  of 
look  I  have  lessened:  the  sadness  of  heart 
I  could  not,  and,  if  I  could,  I  would 
not.'  Maeror  is  the  outward  manifesta- 
tion, dolor  the  inward  feeling,  of  grief. 
See  on  Att.  i.  16,  3  (22)  :  cp.  the  touch- 
ing line  in  Hor.  Epist.  i.  14,  7,  fratrem 
maerentis,  rapto  de  fratre  dokntis. 

3.  De  Triario]  Triarius  is  one  of  the 
interlocutors  in  Fin.  i.  He  commanded 
the  fleet  of  Pompey  off  Asia  in  49-48 
(cp.  Caes.  B.C.  iii.  51),  and  fell  in  the  war 
(Cic.  Brut.  266). 

illi']    the  family  of  Triarius. 

Castriciano  negotio]  cp.  567.  2,  « As  to 
that  transaction  with  Castricius,  if  C.  will 
take  money  for  the  slaves  on  the  present 


terms  [ut  nunc  solvitur,  that  is  by  aesti- 
matio],  of  course  nothing  could  be  better. 
But  if  things  have  gone  so  far  that  he  has 
actually  conveyed  the  slaves  away,  I  do' 
not  think  it  is  fair '  on  Castricius'  part. 
Q.  Cicero  had  made  over  certain  slaves  to 
Castricius  in  liquidation  of  a  debt.  He 
afterwards  changed  his  mind  about  parting 
with  them.  This  Castricius  is  perhaps 
the  same  mentioned  in  Att.  ii.  7,  5  (34). 

ita  solvi]   The  MSS  read  ei,  which  could 
not   here  take  the  place  of    sibi :    the* 
simplest  correction  is  ita  (ia  for  i).     Qu. 
dissolvi  ? 

navigaturus]  '  seems  likely  to  go  to 
Africa  (cp.  560,  1)  by  long  sea ;  now  he 
had  told  me  he  was  going  overland  through 
Sicily.'  He  mentions  the  equinox,  as  it 
was  a  little  before  this  period  of  the  year 
(about  March  5th)  that  navigation  com- 
menced after  the  winter. 

Lentulum]  son  of  Dolabella  andTullia. 
For  some  time  Dolabella  seems  to  ha 
borne  the  name  of  Lentulus  :  cp.  Macrol 
Sat.  ii.  3.  3  idem  (Cicero)  cum  Lentulut 
generum   suum   .  .   .   vidisset ;    Ascon. 
(4  KS)  Cicero  filiam  post  mortem 
generi  P.   Lentulo  collocavit  :  Plut.  Ci< 
41.  6.     Dolabella  was  probably  adopt* 
by  a  Lentulus  when  he  became  a  plebeian 
though  this  is  not  quite  certain,  as  plebeie 
Lentuli  are  hard  to  find. 


EP.  565  (ATT.  XII.  29}.  41 

565.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (An',  xn.  29). 

ASTURA  ;   MARCH  25  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  negotio  Siliano,  de  Bruto.  de  hortis  emendis  et  de  se  ab  Oppio  et  Balbo  in  hac 
Te  adiuvando. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Silius,  ut  scribis,  hodie.  Cras  igitur  tu  vel  potius  cum  poteris 
scribes,  si  quid  erit,  cum  videris.  Nee  ego  Brutum  vito  nee 
tamen  ab  eo  levationem  ullam  exspecto,  sed  erant  causae  cur 
hoc  tempore  istic  esse  nollem,  quae  si  manebunt,  quaerenda  erit 
excusatio  ad  Brutum  et,  ut  nunc  est,  mansurae  videntur.  2.  De 
hortis,  quaeso,  explica ;  caput  illud  est  quod  scis.  Sequitur  ut 
etiam  mihi  ipsi  quiddam  opus  sit :  nee  enim  esse  in  turba  possum 
nee  a  vobis  abesse.  Huic  meo  consilio  nihil  reperio  isto  loco 
aptius,  et  de  hac  re  quid  tui  consili  sit.  Mihi  persuasum  est 
et  eo  magis  quod  idem  intellexi  tibi  videri,  me  ab  Oppio  et  Balbo 
valde  diligi.  Cum  his  communices  quanto  opere  et  qua  re  velim 
hortos,  sed  id  ita  posse  si  expediatur  illud  Faberianum;  sintne 
igitur  auctores  futuri.  Si  qua  etiam  iactura  facienda  sit  in 

1 .  hodie]     sc.  te  conveniet  or  videbit  :       quid  tui  consilist  (=  consili  est)  ?  but  it  is 
•cp.  660.  1  sed  ubi  eos  ? :  752.  3  Quando      not  necessary. 

enim  ilium?:  770.4  Utinam  te  illic  !  ita  .  .  .  si]     '  only  if .' 

ad  Brutum]    cp.  note  to  546. 1.  communices]    This  use  of  the  pres.  subj. 

ut  nunc  est]     '  for   the  present ' :    cp.  for  imperative  is  rare  in  the  Letters. ;  but 

Fain.  x.  31,  6  (824).    Also  721,  3  quo-  cp.  Att.  i.  17.  11  (23)  and  note  to  iv.  4a 

tnodo  nunc  est:  737.  3  :  Hor.  Sat.  i.  9.  5.  (101).    Miiller    says     "Nam  communices 

2.  caput]  '  the  chief  thing  is ':  cp.  Att.  Ciceronem   non   scripsisse    potius    quam 
i.  17.  4  (23),  and  often.  communica,   communicabis,  velim  fac  vel 

Sequitur]     '  A  further  consideration  is  sim.  communices,  communices  quaeso  (conj. 

that  I  want  something  of  the  sort  for  Boot)   certissimum  est."      He  compares 

myself.     I  cannot  endure  the  turmoil  of  580.  4  scribas  igitur  si  quid  erit  certius, 

Rome,  nor  [on  the  other  hand]  to  be  away  where  he  thinks   we  must  alter  to  the 

from  you.'  For  quiddam  Boot  conjectured  more  usual  scribes.    However,  such  varia« 

quiete  iam.     For  turba  cp.  557.  5.  tions   of  expression  must,  we  think,   be 

de  hac  re  .  .  .  sit]   sc.  scribes  or   dices.  allowed  in   Cicero's   unstudied  writings. 

The  ellipse  of  these  words  is  common,  but  sintne  igitur  atictores]  '  ask  them  there- 

the  run  of  the  sentence  is  a  little  strange  fore  if  they  will  guarantee  the  payment  of 

if  some  such  word  is  not  expressed.     So  that  debt.'    Some  such  word  as  roges  must 

Moser  suggested  mihi  <perscribes> ;   and  be   inferred  from  communices.     Boot  and 

Miiller  re  <velim  scire>   quid.     But  cp.  Schmidt   alter    to    suntne.     Oppius    and 

640  init.  Quid  est  quod  Hermogenes  mihi  Balbus  were  managing  the  affairs  of  Fa- 

Clodius    [sc.     scripsit]     Andromenem  sibi  berius*(whom  Appian  calls  r'bv  7 pafj. [tare a 

dixisse :  631.  3  sed  quia  [sc.  scribis,  added  rov   Kaivapos)   during   his  absence    with 

by  the  edd.]  et  desiderari  a  Varrone.    We  Caesar, 

once  thought  we  should  read  at  de  hac  re  iactura]    Cicero  is  willing  to  relinquish 


42  EP.  566  (ATT.  XII.  33). 

repraesentando,  quoad  possunt  adducito — totum  eiiim  illud  despe- 
ratum  :  denique  intelliges  ecquid  inclinent  ad  hoc  meum  consilium 
adiuvaiidum.  Si  quid  erit,  magnum  est  adiumentum :  si  minus, 
quacumque  ratione  contendamus.  Yel  tu  illud  lyyi'ipafjia,  quemad- 
modum  scripsisti,  vel  evra^iov  putato.  De  illo  Ostiensi  nihil  est 
cogitandum.  Si  hoc  non  adsequimur — a  Lamia  non  puto  posse — 
Damasippi  experiendum  est. 


566.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (A.TT.  xn.  33). 

ASTURA  J    MARCH  26  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIO.  61. 

De  hortis  emendis,  si  non  Silii  aut  Drusi,  at  Damasippi,  de  valetudine  Atticae. 
CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Ego,  ut  heri  ad  te  scripsi,  si  et  Silius  is  fuerit  quern  til 
putas,  nee  Drusus  facilem  se  praebuerit,  Damasippum  velim 
aggrediare.  Is,  opinor,  ita  partis  fecit  in  ripa  nescio  quotenorum 
iugerum  ut  certa  pretia  constituent,  quae  mihi  nota  non  sunt. 
Scribes  ad  me  igitur  quidquid  egeris.  2.  Yehementer  me  sollicitat 
Atticae  nostrae  valetudo,  ut  verear  etiam  ne  quae  culpa  sit.  Sed 
et  paedagogi  probitas  et  medici  adsiduitas  et  tota  donms  in  omni 
genere  diligens  me  rursus  id  suspicari  vetat.  Cura  igitur  :  plura 
enim  non  possum. 

part  of  his  claim  on  prompt  payment  of  566.    1   and  Fam.   vii.   23.  3  (126).   "We 

the  remainder.     He  despairs  of  payment  must  not  suppose  that  this  genitive  is  a 

in  full.  Graecism  like    the    genitive    found  after 

quoad   possunt']     sc.    adduci.       '  Draw  ireipao-Qat,  as  is  suggested  in  Archiv.  ix. 

them  on  as  far  as  you  can,'  that  is,  '  get  as  608,  quoted  by  Dr.  Reid, 
much  of  the  debt  as  you  can  from  them.' 

contendamtts]     '  we  must  make  a  push  1.  partis  fecit]  'he  has  distributed  his 

somehow  or  other '  to  carry  our  point.  property  on  the  banks  of  the  Tiber  into 

Cicero  and  Caesar  hardly  ever   use   qui-  certain   lots,   each    of  a  certain  number 

cunque  indefinite  without  a  verb  except  in  of  iugera  (I  know  not  how  many),  at  fixed 

the  abl.  in  such  expressions  as  quacumque  prices   for   each,  with   which   I  am   not 

ratione,  quocumque  modo.     A  rare  excep-  acquainted. 

tion   is  Att.  iii.  21  (80)   qtiamcunque  in  2.  culpa]     (  some  one  is  to  blame,'  i.e. 

partem,  which  shows  that  the  transition  has  been  careless  and  let  her  get  a  chill 

towards   the   latter    usage    had    already  or  something  that  brought  on  the  fever 

begun  in  Cicero's  time.  from  which  she  frequently  suffered. 

tyyhpana]     See  on  Ep.  561  ad  fin.  paedagogi]     Caecilia,    the  daughter   of 

l)e  illo  0*tiemi~]  559.  3     For  Lamia's  Atticus.  often  called  Attica  and  Atticula 

horti  cp.  557.   2  ;    588.   3.     After  posse  in  the  Letters,  was  at  this  time  about  six 

supply  forte*  suos  adseqtii.  years  old  and  under  the  care  of  a  paeda- 

Damasippv]  '  those  of  Damasippus ' :  cp.  gogus.     Suetonius  in  a  passage  referred 


EP.  567  (ATT.  XII.  30).  43- 

567.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (AiT.  xn.  30). 
ASTURA;  MAKCH  27;  A.  u.  c.  709  ;  B.  c.  45;  AET.  cic.  ei. 

De  Lentulo,  de  negotio  Siliano,  de  mancipiis  Castricianis,  de  Oviae  negotio. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Quaero  quod  ad  te  scribam,  sed  nihil  est.  Eadem  cotidie. 
Quod  Lentulum  invisis,  valde  gratum.  Pueros  attribue  ei  quotet 
quos  videbitur.  De  Sili  voluntate  vendendi  et  de  eo,  quanti,  tu 
vereri  videris,  primum  ne  nolit,  deinde  ne  tanti.  Sicca  aliter,  sed 
tibi  assentior.  Quare,  ut  ei  placuit,  scripsi  ad  Egnatium.  Quod 
Silius  te  cum  Clodio  loqui  vult,  potes  id  mea  voluntate  facere, 
commodiusque  est  quam  quod  ille  a  me  petit,  me  ipsum  scribere 
ad  Clodium,  2.  De  mancipiis  Castricianis,  commodissimum  esse 
credo  transigere  Egnatium  :  quod  scribis  te  ita  futurum  putare. 
Cum  Ovia,  quaeso,  vide  ut  conficiatur.  Quoniam,  ut  scribis,  nox 
erat,  in  bodierna  epistula  plura  exspecto. 

to  by  Boot  (De  grammaticis,  16)  tells  us  the  price.'     For  this  use  of  eo  cp.  Plane, 

that     subsequently,     when     married     to  93  in  eo,  si  semper  cum  eis  .  .   .  depug- 

Agrippa,  Attica  sludied  under. one   Cae-  nemus,  'upon  this,  viz. my  continuing  to 

cilius,     an     Epirote,    hut    there     is    no  fight,'  quoted   by  Lebreton,  p.   89,  who 

reference  to  him  here.  gives  other  examples.  So  Ernesti  is  wrong 

in  deleting  de  eo. 

1.   Quaero  quod'}     'I  am  searching  for          Egnatium']  cp.  568,  init.     Probably  L. 

something  to  write  to  you  '  :  quod  is  the  Egnatius   Rufus  :   cp.   Fam.    xiii.  43.   1 

emendation  of  Wes.  for  quid  of  M.,  which  (918)  note,  and  not  Egnatius  Maximus, 

would  mean  '  I   am  thinking  on  what  I  Ep.   647.     Cp.    Pauly-Wissowa  v.  1999, 

shall  write  to  you,'  as  in  Fam.  iv.  13.  1  No.  35,  and  1997,  Nos.  26,  27. 
(483)    Quacrenti  mihi  iamdiu  quid  ad  te          cum  Clodio']     Boot  infers  from  640  that 

potissimum  scriberem,  where  the  addition  this  Clodius  is  the  same  person  who  is 

of  potissimum  requires  quid.  there   called   Hermogenes    Clodius  :    cp. 

Lentulum"]     Cicero's   grandson,   son  of  note  to  561.1. 

Tullia  and  Dolabella  ;  cp.  564.  3.     He          2.  mancipiis    Castricianis']      See     Ep. 

tells  Atticus  to  assign  him  whatever  slaves  564,  3. 
he  needs.  Ovia]     cp.  557.  4. 

De  Sili]  '  as  to  Silius  and  the  questions          vide]     See  Adn.  Crit.  M  gives  quidem. 

whether  he  will  sell,  and  for  how  much,  If  it  were  not  that  Zb  and  v.  c.  give  vide, 

on  the  first  you  seem  to  fear  he  will  not,  we  would  conjecture  quiddam. 
and  secondly  that  he  will  not  take  our          Quoniam,  .  .  .  nox  erat]  '  since  you  state 

price.'  it  was  night-time  when  you  wrote  it,  I 

de  eo,  quanti]     lit.   '  and  this  fact,  viz.  expect  a  fuller  communication  to-day.' 


44  EP.  568  (ATT.  XII.  31,  §  3,  AND 


568.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  31,  §  3,  AND  32). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  28  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ',    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Egnatio,   de   Publilia,   quae  cum  matre   sua  ad  se  venire  velit,  retinenda, 
de  sumptibns  Ciceronis  sui  moderandis. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

[31],  3.  Egnatius  mihi  scripsit.  Is  si  quid  tecura  locutus  erit 
— commodissime  enim  per  eum  agi  potest — ad  me  scribes,  et  id 
agendum  puto,  Nam  cum  Silio  non  video  confici  posse.  Piliae 
et  Atticae  salutem.  Haec  ad  te  mea  manu.  Vide,  quaeso,  quid 
agendum  sit.  [32 J,  1.  Publilia  ad  me  scripsit  matrem  suam,f  cum 
Publilio  loqueretur,  ad  me  cum  illo  venturam  et  se  una,  si  ego 
paterer :  orat  multis  et  supplicibus  verbis  ut  liceat  et  ut  sibi 
rescribam.  Res  quarn  molesta  sit  vides.  Rescripsi  mi  etiam 
gravius  esse  quam  turn  cum  illi  dixissem  me  solum  esse  velle; 
quare  nolle  me  hoc  tempore  earn  ad  me  venire.  Putabam,  si 
nihil  rescripsissem,  illam  cum  matre  venturam :  nunc  non  puto. 
Apparebat  enim  illas  litteras  non  esse  ipsius.  Illud  autem, 
quod  fore  video,  ipsum  volo  vitare,  ne  illae  ad  me  veniant.  Et 

[31].  3     Egnatius~\     567.1.  writes  that  "  mother "  (she  fancies  she  is 

salutem]  cp.  note  to  563  fin.  talking  to  her  brother)  will  come  to  her.' 

Haec]    refers  to  what  follows.  His  view  is  that  Publilia  used  mater  and 

^  [32].  1.  Publilia]  Cicero  was  now  m;ir-  not  mea  mater  in  her  letter;  the  former 

ried  to  Publilia.     He  writes  to  his  friend  would  have  been  appropriate  only  if  she 

Plancius  (Fam.  iv.  14,  3  =  Ep.  535)  that  were  writing  to  one  of  her  brothers  or 

he  married  her  only  to  repair  his  shattered  sisters.     This  is  far-fetched, 

fortunes  by  means  of  her  ample  dower.  mi  etiam  gravius  esse~\    M  has  me  etiam 

He  divorced  her  not  long  after  this  time,  gravius  esse,  and  many  edd.  preserve  this 

we  are  told,  because*  she  did  not  seem  to  reading,    adding    affectum.     But   Orelli's 

feel  the  death  of  Tullia.     He   seems  to  change  of  me  to  mi  is  far  simpler.    Gravi- 

have  had  some  trouble  about   refunding  ter  est  mihi  is  a  very  good  phrase  for  *  it 

her  dower  to  her  brother  Publilius  (cp.  goes  ill  with  me,'  that  is,  'I  am  in  great 

647  and  654.2).     Even  now  he  refuses  distress  of  mind'  :  cf .  fuit  periucunde,  <I 

to  see  her  in  his  affliction.  enjoyed  myself  greatly,"  679.  1  and  note 

tloqueretur]     We  can  offer  no  sure  cor-  there.     The  MSS   often  give  mi  for  mihi 

rection  of  this.     That  of  Schmidt  seems  in  the  Letters.      It   may  have   been   a 

the  most  plausible,  ut  cum  Publilio  loquerer.  habitual  form  in  familiar  communication. 

The  reading  of  Klotz  cum  Publilio  videre-  non  esse  ipsitis]     Publilia  had   written 

tnr,  which  we  read  in  ed.  1  is  too  violent.  the  letter  at  her  mother's  dictation.     She 

Dr.  Reid  suggests  quae  cum  P.  loqueretur  would  not  come  when  Cicero  forbade  her, 

'  "*  consequence  of  a  conversation  with  but  she  might  have  done  so  if  Cicero  had 

1  ubhlius.'     Boot  alters  suam  into  quasi,  left  the  letter  unanswered.     He  did  not 

and  supposes  the  meaning  to  be  '  Publilia  want  the  t\vo  women  to  come  near  him. 


EP.  568  (ATT.  XIL  31,  §  3,  AND 


45 


una  est  vitatio  ut  ego  avolem.  Nollem,  sed  necesse  est  Te  hoc 
nunc  rogo  ut  explores  ad  quam  diem  bic  ita  possim  esse  ut 
ne  opprimar.  Ages,  ut  scribis,  temperate.  2.  Ciceroni  velim 
hoc  proponas,  ita  tamen,  si  tibi  non  iniquum  videbitur,  ut 
sumptus  huius  peregrinationis,  quibus,  si  Romae  esset  domum- 
que  conduceret,  quod  facere  cogitabat,  facile  contentus  futurus 
erat,  accommodet  ad  mercedes  Argileti  et  Aventini,  et  cum  ei 
proposueris,  ipse  velim  reliqua  moderere,  quemadmodum  ex  iis 
mercedibus  suppeditemus  ei  quod  opus  sit.  Praestabo  nee  Bibu- 
lum  nee  Acidinum  nee  Messallam,  quos  Athenis  futures  audio, 
maiores  sumptus  facturos  quam  quod  ex  eis  mercedibus  recipietur. 
Itaque  velim  videas,  primum  conductores  qui  sint  et  quanti,  deinde 
ut  sint  qui  ad  diern  solvant,  et  quid  viatici,  quid  instrumenti  satis 
sit.  lumento  certe  Athenis  nihil  opus  est.  Quibus  autem  in  via 
utatur  domi  sunt  plura  quam  opus  erit,  quod  etiam  tu  animad- 
vertis. 


una  vitatio']  See  Reid  on  Acad.  ii.  51. 
avolem]  This  word  has  heen  inserted 
by  Madvig.  It  would  have  easily  fallen 
out  before  Nollem.  Dr.  Reid  (p.  136) 
wishes  to  leave  an  aposiopesis  after  ego, 
leaving  the  unpleasant  word  to  be 
supplied  (cp.  581.  2);  or  else  to  read  ut 
<hinc>  ego.  Perhaps  ut  ego  <nolle  me 
dic«m>.  Nollem,  sed:  cp.  nolle  me  hoc 
tempore  earn  ad  me  venire.  Cicero  knew 
this  reply  was  rather  brusque,  but  could 
not  think  of  any  other  reason  to  give. 

ut  scribis]  Atticus  had  probably  recom- 
mended gentleness  in  the  treatment  of 
Publilia  in  a  former  letter.  "We  need  not 
suppose  that  he  had  discussed  this  very 
incident  with  Cicero  before,  for  in  that 
case  Cicero  would  not  now  have  written  in 
such  detail. 

2.  Ciceroni  velim  hoc  proponas]  *  I  wish 
you  would  make  this  suggestion  to  my 
son — that  is,  if  you  think  it  fair — that  in 
this  sojourn  of  his  at  Athens  he  should 
keep  his  expenses  within  the  sum  which 
the  rents  of  my  property  in  the  Argiletum 
and  the  Aventine  will  yield ;  he  would 
have  been  quite  satisfied  with  that  allow- 
ance if  he  had  rented  a  house  in  Rome,  as 
he  had  intended.  And,  further,  I  should 
•be  obliged  if  you  would  so  arrange  that 
out  of  these  rents  I  may  be  able  to  supply 
him  with  what  is  necessary.'  The  Argi- 
letum was  the  booksellers'  street  in  Rome. 
Martial  directs  thither  a  friend  who  asks 


him  for  a  copy  of  his  book.  *  No  doubt,' 
he  writes,  *  you  often  go  down  the  Argi- 
letum.' Argi  nempe  soles  subire  letum,  i. 
117,  9.  The  tmesis  is  nearly  as  bad  as 
the  Ennian  cere  comminuit  brum  for  com- 
minuit  cerebrum,  inasmuch  as  the  Argi- 
letum no  doubt  meant  *  Clay  St.,'  and  was 
derived  from  argilla,  and  had  no  reference 
whatever  to  the  '  death  of  Argus.'  This 
etymology  was,  however,  the  popular  one 
at  Rome  :  cp.  Verg.  Aen.  viii.  346.  A 
similar  modern  instance  is  Brasenose  Col- 
lege, which  true  etymology  derives,  we 
believe,  from  a  brasen-hus,  or  brew-house. 

quibus  .  .  .  Aventini']  The  antecedent 
to  quibus  is  mercedes.  The  order  of  words 
is  so  unusual  that  Madvig  (A.C.  iiL 
p.  189)  wishes  to  transpose  quibus  .  .  . 
futurus  erat  to  follow  Aventini. 

Praestabo']  '  I  will  guarantee  that  none 
of  the  other  young  Romans  who  are  going 
to  study  at  Athens  will  have  a  better 
allowance.' 

quanti]  This  is  the  genitive  of  price, 
'  and  what  their  rent  is.' 

ut  sint  qui  ad  diem  solvant}  The  MSS- 
give  sit  and  solvat,  but  we  must  alter  (with 
Lambinus)  to  sint  and  solvant  on  account 
of  the  plural  conductores.  '  You  must  see 
that  the  tenants  are  men  who  will  pay 
punctually.' 

instrumenti']  '  outfit. ' 

lumento"]  (  an  equipage.' 

animadverts']  Wes.  conj.  animadvertes* 


46 


EP.  569  (ATT.  XII.  31,  §§  1, 


569.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.    xn.  31,   §§  i,  2). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  29  ;    A.  TJ.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  mutata  Silii  sententia,  de  hortis  Drusi,  de  villa  Coponiana,  de  repraesentandis 


ad  ernptionem  nummis. 


CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 


1.  Silium  mutasse  sententiam  Sicca  mirabatur.  Equidem 
magis  miror  quod,  cum  in  filium  causam  conferret,  quae  mihi 
non  iniusta  videtur — habet  enim  qualem  vult — ,  ais  te  putare,  si 
addiderimus  aliud  a  quo  refugiat,  cum  ab  ipso  id  fuerit  desti- 
natum,  venditurum.  2.  Quaeris  a  me  quod  summum  pretium 


1.  destinatum~\  This  is  a  difficult  passage. 
One  explanation  is  that  suggested  by 
Gronovius,  and  may  be  paraphrased 
thus : — '  Sicca  expresses  surprise  that 
Silius  should  have  changed  his  mind 
about  selling  his  property.  I  urn  more 
surprised  at  this,  namely,  that  though 
he  accounts  for  his  unwillingness  to  sell 
by  deference  to  his  son's  wishes  (rightly, 
o,  for  he  is  an  ideal  youth),  yet  you  tell 
me  you  think,  if  we  included  in  the 
transaction  the  purchase  of  another 
property  which  he  is  extremely  anxious 
to  get  rid  of,  on  its  being  purchased  by 
us,  he  would  sell  also  the  one  which  we 
desire.'  The  objections  to  this  are 
(1)  that  Silius,  so  far  from  wishing  to 
sell  more  than  Cicero  wants,  appears  to 
wish  to  reserve  a  portion  of  the  property, 
cp.  570  ("351>  1 ;  (2)  destinare  may  mean 
'  to  buy  '  or  '  intend  to  buy  ' :  cp.  Fam. 
vii.  23.  3  (126) :  616.  2  :  Plaut.  Most.  643, 
974,  and  often  in  Plautus :  but  then  there 
is  no  reason  for  the  emphatic  ab  ipso  ;  of 
course  it  was  purchased  from  him.  "We 
might,  however,  interpret  destination  in  its 
natural  way,  seeing  that  this  (viz.,  to  sell 
the  other  property  with  the  one  we  want) 
had  been  his  fixed  determination ' :  or 
possibly  id  might  mean  *  since  he  is  deter- 
mined that  we  shall  make  this  offer ' ; 
id  =  utnos  illud  aliud  addamus.  Another 
interpretation  might  possibly  be  this  : — 
*  If  we  make  a  further  addition,  which  he 
shrinks  from  [suggesting],  inasmuch  as 
be  has  set  his  heart  on  the  thing,  you  say 
you  think  he  will  sell.'  Attic  us  had 
spoken  vaguely  about  a  possible  offer, 
which,  if  made,  might  overcome  the 


objections  of  Silius  to  part  with  his 
property  :  for  Silius  was  very  anxious  to 
get  this  thing,  but  shrank  from  asking 
for  it.  Then  we  must  take  a  quo  =  a  quo 
postulando,  which  is  difficult.  Shuckburgh 
(iii.  p.  226)  supposes  id  to  be  'a  refusal 
to  sell,'  se  non  venditurum.  Retranslates, 
'  He  makes  his  son  the  excuse  .  .  . 
Accordingly,  I  am  more  surprised  at  your 
saying  that  you  think  he  will  sell,  if  we 
would  include  something  else  which  he  is 
anxious  to  get  rid  of,  as  he  had  of  his  own 
accord  determined  not  to  do  so.'  But  it 
is  not  apparent  where  the  idea  of  unwill- 
ingness to  sell  is  so  indicated  that  id  can 
have  this  sense ;  and  the  meaning  is  not 
satisfactory.  A  man  may  have  deter- 
mined not  to  sell  on  any  terms  which  he 
thinks  likely  to  be  offered  ;  but  if  better 
terms  than  he  expected  are  offered,  may 
change  his  mind :  so  there  would  be 
nothing  for  Cicero  to  wonder  at.  Dr.  Reid, 
noticing  that  Silius  desired  to  reserve  a 
portion  of  his  land  (see  next  letter),  says 
Silius  may  have  desired  a  considerable 
alteration  of  boundaries,  and  suggests 
that  something  may  have  fallen  out,  e.g. ,  *i 
addiderimus  aliud,  <  detraxerimus  aliud> 
a  quo  refugiat,  '  and  withdraw  the  por- 
tion which  he  is  reluctant  to  sell,'  which 
is  ingenious,  but  attributes  rather  too  j 
pregnant  a  sense  to  a  quo  =  a  quo  ven- 
dendo.  Possibly  aliud  is  not  '  another 
property'  but  'another  condition,'  and 
may  refer  to  some  such  condition  as  taking 
some  property  of  Cicero's  at  a  valuation  j 
(cp.  561.  1),  or  being  content  with  instal- 
ments of  payment,  or  the  like,  some  con- 
dition which  Cicero  knew  he  would  *  shy 


EP.  569  (ATT.  XII.  31,  §§  1,  2). 


47 


constituam  et  quantum  anteire  istos  hortos  Drusi.  Access!  num- 
quam :  Coponianam  villam  et  veterem  et  non  magnam  novi,  silvam 
nobilem,  fructum  autem  neutrius,  quod  tamen  puto  nos  scire  opor- 
tere.  Sed  mihi  utrivis  istorum  tempore  magis  meo  quam  ratione 
aestimandi  sunt.  Possim  autem  adsequi  necne  tu  velim  cogites. 
Si  enim  Faberianum  venderem,  explicare  vel  repraesentatione  non 
dubitarem  de  Silianis,  si  modo  adduceretur  ut  venderet :  si  venalis 
non  haberet,  transirem  ad  Drusum  vel  tanti  quanti  Egnatius  ilium 
velle  tibi  dixit.  Magno  etiam  adiumeuto  nobis  Hermogenes  potest 
esse  in  repraesentando.  At  tu  concede  mihi,  quaeso,  ut  eo  animo 
sim  quo  is  debeat  esse  qui  emere  cupiat,  et  tamen  ita  servio 
cupiditati  et  dolori  meo  ut  a  te  regi  velim. 


at,'  i.e.,  be  unwilling  to  accept ;  then 
cum  id  .  .  destinatwn  will  mean  '  when 
his  determination  was  quite  fixed  on  that 
point,'  i.e.,  to  reject  any  such  condition, 
id  =  fore  ut  db  eo  refuaiat.  Cicero  may 
have  known  less  than  Atticus  of  the  value 
to  he  set  on  the  assertions  of  people  who 
are  making  a  bargain.  But  the  number 
of  possible  interpretations  of  the  passage 
only  serves  to  show  that  it  still  awaits 
definite  explanation. 

2.  anteire]     '  you  ask   me  how  much 

superior   do   I   think    those   grounds   of 

Drusus.'     Anteire  depends  on  some  such 

[word  as   existimem    inferred    from    con- 

\  stituam. 

Coponianam  villain]  Probably  a  part 
of  the  property  of  Drusus. 

silvam~\  '  a  famous  plantation.'  "VVesen- 
berg  would  read  Silianam  nobilem. 

fructum']  *  the  produce '  which  he 
thinks  he  ought  to  ascertain. 

utrivis]  '  either  of  the  two  owes  its 
value  rather  to  my  circumstances  than  to 
any  computation  of  its  real  worth.' 


Faberianum  venderem]  *  if  I  should 
turn  into  money  my  lien  on  Faberius,  I 
should  not  hesitate  to  settle  even  by  cash 
payment  f or Silius's  place.'  0.  E.  Schmidt 
(p.  290)  supposes  that  explicare  vel  reprae- 
sentatione is  a  learned  gloss  on  venderem. 
This  is  possible ;  but  Schmidt's  other 
view  is  more  probable,  viz.  that  the 
words  are  out  of  order,  and  we  should 
read  venderem  vel  explicarem  repraesenta- 
tione, though  there  is  little  difference  be- 
tween the  two  expressions.  We  often 
hear  of  Cicero's  attempt  to  get  cash  for 
the  Faberian  debt  by  repraesentatio.  Still 
the  matter  is  too  uncertain  to  justify  an 
alteration  in  the  text.  Repraesentare 
generally  means  '  to  pay  ready  money  for 
a  debt  due  some  time  hence ' :  in  these 
letters  it  more  frequently  means  '  to  re- 
ceive ready  money,'  '  to  discount  a  debt.' 
561.  1.  565.  2. 

Hermogenes]     See  on  561.  1. 

ita  servio  .  .  .  ^^t]  '  I  am  a  slave  to  my 
hobby  and  to  my  grief,  but  not  so  much  so 
as  not  to  be  willing  to  be  guided  by  you.' 


48  EP.  570  (ATT.  XII.  34,  AND  35,  §  1). 

570.     CICEEO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  34,  AND  35,  §  i). 

ASTURA  J    MAKCH  30  J    A.  TJ.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  profectione  sua  et  de  ratione  itineris  sui  cum  grata  collaudatione  benevolentiae, 
diligentiae,  prudentiae  Attici,  de  re  Siliana. 

CICEEO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Ego  hie  vel  sine  Sicca — Tironi  enim  melius  est — facillime 
possem  esse,  ut  in  malis,  sed,  cum  scribas  videndum  mihi  esse  ne 
opprimar,  ex  quo  intellegam  te  certum  diem  illius  profectionis  non 
habere,  putavi  esse  commodius  me  istuc  venire,  quod  idem  video 
tibi  placere.     Cras  igitur  in  Siccae  suburbano  :  inde,  quern  ad  mo- 
dum  suades,  puto  me  in  Ficulensi  fore.     2.  Quibus  de  rebus  ad 
me  scripsisti,  quoniam  ipse  venio,  coram  videbimus.    Tuam  quidem 
et  in  agendis  nostris  rebus  et  in  consiliis  ineundis  mihique  dandis 
et  in  ipsis  litteris  quas  mittis  benevolentiam,  diligentiam,  pruden- 
tiam   mirifice   diligo.     [35],    1.  Tu    tamen,    si    quid   cum  Silio 
vel  illo  ipso  die  quo  ad  Siccam  venturus  ero  certiorem  me  velim 
facias,  et  maxime  cuius  loci  detractionem  fieri  velit.     Quod  enim 
scribis  *  extremi,'  vide  ne  is  ipse  locus  sit  cuius  causa  de  tota  re 
ut  scis,  est  a  nobis  cogitatum.     Hirti  epistulam  tibi  misi  et  recen 
tern  et  benevole  scriptam. 

1.  melius  est]    'Tiro  is  better.'     Cp.  therefore  sometimes  called  Nomentanwn 

mi  gravius  esse,  Ep.  568  [32].  1.     Cicero  Cicero  remained  there  the  whole  of  April 

was  probably  aided  by  Sicca  as  well  as  His  correspondence   with  Atticus  is  re 

Tiro  in  his  literary  projects.     As  long  as  newed  in  Ep.  577  on  May  1,  when  he  i 

Tiro  was  laid  up  he  had  only   Sicca  to  returning    back    to    Astura,    and    agaf 

help  him.  stopping  for  the  night  in  Sicca's  suburbs 

facillime  ...   ut  in  malis]    '  as  cheer-  villa, 
fully  as  my  affliction  permits.'  [35],  1.  detractionem]   '  which  part  o 

ne  opprimar]    'surprised  by  a  sudden  the  property  he  wishes  to  make  reservatioi 

visit '  from  Publilius  and  his  mother.  of  (and  keep  in  his  own  hands) ;  when  yoi 

ex  quo  intellegam']  '  by  which  you  mean  say  the  extremity  of  it  take  care  that  tha 

me  to  gather '  ;  the  change  to  intellegebam  is  not  the  very  part  of  the  property  whicl 

is  unnecessary.  induced  me  to  think  of  the  purchase  a 

istuc]     to  Rome,  all.' 


Ficulensi]    a  villa  belonging  to  Atticus  Hirti  epistulam]   Probably  consolatory 

sar  both  Ficulea  and  Nomentum,  and 


for  the  death  of  Tullia. 


EP.  571   (FAM.  XIII.  16). 


49 


571.     CICERO  TO  CAESAR  (FAM.  xm.  15). 
ASTTJRA;  MARCH  (END);  A.  u.  c.  709;  B.  c.  45;  AET.  cic.  61. 

M.  Cicero  C.  Precilium  adulescentem  Caesari  commendat  novo  genere  litterarum. 

CICERO  CAESARI  IMP.  SAL. 

1.  Precilium  tibi  commendo  unice,  tui  necessari,  mei  familia- 
rissimi,  viri  optimi,  filium  ;  quern  cum  adulescentem  ipsum  propter 
eius  modestiam,  humamtatem,  animum  et  amorem  erga  me  singu- 
.arem  mirifice  diligo,  turn  patrem  eius  re  doctus  intellexi  et  didici 
raihi  fuisse  semper  amicissimum.  Em,  hicille  est  [de  illis]  maxime 
qui  inridere  atque  obiurgare  me  solitus  est  quod  me  non  tecum, 
praesertim  cum  abs  te  honorificentissime  invitarer,  coniungerem  : 


'AAA'   S/UOV  OV  7TOT6  Ov/ULOV  €Vf 

Audiebam  enim  nostros  proceres  clamitantis 

toV,  tW  ri?  (re  KOL  O^LJOVMV  tit 


E7TEC 


0EV. 


TOV 


IMP.~]  Caesar  was  saluted  Imperator 
)y  his  soldiers  on  February  19th  after  the 
capture  of  Ategua  (Bell.  Hisp.  19,  6). 
News  of  that  event  might  reach  Rome 
ownrdstheend  of  March.  Schmidt  argues 
p.  275)  that  this  letter  was  written  about 
December  or  January,  at  all  events  before 
Tullia's  death,  as  shortly  after  that  event 
3icero  would  not  have  M'ritten  in  a  sportive 
strain.  Schmidt's  view  is  of  course  quite 
>ossible.  But  two  months  after  Tullia's 
leath  he  may  well  have  omitted  to  refer  to 
lis  loss,especially  when  he  was  attempting 
a  literary  tour  deforce  in  endeavouring  to 
exhibit  originality  in  a  letter  of  introduc- 
tion.  The  letter  appears  to  us  to  have  a 
strained  and  unnatural  tone  of  gaiety,  such 
as  might  well  have  been  assumed  with  an 
aching  heart.  Besides,  it  is  very  unlikely 
;hat  in  a  new  campaign  Cicero  would  style 
Uaesar  Jmperator  before  he  was  certain 
that  some  success  had  been  attained  in  that 

VOL.  v. 


campaign  deserving  the  title  ;  though  no 
doubt  elsewhere  he  thus  addresses  Caesar, 
e.g.  Att.  ix.  HA  (366). 

1.  de  illis]  These  words  are  omitted  in 
H  Pal.,  and  as  they  mar  the  sentence  we 
have  bracketed  them.  They  probably  are 
due  to  a  conjectural  alteration  of  ille. 
Wesenberg  (E.A.  43)  wishes  to  read  de 
tuis  (cp.  tui  necessari}  :  Orelli,  unus  hie 
ilk  est  de  illis.  For  hie  est  ille  cp.  Tusc.  v. 
103,  hie  est  ille  Demosthenes:  iii.  31. 

invitarer']  cp.  vol.  iv,  pp.  xxxfL 

'AAA'  €  /j.b  v]  Horn.  Od.  vii.  258 
(Calypso  fails  to  persuade  Ulysses  to  stay 
with  her). 

"AA/ctjuos  eo-cr']  ib.  i.  302  (Athena 
to  Telemachus). 

*fls  <pa.ro]  ib.  xxiv.  315  (of  Laertes). 
The  chiefs  cried  to  Cicero,  'Be  brave,' 
whereupon  a  cloud  of  woe  fell  upon  him, 
i.e.  he  bitterly  repented  having  exhibited 
his  valour  in  opposition  to  Caesar. 


50  EP.  571  (FAM.  XIII.  ,15}. 

2.  Sed  tamen  idem  me  consolantur  etiam :  hominem  perustum  etiam- 
nunc  gloria  volunt  iiiceiidere  atque  ita  loquuntur  : 


M»| 
'AXAa 


a<T7rouc)€t  76  Kai  a/eXawe  airoXoi/untiv, 
iya  pf'sac  n  KOI  two  pivotal  irvOiaOa 


Sed  me  minus  iam  mpvent,  ut  vides.     Itaque  ab  Homeri  magnilo- 
quentia  confero  me  ad  vera  praecepta 

Mt(7ft)   fTO(f>t(TTriV,   O<7Tl£   ow%  CLVTW 

quern  versum  senex  Precilius  laudat  egregie  et  ait  posse  eundem  ei 
TTpoo-orw  Kal  oTTiWo)  videre  et  tamen  nihilo  minus 


apiaTtveiv  KOL  VTrdoo^ov  t/ 

3.  Sed,  ut  redeam  ad  id  unde  coepi,  vehementer  mihi  gratum 
feceris  si  hunc  adulescentem  humanitate  tua,  quae  est  singularis, 
comprebenderis  et  ad  id,  quod  ipsorum  Preciliorum  causa  te  velle 
arbitror,  addideris  cumulum  commendationis  meae.  Grenere  novo 
sum  litterarum  ad  te  usus  ut  intellegeres  non  vulgarem  esse  com- 
mendationem. 


2.  perustum']  "We  have  retained  the 
reading  of  M  with  the  punctuation  of 
Wesenberg :  '  one  who  has  had  his  wings 
scorched  they  wish  even  now  to  inflame 
with  glory.'  Perustum,  like  ambustus, 
2  Verr.  i.  70  :  Mil.  12  :  Att.  v.  20,  8 
(228),  is  here  used  of  one  who  has  suffered 
injury  and  loss  in  public  life,  the  reference 
usually  being  to  condemnation  in  the 
courts.  For  etiamnum  many  MSS  have 
et  inanem  or  inani ;  the  latter  would  make 
excellent  sense.  The  exhortation  was  that 
Cicero  should  go  to  Eome  and  mix  in 
politics.  Though  almost  certainly  an 
emendation,  yet  it  is  worth  mentioning 
that  one  of  Mr.  Allen's  Codices  has  the 
following  reading  :  Sed  tamen  idem  me 
consolatur  et  hominem  ptrvetustum  etiam 
($  iam  =  perhaps  et  inani}  gloria  volunt 
incendere.  But  vestustu*  is  very  rarely 
used  of  men  (cp.  Hor.  Carm.  iii.  17,  1), 
and  Cicero  would  hardly  describe  himself 
as  '  very  old.' 

M)>  fiiiti]  Horn.  II.  xxii.  304-5  (Hector 
encourages  himself  in  his  combat  with 
Achilles) :  cp.  Att.  x.  1,  1  (378). 


vera  praecepta  EvpnriSov]  cp.  Q.  Cic 
ap.  Fam.  xvi.  8,  2  (314),  (Euripides]  cut 
tu  quantum  credos  nescio.  Ego  certt 
singulos  eius  versus  singtda  testimonia 
puto, 

Mi(T<J>  <ro^)i(rT7jj']  Eurip.  Incert.  Frag. 
905  ed.  Nauck  (p.  652).  Ennius  adapts 
the  line  thus  (Kibbeck,  p.  50) :  Qui  ips» 
sibi  sapiens  prodesse  non  quit  nequiquam 
sapit:  cp.  Fam.  vii.  6,  2  (136);  Off.  iii. 
62. 

a  fji  a.  IT  p6  ff  ff  (a  Kal  OTT  ia  ff  oi\  Horn. 
II.  i.  343  :  Od.  xxiv.  452. 

Aiei/  a.piffre\>eiv~]  Horn.  II.  vi.  208 
(Hippolochus  to  Glaucus) ;  xi.  784  (Peleua 
to  Achilles). 

3.  si  hunc  adulescentem"]  '  if  you  show 
this  young  man  your  usual  remarkable 
kindness,  and  add  my  recommendation  asi 
a  supplement  to  the  goodwill  which  I 
think  you  hear  to  the  Precilii  them- 


Oenere  novo]  '  a  new  style  of  letter,1 
i.e.  not  the  formal  cut-and-dried  letter  of 
commendation,  but  one  like  the  present, 
full  of  references  to  literature. 


EP.  572  (FAM.   V.  13).  51 

572.     CICERO  TO  LUCCEIUS  (FAM.  v.  13). 

ASTURA  ;    MARCH  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;  B.  C.  45  J  AET.  CIC.  61. 

L.  Lucceius  M.  Ciceronem  et  de  obitu  Tulliae  et  de  statu  reip.  paene  desperate 
tonsolatus  erat  litteris.  Cui  iam  ita  agit  gratias  Cicero  ut  eius  fortitudinem,  etiam  si 
ipse  prorsus  de  salute  reip.  desperet,  cum  Lucceius  aliqua  spe  f  uturi  temporis  teneatur, 
sese  imitari  velle  scribal. 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  L.  LUCCEIO  Q.  F. 

1.  Quamquam  ipsa  consolatio  litterarum  tuarum  mihi  gratis- 
siraa  est — declarat  enim  summam  benevolentiam  coniunctam  pari 
prudentia — tamen  ilium  fructum  ex  iis  litteris  vel  maximum  cepi, 
quod  te  praeclare  res  humanas  contemnentem  et  optime  contra 
fortunam  paratum  armatumque  cognovi ;  quam  quidem  laudem 
sapientiae  autumo  esse  maximam,  non  aliunde  pendere  nee  extrin- 
secus  aut  bene  aut  malevivendi  suspensas  habere  rationes.  2.  Quae 
cogitatio  cum  mihi  non  omnino  excidisset — etenim  penitus  inse- 
derat — vi  tamen  tempestatum  et  concursu  calamitatum  erat 
aliquantum  labefactata  atque  convulsa ;  cui  te  opitulari  et  video 
et  id  fecisse  etiam  proximis  litteris  multumque  profecisse  sentio. 
Itaque  hoc  saepius  dicendum  tibique  non  significandum  solum  sed 
etiam  declarandum  arbitror,  nihil  mihi  esse  potuisse  tuis  litteris 
gratius.  3.  Ad  consolandum  autem  cum  ilia  valent  quae  ele- 
ganter  copioseque  collegisti,  turn  nihil  plus  quam  quod  firmitudinem 

1.   vel  maximum']  '  quite  the  greatest.'  support   other  than  oneself,  and  to  have 
sapientiae   autumo']  So   we  venture   to  the   reasons  why  one's   life  is  happy  or 
read  with   GR,  though  we  do  not  know  unhappy   independent     of  external  con- 
any  other  passage   in   Cicero   where   the  siderations.' 

word  is  used.     The   word   autumo  is  too  2.  labefactata  atque  convulsa]  '  shaken 

rare  (outside  the  Comic  writers)  to  allow  and    uprooted,'   a   metaphor    from  trees 

us  to  suppose  that  it  would  have  occurred  after  a  storm  :  cp.  Ramsay  on  Clu.  6,  who 

to  a  copyist.     M  has  sapientia  est  atuo  =  notices  that  the  idea  in  labefactare  is  to 

sapientia  statuo,  a  reading   whicli  Men-  shake  an  object  backwards  and  forwards 

delssohn   retains    with   some   hesitation.  in   order   to  try   to   uproot   it  ;    whereas 

For   the   sentiment  he    compares     Plat.  convellere  is  to    tear  it   up   by   a   single 

Menex.    247E-248A,    translated    by    Cic.  effort. 

Tusc.  v.    36  ;  Quid  vero  ?  in   Epitaphio  opitulari']   cp.  Clark  on  Mil.   94,   who 

quomodo  idem  ?  Nam  cui  viro,  inquit,  ex  says  that   Cicero  gave  this  archaic  word 

se  ipso   apta  sunt  omnia  quae  ad    beate  a   short  vogue.     It  is   rarely  used   after 

vivendumferunt,  nee  suspensa  aliorum  aut  his  time. 

bono  casu  aut  contrario  pendere  ex  alterius  multumque  profecisse]     '  that   I    have 

.eventis  et  errare    coguntur — huic  optime  benefited  much.' 

vivendi  ratio  comparata  est.  3.  eleganter     copioseque]     '  with     such 

non   aliunde  .  .  .  rationes]    '  to  need  no  grace  and  wealth  of  illustration.' 

D2 


52  EP.  572  (FAM.   V.  IS}. 

gravitatemque  animi  tui  perspexi,  quam  non  imitari  turpissimum 
existimo.  Itaque  hoc  etiam  fortiorem  me  puto  quam  te  ipsum, 
praeceptorem  fortitudinis,  quod  tu  mild  videre  spem  non  nullam 
habere  haec  aliquando  f  utura  meliora;  casus  enim  gladiatorii  simili- 
tudinesque  eae,  turn  rationes  in  ea  disputatione  a  te  collectae  veta- 
bant  me  rei  publicae  penitus  diffidere.  Itaque  alterum  minus 
mirum,  fortiorem  te  esse  cum  aliquid  speres,  alterum  niirum,  spe 
ulla  teneri :  quid  est  enim  non  ita  adfectum  ut  id  non  deletum 
extinctumque  esse  fateare  ?  Circumspice  omnia  membra  rei  pub- 
licae quae  notissima  sunt  tibi :  nullum  reperies  profecto  quod  noil 
fractum  debilitatumve  sit;  quae  persequerer,  si  aut  melius  ea 
viderem  quam  tu  vides  aut  commemorare  possem  sine  dolore : 
quamquam  tuis  monitis  praeceptisque  omnis  est  abiciendus  dolor. 
4.  Ergo  et  domestica  feremus  ut  censes,  et  publica  paulo  etiam 
fortius  fortasse  quam  tu  ipse  qui  praecipis ;  te  enim  aliqua  spes 
consolatur,  ut  scribis,  nos  erimus  etiam  in  omnium  desperations 
fortes,  ut  tu  tamen  idem  et  hortaris  et  praecipis  :  das  enim  mihi 
iucundas  recordationes  conscientiae  nostrae  rerumque  earum  qua& 
te  in  primis  auctore  gessimus ;  praestitimus  enim  patriae  non  minus 
certe  quam  debuimus,  plus  profecto  quam  est  ab  animo  cuiusquam 
aut  consilio  homiuis  postulatum.  5.  Ignosces  mihi  de  me  ipso 

Itaque']     So  the  MSS.     Many  edd.  alter  that   it   is  not  destroyed   or   paralysed  ? 

to  atque,  needlessly.     The  reasoning  is,  Look  around  at  all  its  limbs  which  you 

'  As  I  think  it  would  he  disgraceful  not  know  so  well ;  no  single  one,  assuredly, 

to  take  you  as  my  model  and  be  brave,  I  will   you   find  which    is   not   broken   or 

will  be  brave,  ay,  and  braver  than  your-  maimed  ' :  cp.    Juv.    iii.    48,    mancus  et  ; 

self.'     Of  course  atq tie  would  make  very  exstinctae  corpus  non  utile  dextrae. 

good  sense.  persequerer']  '  and  I  should  continue  the 

casus  .  .  .  diffidere']  '  for  the  changes  subject.' 

and  chances  of  gladiatorial  combats  and  all  4.  in  omnium  desperatione~\  So  one  MS, 
those  illustrations,  and  further  the  argu-  according  to  Graevius,  '  we  shall  be 
ments  put  together  by  you  in  that  disser-  brave  amidst  the  despair  of  all,  as  you 
tation,  forbid  me  utterly  to  lose  confidence  notwithstanding  (that  despair)  exhort 
in  the  state ':  reip.  diffidere  means  '  to  fail  and  enjoin  this  course  on  me ' :  tamen, 
to  have  confidence  that  the  state  will  be  'notwithstanding,'  though  everything  is 
able  to  recover  herself.'  This  is  the  ruined  and  all  are  despairing.  The  best 
reading  of  M.  In  GE,  we  find  de  rep.,  MSB  give  omnibus,  which ihas  been  corrected 
a  common  construction  after  desperare,  to  omni  and  omnium,  or  omnium  rerum* 
but  rare  (cp.  589.2)  after  diffidere:  the  Streicher  (p.  201)  alters  largely  nos  erimus 
ablative  without  a  preposition  is  oc-  etiam  in  omni  desperations  fortes.  Tu  me 
casionally  found.  In  exhorting  Cicero  to  idem  et  hortaris  et  das  mihi  iucundas,  &c. 
have  courage  and  hope,  Lucceius  had  used  This  simply  omits  the  troublesome  tamen* 
as  illustrations  the  varying  fortunes  of  conscientiae  nostrae"]  '  of  the  good  con- 
gladiatorial  combats  :  cp.  Mil.  56.  science  I  can  enjoy  '  :  cp.  Fam.  iv.  3,  1 

quid  est  enim  .  .  .  «*]  '  for  what  part  (494),  multa  iam   consolanlur  maximeque  ' 

of  the  state  is  there  that  has  not  been  so  eonscientia  consiliorum  tneorum. 

grievously  stricken  that  you  can  say  of  it  postulatum]     This  reading  of  the  MSB- 


EP.  573  (FAN.    VI. 


53 


aliquid  praedicanti ;  quarum  enim  tu  rerum  cogitatione  nos  levari 
aegritudine  voluisti,  earum  etiarn  commemoratione  lenimur.  Itaque, 
ut  mones,  quantum  potero  me  ab  omnibus  molestiis  et  angoribus 
abduoam  transferamque  animum  ad  ea  quibus  secundae  res  or- 
nantur,  adversae  adiuvantur,  tecumque  et  ero  tantum  quantum 
patietur  utriusque  aetas  et  valetudo,  et,  si  esse  una  minus  poterimus 
quam  volemus,  animorum  tamen  conmnctione  isdemque  studiis  ita 
fruemur  ut  numquam  non  una  esse  videamur. 


573.     CICERO  TO  TORANIUS  (FAM.  vi.  21). 


FICULEA  J    APRIL  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

Cicero  Toranium  Corcyrae  exsulantem  consolatur  suo  ipsius  exemplo,  ostendens 
quantum  ia  mails  adiumenti  sit  recte  vereque  sensisse,  denique  admonet  ut  nihil 
timeat  nisi  communem  reipublicae  calamitatern. 

CICERO  TORANIO. 

1.  Etsi,  cum  haeo  ad  te  scribebam,  aut  adpropinquare  exitus 
hums  calamitosissimi  belli  aut  iam  aliquid  actum  et  confectum 


is  to  be  retained,  as  Lebmann (p.  126)  has 
shown,  and  is  not  to  be  altered  to  postulan- 
dum  :  cp.  Att.  ii.  9,  3  (36),  habet  (patria)  a 
nobis  etiam  si  non  plus  quam  debitum  est, 
plus  certe  quam  postulatum  est ;  we  may 
compare  comparati,  in  561.  2.  Nor  is 
unquam  to  be  inserted  as  Orelli  has 
suggested:  cp.  Att.  v.  18,  2  (218)  sociis 
multo  fidelioribus  utimur  quam  quisquam 
usus  est.  Translate,  '  than  was  required 
from  the  heart  or  brain  of  any  man.' 

5.  quarum  enitn]  '  for  you  wished  me 
to  call  to  mind  my  exploits,  and  thus  to 
gain  a  respite  from  my  sorrow ;  the  men- 
tion of  them  too  (as  well  as  the  calling 
them  to  mind)  gives  me  relief.' 

ornantur  .  .  .  adiuvantur']  '  enhanced,' 
.  .  .  'alleviated.'  Cicero  of  course  alludes 
to  literary  studies :  cp.  the  celebrated 
passage  in  Arch.  16,  at  haec  studia  adules- 
•centiam  alunt,  senectutem  oblectant,  secun- 
das  res  ornant,  adversis  perfugium  ac 
solarium  praebenl,  delectant  domi,  non 
'  impediunt  foris,  pernoctant  nobiscum, 
peregrinantur,  rusticantur. 

animorum  .  .  .  videamur]  'we  shall 
enjoy  a  sympathy  of  disposition  and  an 
identity  of  pursuits  so  complete  as  to 


prevent  our  ever  appearing  to  be  absent 
from  one  another.' 

C.  Toranius  was  probably  the  quaestor 
of  Varinius  during  the  revolt  of  Spartacus  : 
cp.  Sail.  Frag.  iii.  77,  v.  251,  Kritz.  He 
was  not  the  same  man  as  the  Toranius 
who  was  the  quaestor  of  Q.  Metellus 
(Plut.  Sert.  12),  and  of  course  was  diffe- 
rent from  the  slave- dealer  (Suet.  Aug.  69). 
He  had  been  colleague  in  the  aedileship 
with  the  father  of  Octavian,  who  made 
him  guardian  of  his  son.  Afterwards  he 
obtained  the  praetorship.  Octavian  con- 
sented, at  the  request  of  Antony,  that 
Toranius  '  should  be  pricked  to  die  in 
their  black  sentence  and  proscription,' 
and  he  was  betrayed  by  his  son  to  the 
murderers  (Suet.  Aug.  27  ;  App.  B.  C.  iv. 
12,  18 ;  Val.  Max.  ix.  11,  5  ;  Oros.  vi.  18). 
From  Sallust  and  Plutarch  it  would  appear 
that  Thoranius  was  the  correct  spelling  ; 
but  as  our  MSS  give  Toranio  in  Fam.  vi. 
20  (645),  another  letter  to  Toranius,  it 
is  best  to  retain  that  form,  which  is 
also  found  in  an  inscription  (Wilmanns, 
611  g). 

1.  adpropinquare']     The    news   of    the 


54  EP.  573  (FAM.    VI.  21). 

videbatur,  tamen  cotidie  commemorabam  te  unum  in  tanto  exercitu 
mihi  fuisse  adsensorem  et  me  tibi,  solosque  nos  vidisse  quantum 
esset  in  eo  bello  mali,  in  quo  spe  pacis  exclusa  ipsa  victoria  f  utura  j 
esset  acerbissima,  quae  aut  interitum  adlatura  esset,  si  victus  esses, ! 
aut,  si  vicisses,  servitutem.  Itaque  ego,  quern  turn  fortes  illi  viri 
et  sapientes,  Domitii  et  Lentuli,  timidum  esse  dicebant — eram 
plane;  timebam  enim  ne  evenirent  ea  quae  acciderunt — idem 
nunc  nihil  timeo  et  ad  oumem  eventum  paratus  sum.  Cum  aliquid 
videbatur  caveri  posse,  turn  id  neglegi  dolebam  ;  nunc  vero  eversis 
omnibus  rebus,  cum  consilio  profici  nihil  possit,  una  ratio  videtur, 
quicquid  evenerit,  ferre  moderate,  praesertirn  cum  omnium  rerum 
mors  sit  extremum  et  mihi  sim  conscius  me,  quoad  licuerit,  digni- 
tati  rei  publicae  consuluisse  et  hac  amissa  salutem  retinere  voluisse. 
2.  Haec  scripsi,  non  ut  de  me  ipse  dicerem,  sed  ut  tu,  qui  coniunc- 
tissima  fuisti  mecum  et  sententia  et  voluntate,  eadem  cogitares ; 
magna  enim  consolatio  est  cum  recordare,  etiam  si  secus  accident, 
te  tamen  recte  vereque  sensisse.  Atque  utinam  liceat  aliquando 
aliquo  rei  publicae  statu  nos  f rui  inter  nosque  conf erre  sollicitudines 
nostras,  quas  pertulimus  turn  cum  timid i  putabamur  quia  diceba- 
mus  ea  futura  quae  facta  sunt.  3.  De  tuis  rebus  nihil  esse  quod 
timeas  praeter  universae  rei  publicae  interitum  tibi  confirmo ; 

battle  of  Munda  (fought  March  17)  pro-  mony  to  the  feeling  against  Cicero  in  the 

hably  had  not  yet  reached  Rome :  but  Pompeian  camp,  when  he  and  Toranius 

news  of  a  decisive  battle  was  daily  ex-  were  there  together. 

pected.    Schmidt  (p.  275)  thinks  that  this          2.  et  sententia  et   voluntate'}    'in  prin- 

letter  was  written  before  Tullia's  death,  ciples  and  desires.' 

for  otherwise  Cicero  would  have  referred          magna  enim  consolatio]  A  very  common 

to  his  own  present  sorrow.     But  though  sentiment  of  Cicero's  at  this   time:  cp. 

some  news  was  expected  from  Spain  in  Fam.  vi.  4,  2   (540),  conscientiam   rectae 

January — cp.  Fam.  vi.  4,  1  (540) — yet  at  voluntatis     maximum    consolationem     ess* 

that  time  it  was  not  supposed  that  any-  rerum  incommodarum  nee  esse  ullum  mag- 

thing  decisive  was   about  to  happen  im-  num  malum  praeter  culpam. 
mediately.      And    Cicero    need    not    be  cum  timidi  putabamur']  cp.  §  1.     This| 

supposed  to  have  written  to  all  and  every  probably  refers  to  the  time  immediately 

acquaintance    about    his    private   grief ;  before  and  immediately  after  the  outbreak 

probably  he  only  wrote  of  it  to  his  very  of  the  war  between  Pompey  and  Caesar, 

intimate  friends,  and   to  those  who  ad-  when  Cicero  advocated  the  policy  of  peace 

dressed  to  him  letters  of  condolence.  at  any  price  :  cp.  Fam.  vi.  4,  4  (540),  vJ 

unum  .  .  .  adsensorem']  '  the  one  person  21,  2  (458);  Phil.  ii.  37,  quamvis  iniqna 

who  agreed  with  me.'     When  he  was  in  conditions  pacis — mihi  enim  omnis  pax  cum 

the  Pompeian  camp,  Cicero  censured  the  civibus  bello  civili  utilior  videbatur — remp. 

whole  conduct  of  the  war  so  sarcastically  hodie  tmeremus :  Att.  viii.  3,  3  (333),  Quae 

that  Pompey  is  said  to  have  wished  that  condicio  non  accipiendafuit potius  quam  re- 

Cicero  would  desert  to  the  enemy.     See  linquenda  patria  ?  Male  condiciones  erant. 

Macrob.  Sat.  ii.  3.  7-8  and  Pint.  Cic.  38,  Fateor  :  sed  numquid  hoc  peius  ?    See  also 

cp.  Phil.  ii.  39.     This  passage  is,  as  Dr.  vol.  iii.  (ed.  2),  p.  xciii. 
Reid  notes,  an  interesting  incidental  testi- 


UP.  574  (FAM.  IV.  6).  55 

de  me  autem  sic  velim  indices,  quantum  ego  possim,  me  tibi,  saluti 
tuae  liberisque  tuis  summo  cum  studio  praesto  semper  futurum. 
Yale. 


574.     CICERO  TO  SEKVIUS  SULPICIUS. 
(FAM.  iv.  G). 

FICULEA  J  APRIL  (MIDDLE)  ;    A.  TJ.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.    45  ;    AET.    CIC.  61. 

Ser.  Sulpicii  litteris  (Ep.  555)  respondet  quas  ait  sibi  magno  solacio  fuisse  :  quam 
)b  rem  quamquam  nemini  quam  sibi  iustiores  dolendi  causas  fuisse  dicit,  maximam 
amen  sibi  sperat  levationem  reditu  et  Servii  consuetudine  fore. 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  SER.  SULPICIO. 

1.  Ego  vero,  Servi,  vellem,  ut  scribis,  in  meo  gravissimo  casu 
adfuisses :  quantum  enim  praesens  me  adiuvare  potueris  et  conso- 
ando  et  prope  aeque  dolendo,  facile  ex  eo  intellego,  quod  litteris 
ectis  aliquantum  adquievi ;  nam  et  ea  scripsisti  quae  levare  luctum 
)ossent,  et  in  me  consolando  non  mediocrem  ipse  animi  dolorem 
adhibuisti.     Servius  tamen  tuus  omnibus  officiis  quae  illi  tempori 
tribui  potuerunt  declaravit  et  quanti  ipse  me  faceret  et  quam  suum 
talem  erga  me  animum  tibi  gratum  putaret  fore;    cuius  officia 
iucundiora  scilicet  saepe  mihi  fuerunt,  numquam  tamen  gratiora. 

1.  Ego  vero]  '  Yes,  I  could  wish,  Ser-  in  hominis  fortunis  misericordiam,  in  reip. 

vius,  that,   as  you  write,  you  had  been  salute  sapientiam  quam  soletis. 

with  me  in  my  sore  calamity.'      Vero  is  tamen]  '  (though   you   were  not  here) 

thus    used    with    personal  pronouns   in  your  son,  however.' 

answers  to  express  willingness   to  adopt  quae  .  .  .  potuerunt]  '  which   could  be 

a   proposal   which   has   been    made:  cp.  exhibited  on  such  an  occasion,'  literally 

Fam.  vii.  30,  1  (694).     See  a  fine  section  '  assigned    to  that    time.'     Tempus  and 

in  Nagelsbach's  Stilistik,  §  197.  2,  p.  630.  tempera  are  used  frequently  by  Cicero  of 

He  quotas  Brut.  20,  21 :   Quare,  si   tibi  certain  crises  in  his  life,  especially  of  his 

est   commodum,  ede  ilia   quae   coeperas  et  banishment:    cp.    Fam.  i.   6,    2    (104); 

Bruto  et  mihi.  Ego  vero,  inquam,  si  potuero  Sest.  123 ;  and  Holden  on  Plane.  1  and  96. 

faciam   vobis  satis  :    Liv.  xxviii.    9,    7  ;  et  quam  .  .  .  fore]    *  and   the  pleasure 

xxvii.  13,  8  ;  x.  18,  12,  quae  (litterae)  si  which  he  thought  you  would  feel  at  such 

falsae  fuerint  nee  ustis  sui  sit,  in  Etruria  an    evidence  of   sympathy  on    his  parr 

extemplo   conversis    signis  abiltirum.     Tu  towards  me.' 

vero  abeas,  inquit.     Add  Att.  xiii.  41,  1  iucundiora  .    .   .  gratiora~]  'pleasant,' 

(661),    Ego    vero     Quinto   epistulam    ad  .  .  .  '  acceptable.'   Gratus  may  be  applied 

sororem  misi :  cp.  also  note  on  ep.  62,  1.  to  that  which  one  welcomes  and  approves 

prope    aeque    dolendo]     'by    well-nigh  of,  iuctmdus  being  reserved  for  that  which 

perfect  sympathy '  :  aliquantum  adquievi,  produces  an  actual  emotion  of  delight : 

1 1  have  become  considerably  calmer.'  cp.  Fam.  v.  15,   1   (587),  Att.  iii.  24,  2 

adhibuisti]    *  you   have   shown  '  :    cp.  (85),  ista  veritas,  etiam  si  iucunda  non  est, 

Rabir.  5,  oro  atque  obsecro  .  .  .  adhibeatis  mihi  tamen  grata  est.     As  Cicero's  recent 


56 


JSP.  57^.  (FAM.  IV.  6). 


Me  autem  non  oratio  tua  solum  et  societas  paene  aegritudinis,  sec 
etiam  auctoritas  consolatur ;  turpe  enim  esse  existimo  me  non  ita 
ferre  casum  meum  ut  tu  tali  sapientia  praeditus  ferendum  putas 
Sed  opprimor  interdum  et  vix  resisto  dolori,  quod  ea  me  solacii 
deficiunt  quae  ceteris,  quorum  mihi  exempla   propono,  siniili  ID 
fortuna  non  defuerunt.  Nam  et  Q.  Maximus,  qui  filium  consularem 
clarum  virum  et  magnis  rebus  gestis,  amisit,  et  L.  Paullus,  qui  du< 
septem  diebus,  et  vester  Gallus  et  M.  Cato,  qui  summo  ingenio 
summa  virtute  filium  perdidit,  iis  temporibus  fuerunt,  ut  eorun 
luctum  ipsorum  dignitas  consolaretur  ea  quam  ex  re  publica  conse 
quebantur.     2.    Mihi  autem,   amissis   ornamentis    iis    quae    ipse 
commemoras   quaeque   eram   maximis   laboribus   adeptus,    unum 
manebat  illud  solacium  quod  ereptum  est.    Non  amicorum  negotiis, 
non  rei  publicae  procuratione  impediebantur  cogitationes  meae ; 
nihil  in  foro  agere  libebat ;  aspicere  curiam  non  poteram ;  existi- 
mabam,  id   quod   erat,   omnis  me  et  industriae   meae  fructus  et 


loss  precluded  emotions  of  actual  delight, 
he  uses  scilicet,  '  of  course.' 

societas  paene  aegritudinis]  '  not  only 
your  language  and  your  (I  might  almost 
say)  fellowship  in  sorrow,  but  also  your 
weighty  judgment  brings  me  consolation.' 

opprimor']  cp.  Lactantius  Inst.  Div. 
iii.  28,  9,  M . Tullius  in sua  Consolatione 
pugnasse  se  semper  contra  fortunam  loqui- 
tur eamque  a  se  esse  superatam  cum  foriiter 
inimicorum  impetus  rettudisset :  ne  turn 
quidem  se  db  ea  fractum  cum  domo  pulsus 
patria  caruerit :  turn  autem,  cum  amiserit 
carissimamjiliam,  victum  se  a  fortuna  tur- 
yiter  confitetur.  Cedo,  inquit^et  manttm 
tollo. 

Q.  Maximus]  the  Cunctator  :  cp.  De 
Sen.  12  ;  Tusc.  iii.  70.  His  son  was  consul 
in  213  with  Tib.  Sempronius  Gracchus, 
and  recovered  Arpi  (Liv.  xxiv.  45ff.). 
When  young  Fabius  died,  his  father  spoke 
the  funeral  oration,  and  afterwards  pub- 
lished it(Plut.  Fab.  24). 

clarum  virum  et  magnis  rebus  gestis~\ 
For  the  ablative  of  quality  put  in  con- 
junction with  adjectives,  Hofmann  com- 
pares Fam.  iv.  13,  3  (483),  P.  Nigidio, 
uni  omnium  doctissimo  et  sanctissimo  et 
maxima  quondam  gratia  et  mihi  certe 
amicisnimo  ;  Fam.  xvi.  4,  2  (288);  Att. 
viii.  11  B.  1  (327),  virum  for  tern  et  cum 
auctoritate.  For  similar  '  euthetic '  abla- 
tives, without  any  appellatives,  see 


Holden  on  Plane.  52,  and  Public  School 
Latin  Grammar,  p.  415. 

L.  Paullus']  defeated  Perseus  atPydna. 
He  lost  his  two  sons  just  at  the  time  of 
his  triumph.  See  the  dramatic  story  in 
Veil.  i.  10. 

vester  Gallus]  Mommsen  (Rom.  Forsch. 
p.  119)  reads  Galus,  but  see  Reid's 
critical  note  on  Lael.  9.  C.  Sulpicius 
Gallus  commanded  in  the  war  against 
Perseus  (Off.  i.  19,  and  Holden's  note), 
and  foretold  an  eclipse  of  the  moon.  He' 
is  also  mentioned  with  Paullus  in  Lael.  9, 
as  having  lost  a  son  in  a  tragic  manner. 
Cicero  says  vester  because  Gallus  belonged 
to  the  gens  Sulpicia. 

filiuni]  M.  Cato  lost  his  son  Cato 
Licinianus  in  152,  the  year  in  which  the 
latter  was  praetor  designatus :  Tusc.  iii. 
70  ;  Lael.  9  ;  De  Sen.  84. 

ipsorum]  4  their  personal  grief  was 
assuaged  by  the  dignity  they  obtained  in 
public  life.' 

2.  ornamentis']  cp.  Fam.  iv.  5,  5  (555), 
te,  patrem  suum,  praetorem  consulem  augn- 
rem  vidisse. 

impediebantur]  '  were  diverted,"  '  dis- 
tracted.' 

nihil  in  foro  agere  libebat]  '  I  did  not 
care  to  practise  in  the  courts.'  For  foro 
and  curiam,  the  two  chief  branches  of 
public  life  for  Cicero,  cp.  587.  4. 

id  quod  erat]     *  as  was  the  case,'  cp. 


JSP.  5U  (FAM.  IV.  6).  57 

fortunae  perdidisse.  Sed,  cum  cogitarem  haec  mihi  tecum  et  cum 
quibusdam  esse  communia,  et  cum  frangerem  iam  ipse  me 
cogeremque  ilia  ferre  toleranter,  habebam  quo  confugerem,  ubi 
conquiescerem,  cuius  in  sermone  et  auavitate  omnis  curas  doloresque 
deponerem  :  nunc  autem  hoc  tarn  gravi  vulnere  etiam  ilia  quae 
consanuisse  videbautur  recrudescunt ;  non  enim,  ut  turn  me  a  re 
publica  maestum  domus  excipiebat  quae  levaret,  sic  nunc  domo 
maerens  ad  rem  publicam  confugere  possum  ut  in  eius  bonis 
adquiescam.  Itaque  et  domo  absum  et  foro,  quod  nee  eum  dolorem 
quern  de  re  publica  capio  domus  iam  consolari  potest  nee 
domesticum  res  publica.  3.  Quo  magis  te  exspecto  teque  videre 
quam  primum  cupio.  Mains  mihi  solacium  adferre  ratio  nulla 
potest  quam  coniunctio  consuetudinis  sermonumque  nostrorum  ; 
quamquam  sperabam  tuum  adventum — sic  enim  audiebam — 
adpropinquare.  Ego  autem  cum  multis  de  causis  te  exopto 
quam  primum  videre,  turn  etiam  ut  ante  commentemur  inter 
nos  qua  ratione  nobis  traducendum  sit  hoc  tempus,  quod  est  totum 
ad  unius  voluntatem  accommodandum  et  prudentis  et  liberalis  et, 
ut  perspexisse  videor,  nee  a  me  alieni  et  tibi  amicissimi.  Quod 

Catull.  x.  9,  Eespondi  id  quod  erat,  nihil  Sat.  ii.  2.   10,  equove  lassua  ab  indomito, 

neque  ipsis  \  nee  praetoribus  essence  cohorti,  where     Palmer   quotes    Ov.    Heroid.    x. 

where    Ellis    compares    Caes.    B.G.    iv.  138,  et  tunicas  lacrimis,  sicut  ab  imbre, 

32,  2.  graves. 

frangerem  ...  me~]  '  was  crushing  down  de    re    publica]    So    GR.     See    Adn. 

my  sorrow.'     This  use  of  frangere  = '  to  Grit. 

conquer  '  is  quite  common  :  cp.  Cat.  i.  22  ;  3.  Mains   solacium   adferre  ratio  nulla 

as  we  talk  of  breaking  a  person's  spirit,  potest]     So  GR.     This  reading  is  rightly 

breaking  in  a  horse.  defended  by  Streicher  (pp.  150-1).     '  No 

toleranter]    'patiently'  :  Tusc.  ii.  43.  philosophical  system  can  bring  me  greater 

habebam  .  .  .  deponerem]  '  I  had  a  refuge  comfort  than  the  interchange  of  friendly 

and   a  resting-place  by  the  side  of  one  intercourse  and  conversation.'     From  the 

under  the  influence  of  whose  gentle  words  corrupt  reading  of  M,   maior  mihi  vatio 

and  sweet  nature  I  used  to  lay  aside  all  mihi  adferre,  the  ordinary  reading,  maior 

my  cares  and  griefs.'  mihi  levatio  adferri,  has  been  educed.  See 

recrudescunt:}  '  begin  to  smart  afresh,'  Adn.  Grit. 

4  begin   again  to  rankle'  :  vulnere  abl.  of  quamquam]  '  and  yet  (though  I  say  I 

cause.     For   vulnus  applied  to  the  death  am   expecting   you),    I    am  hoping  that 

of  Tullia  cp.  Acad.  i.  11.  your  arrival  is,  as  I  am  informed  it  is,  in 

non  enim  .  .  .  adquiescani]    '  For  all  is  the  near  future.'     For  this  use  of  quam- 

changed  :  then   when   I   came   back  sad  quam,  cp.  Fam.  i.  7,  7(114);  Att.  ii.  1, 

from    affairs    of    state,  a  home  used  to  2  (27),  and  Dr.  Reid  on  Mil.  6, who  notices 

welcome  me — a  home  that  could  comfort  that   etsi  is  used  at  the  beginning  of  a 

me  :  but  in  my  present  sorrow  I  cannot  sentence    in   a    similar    sense,    but   not 

thus   fly   for   refuge    from  my  home  to  quamvis. 

public  affairs  with  the  prospect  of  attain-  a  me  alieni']     alienus  in  Cicero,  when  it 

ing    to    calmness    in    their     prosperous  means  *  hostile  to  '  (of  persons),  takes  a 

course.'     For  the  subj.   levaret  cp.  note  with  abl.  :  when  '  adverse  to '  (of  things) 

to  587.  4.  For  a  rep.  maestum.  cp.  Hor.  the  dat.  ;  Att.  i.  1,  1  (10).     If  it  means 


58  JSP.   575  (FAM.   VI.  2). 

cum  ita  sit,  magnae  tamen  est  deliberation  is  quae  ratio  siti 
ineunda  nobis  non  agendi  aliquid,  sed  illius  concessu  et  beiieficio 
quiescendi.  Vale. 


575.     CICEEO  TO  AULUS  TOKQUATUS  (FAM.  vi.  2). 

FICULEA  ;  APRIL  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.    CIC.  61. 

M.  Cicero  se  excusat  quod  rarius  scripserit  et  A.  Torquatum  consolatur  eo  quodl 
eum  aut  meliora  tempora  exspectare  iubet  aut  communem  omnium  calamitatem  aequo 
animo  ferre. 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  A.  TORQUATO. 

I.  Peto  a  te  ne  me  putes  oblivione  tui  rarias  ad  te  scribere 
quam  solebam,  sed  aut  gravitate  valetudinis,  qua  tamen  iam 
paulum  videor  levari,  aut  quod  absim  ab  urbe,  ut  qui  ad  te  pro- 
ficiscantur  scire  non  possim  ;  qua  re  velim  ita  statutum  habeas  me 
tui  memoriam  cum  summa  benevolentia  tenere  tuasque  omnis  res 
iion  minori  mihi  curae  quam  meas  esse.  2.  Quod  maiore  in  varietate 
versata  est  adhuc  tua  causa  quam  homines  aut  volebant  aut 
opinabantur,  mihi  crede,  non  est  pro  malis  temporum  quod  moleste 
feras ;  necesse  est  enim  aut  armis  urgeri  rem  publicam  sempiternis 

'alien  from,'    'contradictory  to,'  and  is  1.  valetudinis']     An   illness   caused  by] 

used  of   things,  it   generally   takes   the  his  grief  for  Tullia. 

simple  abl.,    sometimes  the  genit.    (e.g.  absim]     The   subjunctive,   as    Watsottj 

Acad.  i.  42;  Fin.  i.   11),  rarely  a  with  points  out,  is  used  because  the  absence  of1 

abl.  as  in  Att.  xvi.  3,  4  (773).     '  Cicero  from  Rome  is  represented  as  a  sup-  i 

agendi  aliquid}  Dr.  Reid,  on  De  Sen.  26,  position  in  the  mind  of  Torquatus,  not  as  i 

has   the  following  valuable  note  : — "  As  an  actual  fact. 

Cicero  very  rarely  uses  absolutely  (like  2.  in  varittate]  '  that  your  case  has 
our  phrase  '  to  act ')  the  finite  tenses  and  been,  and  still  is,  subject  to  greater  flue- 
infinitives  of  the  verb  agere,  so  with  the  tuations  of  treatment'  Caesar  did  not 
participles  active  and  the  gerund  an  grant  complete  pardon  to  Torquatus  all  at 
accusative  (often  aliquid)  is  generally  once.  About  this  time  he  allowed  him  to 
added :  cp.%  Acad.  i.  23,  ii.  25,  37  ;  Off.  return  to  Italy  (cp.  a  guibus  reciperis, 
iii.  102;  Fam.  iv.  6,  3;  Liv.  i.  21,  1.  below),  but  not  to  Rome:  cp.  §  3,  quo 
It  is  omitted  in  N.  D.  ii.  132;  Off.  i.  157,  veniam  ;  also  Att.  xiii.  9.  1  (623),  com- 
ii.  3;  De  (hat.  iii.  118:  Acad.  ii.  22;  pared  with  20,  1  (634),  21,  2  (652). 
Veil.  ii.  88,2.  Sometimes  as  in  Off.  i.  Manutius  interprets  4  that  your  position  is  \ 
160  (agere  considerate),  an  adverb  supplies  very  different  from  what  the  public  wish 
the  place  of  the  accusative."  Translate,  and  think  it  should  be.' 
4  how  we  should  order,  I  do  not  say  our  non  est  pro  malis]  'There  is  no  reason, 
action,  but  the  course  of  that  leisure  considering  the  sad  state  of  public  affairs, 
which  his  kind  permission  allows  us.'  for  you  to  be/listressed.' 


EP.  575  (FAM.   VI.  2).  59 

uit  bis  positis  recreari  aliquando  aut  funditus  interire.  Si  arma 
ralebunt,  nee  eos  a  quibus  reciperis  vereri  debes  nee  eos  quos 
idiuvisti ;  si  armis  aut  condicione  positis  aut  defetigatione  abiectis 
suit  victoria  detractis  civitas  respiraverit,  et  dignitate  tua  frui  tibi 
st  fortunis  licebit ;  sin  omuino  interierint  omnia  f ueritque  is  exitus 
[uem  vir  prudentissimus,  M.  Antonius,  iam  turn  timebat  cum 
antum  instare  malorum  suspicabatur,  misera  est  ilia  quidem  con- 
olatio,  tali  praesertim  civi  et  viro,  sed  tarn  en  necessaria,  nihil 
asse  praecipue  cuiquam  dolendum  in  eo  quod  accidat  universis. 
3.  Quae  vis  insit  in  bis  paucis  verbis — plura  enim  committenda 
)pistulae  non  erant — si  attendes,  quod  facis,  profecto  etiam  sine 
meis  litteris  intelleges  te  aliquid  babere  quod  speres,  nibil  quod 
iut  boc  aut  aliquo  rei  publicae  statu  timeas  ;  omnia  si  interierint, 
sum  superstitem  te  esse  rei  publicae  ne  si  liceat  quidem  velis^ 
!erendam  esse  fortunam,  praesertim  quae  absit  a  culpa.  Sed  haec 
lactenus.  Tu  velim  scribas  ad  me  quid  agas  et  ubi  f  uturus  sis,  ut 
lut  quo  scribam  aut  quo  veniam  scire  possim. 

recreari}  '  gain  new  life.'  M.  Antonius]  the  orator:  cp.  De  Orat. 

Si  arma  valebunt]     '  If  the  war  shall  i.  26,  Quo  quidem  sermone  multa  divinitus 

sontinue  to  prevail,  you  ought  not  to  fear  a  tribus  illis  consularibus  (sc.  L.  Crassus, 

hose  hy  whom  you"  are   being  received  Q.  Mucius,  M.  Antonius)  Gotta,  deplorata 

nto  favour  [sc.  the  Caesarians],  nor  those  et  commemorata  narrabat  ut  nihil  incidisset 

o  whom  you    have   lent   aid '    [sc.  the  posiea  civitati  mali  quod  non  impendere  illi 

Pompeians].     It   is   highly  questionable,  tanto  ante  vidissent. 
is  Watson  says,  whether  the   Pompeians  3.  ferendam  esse]     sc.  intelleges. 

would,   if  victorious,    regard    Torquatus          praesertim   quae]     It   is    rare    to   find 

with  favour,  as  he  had  made  overtures  to,  quae  instead  of  cum  after  praesertim  :  cp. 

and  received  favours  from,  the  Caesarians.  Sull.  6.     Nemo,  ne  hie  quidem  Hortensius, 

eondicione']  '  on  terms  '   cp.  Att.  xi.  12,  praesertim  qui  ilium  solus  antea  de  ambitu 

3  (427),  quam  (Africam)  quidem  tu  scribis  defendisset:  Fam.    vi.   19,  2  (648),  prae- 

tonfirmari  cotidie  magis  ad  condicionis  spem  sertim  qui  nihil  adferat. 
quam  victoriae  culpa]  a  stock  form  of  consolation,  cp. 

et  dignitate']   Watson  quotes  Fam.  vi.  1,  573.  2:  645.  3,  also  Fam.  vi.  1,  4  (538), 

6    (538),    ne.c   dttbitare  quin   aut  reparata  nihil  in   vita  nobis  praestandum  praeter 

nliqua  re  publica   sis  is  fiiturus   qui  esse  culpam,  and  elsewhere. 
debes,  autperdita  non  adflictiore  condicione 
quam  ceteri. 


60  EP.  576  (FAM.  IX.  11). 

576.     CICERO  TO  DOLABELLA  (FAM.  ix.  n). 
FICULEA;  END  OF  APRIL  ;  A.  u.  c.  709  ;  B.  c.  45  ;  AET.  cic.  61. 

M.  Cicero,  acceptis  post  mortem  Tulliae  a  P.  Dolabella  litteris,  responded 
amanter  et  spem  significat  fore  ut  Dolabellam  mox  convenire  eiusque  consuetudine 
ipse  se  confirmare  possit. 

CICERO  DOLABELLAE  S. 

1.  Vel  meo  ipsius  interitu  mallem  litteras  meas  desideraresi 
quam  eo  casu  quo  sum  gravissirae  adflictus ;  quern  ferrem  certe 
moderatius,  si  te  haberem  ;  iiam  et  oratio  tua  prudens  et  amor 
erga  me  singularis  multum  levaret.  Sed  quoniam  brevi  tempore, 
ut  opinio  nostra  est,  te  sum  visurus,  ita  me  adfeoturn  offendes  ut 
multum  a  te  possim  iuvari,  non  quo  ita  sirn  f ractus  ut  aut  hominem 
me  esse  oblitus  sim  aut  fortunae  succumbendum  putem,  sed  tamen 
hilaritas  ilia  nostra  et  suavitas  quae  te  praeter  ceteros  delectabat 
erepta  mihi  omnis  est ;  firmitatem  tamen  et  constantiam,  si  modo 
fuit  aliquando  in  nobis,  eandem  cognosces  quam  reliquisti.  2.  Quod 
scribis  proelia  te  mea  causa  sustinere,  non  tarn  id  laboro  ut  si  qui 
mihi  obtrectent  a  te  ref utentur  quam  intellegi  cupio,  quod  certe 
intellegitur,  me  a  te  amari.  Quod  ut  facias,  te  etiam  atque  etiam 
rogo  ignoscasque  brevitati  litterarum  mearum  ;  nam  et  celeriter 
una  futures  nos  arbitror  et  noudum  satis  sum  confirmatus  ad 
scribendum. 

This   letter  is   a  striking  proof  that   a  firmitatem  . . .  et  constantiam]  'fortitude 

divorce  did  not  necessarily  cause  a  breach  and  resolution '  :  cp.  Att.  xii.  40,  3  (584), 

of  friendship  between  families.   Dolabella  hilaritatem  illam  qua  hanc  tristitiam  tern- 

was  at  this  time  with   Caesar  in  Spain.  porum   eondiebam    in    perpetuum    amisi : 

As    Cicero   says  that   he   expects  to   see  constantia  etfrmitas  nee  animi  nee  oratio- 

Dolabella  soon,  it  is  probable  that    this  nis  requiretur. 

letter  was  written  after  the  news  of   the  2.   Quod . . .  amari]  '  As  to  your  remark 

battle  of  Munda  had  reached  Rome,  that  that  you  have  to  do  battle  on  my  behalf, 

is,  after  the  day  before  the  Parilia,  viz.  my   feelings  are   not  so   much   those   of 

April  20  (Dio  Cass.  xliii.  42,  3).  anxiety  that  my  detractors  may  be  crushed 

1.  eo  casu]   i.e.  the  death  of  Tullia.  by  you  as  desire  that  men  may  observe, 

levaret]    '  would  have  given  much  re-  as  they  do  observe,  that  you  feel  affection 

lief.'      No   accusative   is   required  :    cp.  for  me.'     Dolabella  had  to  defend  Cicero 

Lebreton,p.  161  fin.  For  lev  are  cp.  575.  1.  against   the   attacks   of  young  Quintus  : 

ita  me  adfectum~\     'in  such  a  state  of  cp.  681.  2,  Asinius  Pollio  ad  me  scripsit 

mind  as  to  admit  of  my  receiving  much  de  impuro   nostro  cognato  ;    quod  Jlalbus 

assistance  from  you.'  minor    nuper    satis   plane,    Dolabella 

hominem]      cp.  555.  4  fin.  and  note  to  obscure,   hie   apertissime.     For  proelia 

132.  4.  in  this  sense  Bockel  compares  Att.  i.  16, 

hilaritas  .  .  .  suavitas]     'gaiety,'  ...  1  (~"2),  vehementer proeliatus  sum. 
'pleasantness,'  'charm.' 


JSP.  577  (ATT.  XII.  35,  §  2).  61 


577.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  35,  §  2). 

STCCA'S    SUBURBAN    VILLA  ;    MAY    1    (EVENING),  OR    MAY    2 

(MORNING)  ;  A.  u.  c.  709  ;  B.  c.  45  ;  AET.  cic.  ei. 

De  fano  Tulliae  aedificando. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

2.  Ante  quam  a  te  proxime  discessi,  numquam  mihi  venit  in 
Ben  tern,  quo  plus  insumptum  in  monumentum  esset  quam  nescio 
juid  quod  lege  conceditur,  tantumdem  populo  dandum  esse  :  quod 
aon  magno  opere  moveret,  nisi  nescio  quo  modo,  aAcrywe  fortasse, 
nollem  illud  ullo  nomine  nisi  fani  appellari.  Quod  si  volumus, 
pereor  ne  adsequi  non  possimus  nisi  mutato  loco.  Hoc  quale  sit, 
juaeso,  considera.  Nam  etsi  minus  urgeor  meque  ipse  prope- 
modum  collegi,  tamen  indigeo  tui  consili.  Itaque  te  vehementer 
etiam  atque  etiam  rogo,  magis  quam  a  me  vis  aut  pateris  te  rogari, 
ut  hanc  cogitationem  toto  pectore  amplectare. 


Cicero  was  now  on  his  way  back  to 
Astura,  where  lie  remained  till  May  16. 

2.  quod  leye  conceditur}  This  was  a 
sumptuary  law  limiting  the  expenditure 
on  obsequies,  by  an  enactment  that  a  sum 
equal  to  the  excess  over  the  prescribed 
imit  (if  exceeded)  should  be  presented 
as  a  donation  to  the  people.  Whether 
this  was  one  of  Caesar's  laws  is  uncertain. 
Boot  and  Holden  are  disposed  to  refer  it  to 
Sulla,  because  Plutarch  (Sulla,  c.  35)  says 
that,  on  the  death  of  his  wife,  Metella, 
Sulla  '  broke  his  own  law  limiting  the 
expenditure  on  funerals,'  rbv  Se  TTJS 

fyys  opi&vra.  TT}V   Sairdvrjv  VO/JLOV  avrbs 


moveret,  nisi  .  .  .  nollem}  There  seems 
to  be  a  difficulty  here  which  editors  have 
not  noticed.  Cicero's  meaning  here  is 
that  which  is  more  clearly  expressed  in 
the  next  letter.  He  does  not  wish  the 
structure  to  be  regarded  as  a  monument, 
a  mausoleum.  He  desires  it  to  be  con- 
sidered a  shrine  in  honour  of  his  dead 
daughter,  whom  he  wishes  to  deify  as 
much  as  may  be  (ut  quam  maxime  ad- 
sequar  airoQeaxriv}.  He  would  rather 
avoid  the  appearance  of  a  tomb  or  sepul- 
chral monument,  not  in  order  to  evade 


the  tax  imposed  by  the  sumptuary  law, 
but  to  prevent  its  being  regarded  as 
a  mausoleum  rather  than  a  shrine  or 
chapel.  He  fears  that  his  desire  to  make 
the  monument  a  shrine  rather  than  a 
mausoleum  will  be  misconstrued  as  an 
attempt  to  evade  the  tax;  cp.  note  to 
578.  1  fin.  There  is  no  need  to  add  me 
before  moveret:  cp.  Att.  ix.  5.  2  (359), 
and  Lebreton,  p.  162  :  also  levaret  576. 1. 

nisi  mutato  loco}  In  the  transtiberine 
gardens,  where  he  now  thought  of  erecting 
the  fane,  there  were  already  many  monu- 
ments. The  shrine  would  then  come  to  be 
looked  on  as  a  monument  or  cenotaph,  not 
as  a  shrine. 

urgeor}  '  I  feel  less  the  burden  of 
grief,  and  have  nearly  regained  my  com- 
posure' (pulled  myself  together):  cp. 
De  Orat.  i.  260  orator  in  hoc  uno  opere,  ut 
ita  dicam,  noctis  et  dies  urgeatur,  feel,  *  if 
I  may  so  say,  the  burden  of  this  work.' 

magis  quam  .  .  .  rogari~\  Atticus  had, 
no  doubt,  written  to  Cicero  that  he  thought 
such  emphasis  in  urging  on  him  the  con- 
sideration of  his  affairs  almost  amounted 
to  a  charge  of  indifference ;  hence  *  more 
earnestly  than  you  wish  or  permit  me  ta 
beseech  you.'  Boot  refers  to  Fam.  iii. 


62 


EP.  578  (ATT.  XII. 


578.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  36). 

ASTURA  J    MAY  3  J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  fano  aedificando  et  de  lege  sumptuaria  de  sepulcris,  de  Bruto  qui  in  Cumano 
ease  noluerit. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Fan  urn  fieri  volo,  neque  hoc  mihi  erui  potest.  Sepulori 
similitudinem  effugere  non  tarn  propter  poenam  legis  studeo 
qnam  ut  maxime  adsequar  airoOluaiv  :  quo$  poteram,  si  in  ipsa 
villa  facerera,  sed,  ut  saepe  locuti  sumus,  commutationes  domi- 
norum  reforraido.  In  agro  ubicumque  fecero,  mihi  videor  adsequi 
posse  ut  posteritas  habeat  religionem.  Hae  meae  tibi  ineptiae — 
fateor  enira — ferendae  sunt.  Nam  habeo  ne  me  quidera  ipsum 
quicum  tarn  audacter  communicem  quam  te.  Sin  tibi  res,  si 
locus,  si  institution  placet,  lege,  quaeso,  legem  mihique  earn  mitte. 
Si  quid  in  mentem  veniet  quo  modo  earn  effugere  possimus, 
utemur.  2.  Ad  Brutum  si  quid  scribes,  nisi  alienum  putabis,  obiur- 
gato  eum  quod  in  Cumano  esse  noluerit  propter  earn  causam 
quam  tibi  dixit.  Cogitanti  enim  mihi  nihil  tarn  videtur  potuisse 
facere  rustice.  3.  Et,  si  tibi  placebit  sic  agere  de  fano  ut 


10,  2  (261),  where  Cicero  makes  a  similar 
remark  to  Appius,  Q.  Servilius  perbrevis 
mihi  a  te  litteras  reddidit,  quae  mihi  tamen 
nimis  longaevisae  sunt,  iniuriam  enim  mihi 
Jieri  putabam,  cum  rogabar.  .  .  .  Si  quid  a 
me  praetermissum  erit,  commissum  f acinus 
et  admissnm  dedecus  conjitebor. 

1.  erui}  Ermre  in  Cicero  invariably 
means  to  '  dig  out,'  *  dig  up,'  as,  for  in- 
stance, some  hidden  piece  of  knowledge  or 
information.  Here,  if  it  is  sound,  it  must 
mean  '  to  eradicate.'  It  is  easy  to  read 
eripi  or  exui,  which  have  been  suggested : 
but  it  is,  on  the  other  hand,  quite  possible 
that  Cicero  here,  in  a  letter,  used  the  verb 
in  a  sense  not  elsewhere  found  in  his 
works,but  nearly,  if  not  exactly,  paralleled 
in  the  usage  of  other  writers. 

airoBeuffiv}     See  on  last  letter. 

in  ipsa  villa]  the  Tusculan  villa  where 
Tullia  died.  " 

habeat  religionem]  '  shall  regard  it  as 
hallowed,'  *  maintain  its  sanctitv.' 


ineptiae}     (  hobby, '  '  f  ad . ' 

habeo  ne  me  quidem  ipsum}  This  would 
be  a  good  motto  for  the  whole  of  the 
letters  to  Atticus.  It  is  quite  true,  and  is 
that  which  constitutes  their  unrivalled 
value  as  materials  for  history  and  bio- 
graphy. 

res,  locus,  institutum}  '  the  project  (ol 
erecting  a  shrine),  the  place  (in  which  it 
is  to  be  erected),  and  the  plan  (or  model 
of  the  architect  Cluatius)'.  Institutum 
means  much  the  same  as  genus  in  Ep. 
549.  1. 

effugere}  In  577.  2  Cic.  seems  to  have 
considered  that  the  law  did  not  apply  to  a 
shrine,  but  only  to  a  mausoleum  ;  and  his 
wish  to  erect-the  former  and  not  the  latter 
would  be  put  down  to  a  desire  to  evade 
the  tax.  Here  he  seems  to  think  that  it 
is  applicable  even  in  the  case  of  a  shrinet 
If  not,  this  can  only  mean  that  Att.  is  to 
try  to  think  of  some  excuse  when  the 
charge  of  desire  to  evade  the  tax  is  made. 

2.  rustice}     '  nothing  could  have  beea 


EP.  579  (ATT.  XII.  37,  §§  1-3).  63 

coepimus,  velim  cohortere  et  exacuas  Cluatium  :  nam,  etiam  si 
alio  loco  placebit,  illius  nobis  opera  consilioque  utendum  puto. 
Tu  ad  villam  fortasse  eras. 


579.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  37,  §§  1-3). 

ASTURA  ;    MAY  4  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ',    B.  C.  45  ',    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Attici  epistulis  a  se  acceptis,  de  litteris  Bruti  et  suis  ad  eum  scriptis,  de  hortis 
fani  causa  emendis,  de  Terentia. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Ate  heri  duas  epistulas accepi,  alteram  pridie  datam  Hilaro, 
alteram  eodem  die  tabellario,  accepique  ab  Aegypta  liberto  eodem 
die  Piliam  et  Atticam  plane  belle  se  habere.  Quod  mihi  Bruti 
litteras,  gratum.  Ad  me  quoque  misit;  quae  litterae  mihi 
redditae  sunt  tertio  decimo  die.  Earn  ipsam  ad  te  epistulam  misi 
et  ad  earn  exemplum  mearum  litterarum.  2.  De  fano,  si  nihil  mihi 
hortorum  invenis,  qui  quidem  tibi  inveniendi  sunt,  si  me  tanti 
facis  quanti  certe  facis,  valde  probo  rationem  tuam  de  Tusoulano. 
Uuamvis  prudens  ad  cogitandum  sis,  sicut  es,  tamen,  nisi  magnae 
curae  tibi  esset  ut  ego  consequerer  id  quod  magno  opere  vellem, 
numquam  ea  res  tibi  tarn  belle  in  mentem  venire  potuisset.  Sed 
nescio  quo  pacto  celebritatem  requiro.  Itaque  hortos  mihi  conficias 
necesse  est.  Maxima  est  in  Scapulae  celebritas,  propinquitas 
praeterea  urbis,  ne  totum  diem  in  villa.  Qua  re,  ante  quam 

ruder.'  We  have  no  indication  in  what  the  to  the  one  Cicero  wrote   on  March   11 

rudeness  consisted.     But  Cic.  and  Brutus  (549.  2).     Schiche  leaves  the  words  in 

did  not  enjoy  one  another's   company :  their  place,   and    alters    decimo  into  de 

cp.  637.  1.  Cumano. 

3.  Cluatium]     Cp.  549.  1.  ad  te .  .  .  misi}  These  words  go  together. 

ad  villam]     some  place   in  the  neigh-  ad  earn  .  .  .  litterarum']    '  a  copy  of  my 

bourhood  of  Rome.     The  words  broadly  reply  to  it.' 

mean,  '  to  the  country '  in  the  Letters.  2.  urbis]     So  Fr.  Schmidt  for  ubi  sis  of 

eras']     sc.  ibis.  the  MSS.  Dr.  Reid  (Hermathena  x.,p.  138) 

interprets  the  MSS  reading  'the  nearness 

1.  litteras]      sc.    misisti,    a     common  of  your   residence':  noting  that   one  of 

ellipse:  cp.  581.  1.  the  advantages  of  the  horti  of   Scapula 

tertio  decimo  die~\      the  13th  day  after  was  that  Att.  had  a  residence  close  by. 

it  was  written.  These  words,  which  stand  But  that  is  not   dwelt  on  elsewhere:  as 

in  the  MSS  after  habere,  we  have  transposed  regards  630.  2   (propinquitas),  Cicero  in 

with  Schmidt  (p.  280),  so  that  they  should  Arpinum  is  complaining  that  he  is  so  far 

refer  to  a  letter  from  Brutus,  who  was  at  from  Atticus  in  Rome  that  he  does  not  get 

this  time  in  Cisalpine  Gaul.    He  supposes  as  much  information  as  he  would  wish, 

this    letter   of   Brutus  to  be   in    answer  ne  totum  diem  in  villa"]   sc.  sis  or  ponas, 


64 


EP.  580  (ATT.  XII.  37,  §  4). 


discedis,  Othonem,  si  Eomae  est,  convenias  pervelim.  Si  nihil 
erit,  etsi  tu  meam  stultitiam  consuesti  ferre,  eo  tamen  progrediar 
ut  mi  stomachere.  Drusus  enim  certe  vendere  vult.  Si  ergo 
aliud  erit,  non  mea  erit  culpa  nisi  emero:  qua  in  re  ne  labar, 
quaeso,  provide.  Providendi  autem  una  ratio  est,  si  quid  de' 
Scapulanis  possuraus.  Et  velim  me  certiorem  facias  quam  diu  in 
suburbano  sis  futurus.  3.  Apud  Terentiam  tarn  gratia  opus  est 
nobis  tua  quam  auctoritate.  Sed  facies  ut  videbitur.  Scio  enim, 
si  quid  mea  intersit,  tibi  maiori  curae  solere  esse  quam  mihi. 


580.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xii.  37,  §  4). 

ASTURA  ;    MAY  5  J    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J     AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Hirtii  litteris,  de  rebus  Hispanicis,  de  Caninii  naufragio. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

4.  Hirtius  ad  me  scripsit  Sex.  Pompeium  Corduba  exisse  etj 
fugisse  in  Hispaniam   citeriorem,  Gnaeum  fugisse    nescio   quo  :j 


'  that  you  may  not  have  to  spend  a  whole 
day  at  the  villa,'  as  he  would  be  compelled 
to  do  if  he  had  to  go  to  Tusculum,  fifteen 
miles  away.  A  visit  would  cost  him  a 
whole  day,  for  he  would  have  to  give  his 
horses  a  rest.  The  MSB  give  villam  :  but 
we  doubt  if  such  an  ellipse  as  eundo  con- 
numas  is  possible.  If  it  is,  the  sense  is  of 
course  admirable,  '  that  I  may  not  have  to 
spend  a  whole  day  by  going  down  to  Tus- 
culum.' The  passage  is  to  be  compared 
with  590.  2,  seder -e  totos  dies  in  villa ! 
where  see  note. 

Othonem]     one  of  the  heirs  of  Scapula. 

eo  tamen  .  .  .  stomachere]  4 1  shall  be 
so  insistent  as  to  make  you  angry,'  for 
Att.  did  not  approve  of  Cicero  buying  the 
expensive  (cp.  691.  1)  gardens  of  Drusus, 
cp.  582.  4.  Cic.  was  very  urgent  in  this 
matter:  cp.  588.  2,  incursabit  in  te  dolor 
metts. 

Si  ergo  aliud  erit,  non  mea  erit  culpa] 
i.e.  it  will  be  your  fault  if  you  do  not 
secure  that  other  property,  cp.  582.  4, 
De  Drusi  hortis,  quamvis  ab  Us  abhorreas, 
ut  scribis,  tamen  eo  confugiam,  nisi  quid 
inveneris :  cp.  591.  1.  There  is  no  need 


for  transposition  of  non  so  as  to  read  *i| 
ergo  aliud  non  erit,  mea  erit  culpa. 

tarn]  "We  have  added  this  word,  which] 
might  readily  have  fallen  out  after  TerenA 
tiam.  The  MSS  reading  is  explained  byj 
Lehmann  (p.  134),  and  Schmalz  (Antib.1 
ii.  311),  by  supposing  an  ellipse  of  potius 
before  quam.  But  this  usage  is  very 
questionable  in  Cic.,  though  it  is  often 
found  in  the  Comedies,  e.g.  Plaut.  Men. 
726  :  Bacch.  618  :  Rud.  684,  and  in  otheifl 
authors,  e.g.  Sail.  Cat.  8  :  Tac.  Ann.  iii.J 
17.  See  Adn.  Grit.  For  auctoritas  and 
gratia  found  together  (cp.  584.  2V 
Lehmann  quotes  Fam.  vi.  12.  2  (490)5' 
ix.  25.  3  (246)  auctoritate  tua  nobis  opus 
est  et  consilio  et  etiam  gratia. 

4.  Schmidt  rightly  makes  this  a  new 
letter. 

Gnaeum]  The  end  of  Gnaeus  Pompeius 
is  thus  described  by  Appian  (ii.  105) ;' 
"  Pompeius  fled  with  150  horsemen- 
from  the  battlefield  where  he  waf 
defeated  (Munda)  to  Carteia,  where  htf 
had  a  fleet. .  .  .  When  he  saw  that  th« 
men  here  despaired  of  their  safety,  he* 


JSP.  581  (ATT.  XII.  38,  §§  7,  2). 


65 


jneque  enim  euro.  Nibil  praeterea  novi.  Litteras  Narbone  dedit 
jxim.  Kal.  Mai.  Tu  mihi  de  Canini  naufragio  quasi  dubia 
Unsisti.  Scribas  igitur,  si  quid  erit  certius.  Quod  me  a  maestitia 
kvocas,  multum  levaris,  si  locum  fano  dederis.  Multa  mibi  sic; 
fiiroOewatv  in  mentem  veniunt,  sed  loco  valde  opus  est.  Qua  re 
etium  Otlionem  vide. 


581.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  38,  §§  i,  2). 
ASTURA;    MAY  G;  A.  u.  c.  709;    B.  c.  45;  AET.  cic.  ei. 

De  Attici  occupationibus,  de  Quinti  filii  scelere. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Non  dubito  quiu  occupatissimus  fueris,  qui  ad  me  nihil 
jtitterarum :  sed  homo  nequum,  qui  tuum  commodum  non  exspec- 
jtarit,  cum  ob  earn  unam  causam  missus  esset!  Nuuo  quidem, 
nisi  quid  te  tenuit,  suspicor  te  esse  in  suburbano.  At  ego 
jhic  scribendo  dies  totos  nihil  equidern  levor,  sed  tamen  aberro. 
2.  Asinius  Pollio  ad  me  scripsit  de  impuro  nostro  cognato.  Quod 
Balbus  minor  nuper  satis  plane,  Dolabella  obscure,  hie  apertissime. 


'eared  lest  lie  should  be  delivered  up,  and 
ook  to  flight  again.  While  going  on 
>oard  a  small  boat  his  foot  got  entangled 
n  a  rope,  and  a  man  who  made  a  stroke 
it  the  rope  with  a  sword  cut  the  sole  of 
iis  foot  instead  of  the  rope.  He  sailed 
.hen  to  some  place  and  got  his  wound 
.reated.  Being  pursued  even  there,  he 
led  by  a  rough  and  thorny  road,  inflam- 
ng  his  wound,  until  in  weariness  he  sat 
lown  under  a  tree,  and  when  his  pursuers 
:'ell  upon  him  he  was  cut  down,  after 
t  brave  resistance  (ou/c  ayevvws  avrobs 
ijuuixfyiei/os).  Caesar  ordered  his  head, 
tfhen  brought  to  him,  to  be  buried  "  :  cp. 
Bell.  Hisp.  39. 

xim.  Ral  Mai"]  Narbo  was  about 
)00  Roman  miles  from  Rome,  and  the 
ourney  involved  a  troublesome  passage 
icross  the  Alps.  The  average  rate  at 
•vhich  letters  travelled  was  about  50  miles 
i  day  :  so  that  the  transmission  must  have 
Deen  somewhat  rapid  which  brought  letters 
x>  Cicero  at  Astura  17  days  after  they 
were  written  at  Narbo.  Schmidt  (p.  281) 
proposes  xvii  for  xiiii,  i.e.  April  15th. 
VOL.  v. 


Canini]  cp.  590.  4.  Caninius  Rebilus, 
a  lieutenant  of  Caesar's.  The  report 
was  false :  for  Caninius  was  appointed 
consul  on  the  last  day  of  this  year 
(694.  1). 

Scribas']  The  subj unctive  for  the  im- 
perative is  rare,  but  found  elsewhere  in 
the  Letters,  e.g.  565.  2  communices.  Cp. 
Att.  iv.  4a.  (101)  sis:  iv.  19.  8  (158) 
maneas :  Fam.  ix.  26.  1  (479)  vivas  and 
Index.  Orelli  and  Miiller  read  Scribes. 


1.  homo  nequam]    He  refers  to   some 
tabellarius. 

aberro']  '  Writing  does  not  give  me 
relief  from  my  grief,  but  diverts  my 
thoughts  from  it.'  Cp.  582.  3. 

2.  impuro  nostro  cognato~]     *  our  black- 
guard kinsman. '   He  refers  to  the  younger 
Quintus,    who  was  now  in  the  camp  of 
Caesar,  and  was  speaking  against  his  uncle 
Marcus.     Impurus  is  a  very  strong  ex- 
pression like  /jiiapa  /ce^oAVj  in  Greek. 

Balbus  minor]     Cp.  657.  1. 
hie]     Asinius  Pollio,  sc.  nuntiavit. 

E 


66  EP.  582  (ATT.  XIL  88,  §§  3,  A). 

Ferrem  graviter,  si  novae  aegrimoniae  locus  esset.  Sed  tamenj 
ecquid  impurius  ?  O  hominem  cavendum  !  quamquam  mihi  qui- 
dem-  m  Sed  tenendus  dolor  est.  Tu,  quoniam  necesse  nihil  est^ 

sic  scribes  aliquid,  si  vacabis. 


582.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  38,  §§  3,  4). 

ASTURA  ;    MAY  7  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  C1C.  61. 

De  se  non  reprehendendo,  qui  in  dolore  suo  scribendo  aegritudinem  lenire  studeatJ 
de  hortis  ad  aedificandum  fanum  emendis  et  de  ipsa  aedificatione. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

3.  Quod  putas  oportere  pervideri  iam  animi  mei  firmitatem 
graviusque  quosdam  scribis  de  me  loqui  quam  aut  te  scribere  aut 
Brutum,  si  qui  me  fractum  esse  animo  et  debilitatum  putant 
sciant  quid  litterarum  et  cuius  generis  conficiam,  credo,  si  modo 
homines  sint,  existiment  me,  sive  ita  levatus  sim  ut  animum 
vacuum  ad  res  difficilis  scribendas  adferam,  reprehendendum  non 
esse,  sive  hanc  aberrationem  a  dolore  delegerim  quae  maxime 
liberalis  sit  doctoque  nomine  dignissima,  laudari  me  etiam  oportereJ 
4.  Sed,  cum  ego  faciam  omnia  quae  facere  possim  ad  me  adle- 
vandum,  tu  effice  id  quod  video  te  non  minus  quam  me  laborare. 
Hoc  mihi  debere  videor  neque  levari  posse,  nisi  solvero  aut  videro 
me  posse  solvere,  id  est  locum  qualem  volo  invenero.  Heredes 

mihi  quidem]     This  is  an  aposiopesis.          3.  graviusque]  '  and  that  some  speak  of1 

Those  who  suppose  Cicero  to  use  here  the  me  more  severely  than   you  or   Brutus  < 

two  first  words  of  a  Plautine  verse  (Trin.  (you  say)   report  in  your  letters.'     The  ' 

319)  quoted  in  Brut.  i.  2.  5  (843),  mihi  use  of  the  infinitive  scribere  is  somewhat : 

quidem    aetas  acta  ferme  est :    tua  istuc  loose. 

refert  maxume,  must  ascribe  to  Atticus  an          litterarum]      '  literary      works/      not  I 

extraordinary  familiarity  with  the  plays  '  epistles.' 

of  Plautus,  as   Boot  remarks,  if  Cicero          si  modo  homines  sunt]     '  if  they  have 

expects  him  to  supply  the   whole  verse  any  feeling    for    things,'    'if    they  are 

from  two  such  colourless  words  as  mihi  reasonable   beings'    (Shuckburgh)  :    see 

quidem.    The  words  to  her  would  hardly  note  on  Ep.  132  fin. 
suggest  even  to  the  most  constant  reader          levatus    sim  .  .  .    aberrationem]      cp. 

of  Tennyson,  581.  1. 

maxime  liberalis  sit~\   So  Ursinus.     The 

—  i™  "«*~  «4? Mir-. Dr-  K 

suggests   maxima  et  liberalissima,  which 
sic ...  si]  cp.  Hor.  Ep.  i.  7,  69,  sic  igno-      may  well  be  right. 
viiseputato  me  tibi,  si  coenas  hodie  mecum.          4.  volo']     added  in  lenson's  edition. 


EP.  583  (ATT.  XII.  39).  67 

Scapulae  si  istos  hortos,  ut  scribis  tibi  Othonem  dixisse,  partibus 
quattuor  factis  liceri  cogitant,  nihil  est  scilicet  emptori  loci.  Sin 
venibunt,  quid  fieri  possit  videbimus.  Nam  ille  locus  Publicianus, 
qui  est  Treboni  et  Cusiui,  erat  ad  me  adlatus.  Sed  scis  aream 
esse  ;  nullo  pacto  probo.  Clodiae  sane  placent,  sed  non  puto  esse 
veualis.  De  Drusi  hortis,  quamvis  ab  iis  abhorreas,  ut  scribis, 
tamen  eo  confugiam,  nisi  quid  inveneris.  Aedificatio  me  non 
movet ;  nihil  enim  aliud  aedificabo  nisi  id,  quod  etiam,  si  illos 
non  habuero.  5.  Ku/ooe  S7,  e,  mibi  sic  placuit,  ut  cetera  Anti- 
sthenis,  hominis  acuti  magis  quam  eruditi. 


583.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  39). 

ASTURA  ;   MARCH  8  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 
De  commercio  litterarum  Ciceronem  inter  et  Atticum  nunc  paene  intermisso. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Tabellarius  ad  me  cum  sine  litteris  tuis  venisset,  existimavi 
tibi  earn  causam  non  scribeudi  fuisse  quod  pridie  scripsisses  ea 
ipsa  ad  quam  rescripsi  epistula.  Exspectarem  tamen  aliquid  de 
litteris  Asini  Pollionis.  Sed  nimium  ex  meo  otium  tuum  specto. 
Quamquam  tibi  remitto,  nisi  quid  necesse  erit,  necesse  ne  habeas 

liceri]     '  to  bid  for  them '  among  them-  or  Monarchy.     The    fourth  volume   was 

selves.  directed  to  the  proof  that  labour  was  in 

nihil  est  scilicet  emptori  loci]  cp.  590.  2,  itself  a  good  and  desirable  thing.     The 

ut  aditus  sit  emptori.  fifth  was   likely  to   be  useful  to    Cicero 

Sin  venibunt]   cp.  584.   4,  ut  praeconi  for  a  <rv/j.&ov\fVTitc6v  or  Essay  on  Govern- 

subiciantur.  ment,  which  he  was  about  to  address  to 

Publicianus]     '  which  used  to  belong  Caesar.     Diog.    Laert.  vi.    1,    16.     The 

to  Publicius,  but  is  now  in  the  hands  of  words  of  Diog.  Laert.  are  To'/ios  8'  lv  <£ 

Trebonius  and  Cusinius,'  cp.  588.  3.  KOpos,  'Hpaic\f)s  6  /meifav  ^  Ilept   itr^uos 

ad  me  adlatus]      '  has    been    brought  [qu.  Kupos   &  /meifav,    'HpoKAfjs   %    Hepi 

under  my  notice.'  iffx^os].     To/ios    e    eV  <£   Kvpos   1)    Tlfpl 

aream]     a  mere  building  site  without  fraffiteias,    'Affiraffia.     Athenaeus  quotes 

any  plantation.  (220  c.)  eV  Qarepcp  TGOV  Kvpwv. 

Clodiae]     sc.  horti.     '  Those  of  Clodia.* 

For  Clodia  cp.  note  to  710.  1.  1.  ex  meo  otium  tuum]   'I  judge  too 

Drusi]     Cp.  579.  2.  much  of  your  leisure  by  my  own.' 

quod  etiam]  sc.  aedificaturm  sum.  Quamquam]  '  yet '  or  *  however '  (though 

5.  Kvpos  8',  e]     This  is  the  reading  of  I  am  asking  for  letters):    cp.   note  to 

Bosius  for  Kupa-as  of  Z  and  M.    Antis-  574.  3. 

thenes,  the  Cynic,  wrote  a  work  in  ten  remitto,  .  .  .  necesse  ne  habeas]  'I  let  you 

volumes,  of  which  the  4th  and  5th  were  off  (save  for  some  essential  cause)  regarding 

entitled  respectively  Cyrus  and  Hercules  a  letter  as  essential,  unless  you  have  abun- 

the    greater,    or    Strength;    and    Cyrus  dant  leisure.'  Boot  points  out  that  Cicero 

E2 


68  JSP.  584  (ATT.  XII.  W). 

scribere,  nisi  eris  valde  otiosus.     2.  De  tabellariis  facerem  quod 
suades,  si  essentullaenecessariaelitterae,  ut  erant  olim,cum  tamen 
brevioribus  diebus  quotidie  respondebant  tempori  tabellarii  et  eratl 
aliquid,  Silius,  Drusus,  alia  quaedara.    Nunc,  nisi  Otho  exstitissetj 
quod  scriberemus  uon  erat.     Id  ipsum  dilatum  est,  tamen  adlevorj 
cum  loquor  tecum  absens,  multo  etiam  magis,  cum  tuas  litteras 
lego.     Sed   quoniam   et    abes — sic     enim    arbitror — et    scribendi 
necessitas  nulla  est,  conquiescent  litterae,  nisi  quid  novi  exstiterit. 


584.    CICEKO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  4o). 

ASTURA  ;    MAY  9  ;  A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIO.  61. 


De  Hirtii  epistula  et  Caesaris  «  Anticatone,'  de  (ru/xflouAetm/cy  a  se  conscribendo,  de-i 
maerore  et  recessu  suo,  de  hortis  Seapulanis,  de  Lentulo,  de  Faberiana  re,  de  commora- 
tione  sua  Asturae,  de  Pilia  et  Attica. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Qualis  futura  sit  Caesaris  vituperatio  contra  laudationem 
meam  perspexi  ex  eo  libro  quem  Hirtius  ad  me  misit,  in  qua 
colligit  vitia  Catonis,  sed  cum  maximis  laudibus  meis.  Itaque 
rnisi  librum  ad  Muscam,  ut  tuis  librariis  daret.  Volo  enim  eum 


uses  necesse  habeo  only  in  negative  sen-  least  so  Cicero  surmised),  but  in  one  of  his 

tences,  non  (minus)  necesse  habeo,  we  necesse  villas  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  city.  He- 

habuerift.  Subsequent  writers  neglect  this  could  not  therefore,  without  some  in  con  ven- 

restriction.  ience,  havean  interview  withOtho  inJftome. 

2.  quod    suades]   that    is,  that   Cicero  cum  loquor  tecum  absens]  cp.  Ep.  600. 

should  keep  regular  letter-carriers,    and          novt]    But  a  new  topic  did  turn  upr 

not  trust  to  chance.  viz.,  the  *  Cato  '  of  Hirtius  :  cp.  584.  1. 

brevioribus  diebus~\  '  when  the  days  were 
shorter.'  It  was  in  March  that  Cicero 
was  at  Astura  before.  1.  vituperatio~\  Caesar's  Anticato  in 

respondebant    tempori]  *  came     up     to  answer  to  Cicero's  Cato. 
time,'  '  called  regularly.'  Hirtius]  In  a  subsequent  letter  (588.  4) 

erat  aliquid}  «  we  had  something  to  he  calls  this  brochure  of  Hirtius  a  letter, 
write  about  Silius,  Drusus,  &c.' ;  that  is,  It  seems  to  have  been  addressed  to  Cicero, 
we  could  write  about  their  properties  as  It  was  a  tirade  against  Cato,  and  Cicero- 
sites  for  the  shrine  in  honour  of  Tullia.  says  of  it,  in  595.  3,  that  its  effect  will 
Otho  is  so  understood  in  the  next  sentence.  be  to  reflect  credit  on  the  literary  ability 
He  was  one  of  the  four  co-heirs  of  Scapula.  of  Hirtius,  but  discredit  on  the  attempt 
The  others  were  Mustela,  Crispus,  Ver-  to  blacken  the  character  of  Cato. 
gili'is.  Muscam]  Perhaps  a  foreman  in  Atticus* 

dilatum  est]  Atticus  was  not  in  Home  (at  publishing  department. 


EP.  58&  (ATT.  XII.  40). 


69 


divulgari,  quod  quo  facilius  fiat  imperabis  tuis.    2. 
saepe  conor :  nihil  reperio,  et  quidem  mecum  habeo 

0fO7ro/i7Tov  libros  Trpoc  ' AA^ai'Spov  ;  sed  quid  simile  ?     Illi  et 

•  quae  ipsis  honesta  essent  scribebant  et  grata  Alexaiidro.     Ecquid 
I  tu  eius  modi  reperis  ?     Mihi  quidem  nihil  in  mentem  venit.  Quod 
I  scribis  te  vereri  ne  et  gratia  et  auctoritas  nostra  hoc  meo  maerore 
I  minuatur,  ego  quid  homines  aut  repreheridant  aut  postulent  nescio. 
I  Ne  doleam  ?     Qui  potest  ?     Ne  iaceam  ?     Quis  umquam  minus  ? 

•  Dum  tua  me  domus  levabat,  quis   a  me  exclusus  est,  quis  venit 
I  qui  offenderet  ?     Asturam  sum  a  te  profectus.     Legere  isti  laeti 
I  qui  me  reprehendunt  tarn  multa  non  possunt   quam  ego   scripsi. 
I  Quam  bene,  nihil  ad  rem :  sed  genus  scribeudi  id  fuit  quod  nemo 
labiecto  animo  facere  posset.     Triginta  dies  in  hortis  fui.     Quis 
I  aut  congressum  meum  aut  f  acilitatem  sermonis  desideravit  ?  Nunc 
I  ipsurn  ea  lego,  ea  scribo,  ut   ii  qui  mecum  sunt  difficilius  otium 
I  ferant  quam  ego  laborem.  3.  Si  quis  requirit  cur  Romae  non  sim ; 
|  *  quia  discessus  est ' :  cur  non  sim  in  iis  meis  praediolis  quae  sunt 
I  huius  temporis;  '  quia  frequentiam  illam  non  facile  ferrem.'     Ibi 


divulgari'j  Cicero  gives  his  own  reason 
why  he  wishes  the  book  to  be  widely 
•distributed  (590.  1)  ut  ex  istorum  vitu- 
peratione  sit  illius  (Cato)  maior  laudatio. 
"We  presume  (though  there  does  not 
appear  to  be  any  mention  of  it)  that 
Cicero  had  got  the  assent  of  Hirtius  to 
the  publication  of  this  book.  Possibly 
the  book  was  already  published,  and, 
there  being  no  copyright  at  Rome,  any- 
one could  then  disseminate  it. 

2.  ~2,vfj.^ov\euT iicbv]  an  Essay  on 
Government  addressed  to  Caesar.  The 
disadvantage  under  which  he  labours,  as 
compared  with  Aristotle  and  Theopompus, 
is  that  they  could  give  advice  which  did 
honour  to  themselves  and  was  at  the 
same  time  acceptable  to  Alexander. 
'  Can  you  suggest,'  he  asks  Atticus, 
4  any  such  advice  to  be  given  by  me  to 
Caesar?  Nothing  occurs  to  me.'  Cp.  604.  2. 
The  title  of  the  work  of  Theopompus  was 
<rv/j.fiov\al  Trpbs  'A\€ta.vSpov.  Athen.  vi. 
230  F 

Qui  potest  .*]  '  how  is  that  possible  ? ' 

iaceam]  'be  prostrated'  by  my  grief. 
<sp.  559.  2. 

tua  domus\  cp.  545.  1.  This  was 
during  the  latter  part  of  February. 

offenderet]  '  took  offence '  :  cp.  585  fin. 


and  note :  Mil.  99  si  in  me  aliquid  offen- 
distis :  Caes.  B.C.  ii.  32.  10  *i  Caesarevn 
probatis,  in  me  offenditis :  and  note  on 
Att.  vii.  14,  3  (310). 

isti  laeti~\  ( those  cheerful  friends  of 
yours,  who  condemn  me  for  my  melan- 
choly, could  not  read  as  much  as  I  have 
written.' 

Quam  bene,  nihil  ad  rem]  Cicero  laid 
no  great  store  by  these  philosophical 
works  of  his  :  cp.  599.  3,  verba  tantum 
adfero  quibus  abundo  :  624.  1,  ista  nescio 
quae.  Yet  their  influence  on  mankind 
has  been  great. 

in  hortis}  i.e.  during  April  at  the 
estate  of  Atticus  near  Ficulea  and 
Nomentum.  Here  horti  is  not  (as  the 
word  generally  is)  applied  to  a  suburban 
villa.  Zb  has  horto. 

Nunc  ipsum]  cp.  548. 

3.  discessus]  ( the  vacation ' :  cp.  Fam. 
iii.  9,  4  (249).  In  707.  2,  the  vacation 
is  called  res  prolatae,  which  is  the 
expression  used  by  Plautus.  'After 
vacation  '  is  cum  res  rediissent  (Post 
lied.  27)  :  cp.  Lindsay  on  Plaut. 
Capt.  78. 

sunt  huius  temporis']  '  are  suitable  to 
this  season  of  the  year.'  In  Att.  vii. 
12.  2  (305)  we  have  Nee  eum  rerum 


70 


EP.  584  (ATT.  XII.  40). 


sum  igitur  ubi  is  qui  optimas  Baias  habebat  quotannis  boc  tempi 
consumere  solebat.  Cum  Romam  venero,  nee  vultu  nee  oratione 
reprehendar.  Hilaritatem  illam  qua  bane  tristitiam  temporuml 
condiebam  in  perpetuum  amisi :  constantia  et  firmitas  nee  animi 
nee  orationis  requiretur.  4.  De  hortis  Scapulanis  boc  videtur  effici 
posse,  aliud  tua  gratia,  aliud  nostra,  ut  praeooni  subiciantur.  Idj 
nisi  fit,  excluderuur.  Sin  ad  tabulam  venimus,  vincemus  facultates 
Otbonis  nostra  cupiditate.  Nam  quod  ad  me  de  Lentulo  scribis, 
non  test  in  eo.  Faberiana  modo  res  certa  sit  tuque  enitare,  quod 
facis,  quod  volumus  consequemur.  5.  Quod  quaeris  quam  diu  bio, 
paucos  dies.  Sed  certum  non  babeo.  Simul  atque  constituero,  ad  te 
scribam,  et  tu  ad  me  quam  diu  suburbano  sis  futurus.  Quo  die 
ego  ad  te  baec  misi,  de  Pilia  et  Attica  milii  quoque  eadein  quae 
scribis  et  scribuntur  et  nuntiantur. 


prolatio  nee  senatus  tnagistratuumque  dis- 
cessus  nee  aerariutn  clausum  tardabit. 

is  qui]  Who  is  here  referred  to  ? 
Scipio  Africanus  (cp.  Seneca,  Ep.  51. 11  : 
but  Liternum  was  a  long  way  from 
Aatura),  Lucullus,  Pompey  have  heen 
suggested. 

Baias'}  '  villa  at  Baiae  ' :  cp.  Gael.  38  : 
Att.  xi.  6.  6  (418);  also  Caietam,  Att.  i. 
4.  3  (9)  and  Misenum,  Phil.  ii.  48  :  cp. 
Att.  x.  8. 10  (392).  The  Thesaurus  inter- 
prets the  word  here  as  '  appellative  pro 
balnea^  which  we  doubt.  Nor  can  we 
think  that  Shuckburgh  is  right  in 
rendering  'who  considered  Baiae  the 
queen  of  watering-places.' 

nee  vulltt]  'there  will  be  nothing  to 
complain  of  either  in  my  looks  or  my 
conversation.' 

condiebam'}  '  used  to  mitigate  '  :  see 
on  Att.  x.  8,  5  (392).  For  the  sentiment 
here  expressed,  cp.  576.  1  (to  Dolabella). 

requiretur']  '  will  be  found  wanting.' 

4 .  prneconi  subiciantur]  '  that  they  shall 
be  sold  by  public  auction,  not  by  a  private 
arrangement  between  the  co- heirs,'  cp. 
fiin  venibunt,  582.  4. 

labulam]  'a public  sale.' 


facultales]  « my  zeal  will  prevail  over! 
Otho's  long  purse.' 

non    est    in    eo]     If    this     is     sound,.; 
it  would  seem  to  mean  *  he  cannot  pay 
his    debt.'     But  we    believe  it    to    bel 
corrupt.      Dr.    Reid     suggests     aestimo.] 
Shuckburgh  conjectures  non  est  solvendo  : 
cp.  Phil.  ii.  4 ;  and  supposes  it  to  refer 
to  some  unknown  Lentulus  (of  whom  we ', 
do  not  hear  elsewhere)  who  was  anxious \ 
to  buy  the  horti  of  Scapula.     We  cannot-; 
think  that  it   means    '  there   is  nothing*? 
in  that  '  ;  we    should   expect    nihil   for 
non.     But  Madvig's  non  extimesco  is  very  ; 
attractive  :  for  Cicero's  use  of  timeo  and 
extimesco  cp.  Att.  viii.  6,  1  (336) ;  ix.  5, 
fin.  (359).     Perhaps  non  ego  timeo  would 
he  better.     We  see  no   reason   why  he 
should  not  be  the  infant  child  of  Dolabella 
and  Tullia.     Atticus  may  have  suggested 
to   Cicero  the   necessity  of  economy  in 
view  of  the  obligation  he  was  under  to 
provide  for  his  grandson. 

5.  Simul  atque]  We  have  altered  ao 
to  atque,  as  Cic.  did  not  write  ac  before 
a  guttural :  cp.  Reid  on  Acad.  ii.  34.| 
Miiller  reads  simul  aliquid. 

quam  diu  hie]  sc.  futurus  &itn. 


EP.  585  (FAM.   V.  If). 


71 


585.     L.  LUCCEIUS  TO  CICEKO  (FAM.  v.  u). 

ROME  J    MAY  9  ;     A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  C1C.  61. 

Quaerit  L.  Lucceius  cur  tarn  diu  absit  ab  urbe  M.  Cicero :  si  litterarum  causa, 
)  laudat :  non  probat  si  propter  maerorem  ex  morte  filiae.  Quern  ut  compescat,  rationi- 
bus  et  precibus  efficere  studet. 

L.  LUCCEIUS  Q.  F.  S.  D.  M.  TULLIO  M.  F. 

1.  S.  Y.  B.  E.  V.,  sicut  soleo,  paululo  tamen  etiam  deterius 
quam  soleo.  Te  requisivi  saepius  ut  viderem  :  Romae  quia  postea 
non  fuisti  quam  discesseram  miratus  sum ;  quod  item  nunc  miror. 
Non  habeo  certum  quae  te  res  hinc  maxime  retrahat.  Si  soli- 
tudine  delectare,  cum  scribas  et  aliquid  agas  eorum  quorum  con- 
suesti,  gaudeo  neque  reprehendo  tuum  consilium  ;  nam  nihil  isto 
potest  esse  iucundius  non  modo  miseris  his  temporibus  et  luctuosis, 
sed  etiam  tranquillis  et  optatis,  praesertim  vel  ammo  defetigato 


1.  S.  V.  B.  E.  V.,  sicut  soleo J  =  si  vales, 
bene  est,  valeo  sicut  soleo.  Note  the  formal 
commencement  of  a  letter  taken  literally, 
and  thus  leading  connectedly  to  the  open- 
ing of  the  letter  proper  :  cp.  Fam.  xvi.  18, 
1  (692).  Lucceius  would  appear  to  have 
been  constantly  in  low  health. 

quia]  Used  for  quod,  as  frequently  in 
comedy  after  verbs  of  feeling,  e.g.  Plaut. 
Mil.  7,  and  Tyrrell's  note  there  ;  cp.  doleo 
qnia  in  §  2,  below.  In  Cic.  Sull.  50,  de 
Domo  9,  it  occurs  after  reprehendo. 

discesserani]  So  Mendelssohn  after  GR, 
I  wonder  you  did  not  remain  in  Rome 
after  I  had  left.'  Lucceius  had  no  doubt 
heard  from  some  friend  that  Cicero  con- 
tinued to  bury  himself  in  the  country 
through  his  grief  for  Tullia.  He  had  not 
returned  to  Home  after  his  stay  at  Ficulea, 
but  had  gone  once  more  to  Astura ;  and 
Lucceius  is  again  astonished.  M  h;js 
discesserat,  which  Or.  alters  to  decesserat, 
understanding  Tullia.  This  is  too  strong 
an  ellipse,  as  no  reference  to  Tullia  had 
preceded,  even  though  we  suppose  that 
Lucceius  had  hesitated  to  use  the  name 
lest  he  should  excite  the  grief  of  Cicero. 
Lambinus reads discesseras, which  produces 
an  inaccurate  form  of  speech  ('  I  wondered 
you  were  not  at  Rome  after  you  had  left ') 
if  it  is  intended  to  mean  '  I  wonder  you 
did  not  remain  at  Rome  longer  than  you 
did.'  Streicher  (p.  171)  wishes  to  read 


discesseramus,  '  we  separated  '  from  one 
another  ;  but  it  will  be  hard  to  get  an 
exact  parallel  for  this  usage.  The  nearest 
we  know  of  is  the  senatus  consultum  in 
Q.  Fr.ii.  3,  5  (102)  ut  sodalitates  decuri- 
atique  discederent. 

delectare]  Such  forms  of  the  pres.  indie, 
as  this  and  any  ere  (§  2)  are  generally 
avoided  as  liable  to  confusion  with 
the  inf.  They  may  be  allowed  in 
Lucceius.  Dr.  Reid  on  Sull.,  p.  170, 
lays  down  the  rule  for  Cicero: 
"  -£,  not  -is,  in  the  second  person 
singular  present  subjunctive  deponent 
and  passive  :  but  -is,  not  -0,  in  the  second 
person  singular  present  indicative  depo- 
nent and  passive.  The  MSS  of  this  speech 
are  singularly  clear  on  this  point."  Cp. 
Roby  570. 

eorum  quorum']  Note  the  attraction,  a 
genuine  Greek  one :  cp.  Rhet.  ad  Herenn. 
i.  11,  aperlis  raiionibus  quibus  praescrip- 
simus,  and  Hor.  Sat.  i,  6,  14,  notante 
iudice  quo  nosti  populo  (according  to 
Bentley) :  Liv.  xxxii.  10,  5,  arbitro  quo 
vettent  popttlorunt,  and  Weissenborn's 
note.  Cp.  also  such  attractions  in  Livy 
as  iv.  39,  9,  quibus  poterat  sauciis  ductis 
secum :  i.  29,  4,  quibus  quisque  poterat 
elatis.  Roby,  §  1066.  Riemann-Goelzer, 
§  693,  p.  787. 

optatis]  '  desirable':  cp.  note  to  587.  1. 
praesertim"]     i  especially  if  your  mind 


EP.  585  (FAM.   V. 


tuo,  qui  nunc  requiem  quaerat  ex  magnis  occupationibus,  vel 
erudito,  qui  semper  aliquid  ex  se  promat  quod  alios  delectet, 
ipsum  laudibus  inlustret.  2.  Sin  autem,  sicut  indicas,  lacrimis  ac 
tristitiae  te  tradidisti,  doleo  quia  doles  et  angere  ;  non  possum  te 
non,  si  concedis  quod  sentimus  ut  liberius  dicamus,  accusare. 
Quid  enim?  Tu  solus  aperta  non  videbis,  qui  propter  acumen 
occultissima  perspicis?  Tu  non  intelleges  te  querelis  cotidianis 
nihil  proficere  ?  Non  iutelleges  duplicari  sollicitudines,  quas 
elevare  tua  te  prudentia  postulat  ?  3.  Quod  si  non  possimus  aliquid 
proficere  suaderido,  gratia  contendimus  et  rogando,  si  quid  nostra 
causa  vis,  ut  istis  te  molestiis  laxes  et  ad  convictum  nostrum 
redeas,  id  est  ad  consuetudinem  vel  nostram  communem  vel  tuain 
solius  ac  propriam.  Cupio  non  obtundere  te,  si  non  delectare 
nostro  studio ;  cupio  deterrere  ne  permaneas  in  incepto.  Cum 
duae  res  istae  contrariae  me  conturbant,  ex  quibus  aut  in  altera 
mihi  velim,  si  potes,  obtemperes  aut  in  altera  non  offendas — vale. 


is  so  wearied  out  that  it  craves  for  some 
rest  after  your  arduous  labour,  or  so  richly 
stored  with  learning  that  it  is,  as  ever, 
drawing  forth  something  to  delight  others 
and  to  cover  yourself  with  glory ':  lit.  '  is 
wearied  so  that '  .  .  .  '  is  well  stored  with 
learning  so  that. '  For  semper  =  ut  semper 
Jit :  ep.  saepe  =  ut  saepe  Jit  in  Verg.  Aen. 
i.  148,  ac  velutimagno  in  populo  cum  saepe 
coorta  est  seditio.  The  forms  requiem  and 
requietem  are  both  quite  classical :  op. 
Neue,  i3  848,  849. 

2.  sicut  indicas]  So  GR :  sicut  hinc 
dicas  seras,  M,  from  which  Man.,  Viet., 
and  Lamb.,  aided  by  inferior  MSS,  educed 
sicut  hie  dum  eras.  (This  is  one  of  Mr. 
Allen's  codices.)  Many  other  MSS  read, 
sic  ut  hinc  discesseras,  '  as  when  you  left 
the  city,'  a  reading  towards  which  Men- 
delssohn inclines.  But  the  reading  of  GR 
is  quite  plain,  'as  you  gave  hints  of/ 
&c.,  in  letters  to  your  other  friends,  mid 
as  we  learn  by  report.  If  we  might 
emend,  perhaps  we  might  read  indicaveras, 
which  would  explain  the  reading  of  M, 
'  of  which  you  gave  indications  he  fore 
you  left.'  Dr.  Reid  thinks  that  the 
variants  point  to  sicut  indicat  res. 
Streicher  (p.  172)  objects  to  indicas,  that 
Cic.  did  not  give  any  such  hint  to  Lucceius 
in  Fam.  v.  13  (572),  and  that  his  literary 
activity  was  a  sign  that  he  was  not 
yielding  to  immoderate  grief :  he  himself 
reads  sicut  inclinatus  eras.  But  Cicero 


had  gone  into  retirement,  and  his  friends 
at  Rome  were  not  satisfactorily  informed 
of  the  manner  in  which  he  was  spending 
his  time  :  for  Cicero's  letters  were  very 
variable  in  tone,  and  reflected  with  the 
utmost  fidelity  every  shifting  mood  of  his 
impressionable  nature :  so.  that  it  may 
fairly  be  supposed  that  his  friends  were 
uncertain  as  to  the  general  tenor  of  his 
life. 

elevare']  So  GR,  again  rightly:  cp. 
Tusc.  iii.  34,  Nihil  est  enim  quod  tarn  ob- 
tundat  elevetque  aegritudinem  quam  per- 
petua  in  omni  vita  cogitatio  nihil  esse 
quod  non  accidere  possit.  The  ace.  and  inf. 
construction  after  postulo  is  frequent  in 
the  comedies  (cp.  Sonnenschein  on  Plaut. 
Rud.  Prol.  17) ;  but  it  is  used  by  Cicero 
for  the  most  part  only  in  his  earlier 
writings,  e.g.  Verr.  iii.  138,  139  ;  Div. 
in  Caec.  34.  In  Caes.  it  occurs  in  B.  G. 
iv.  16,  4. 

3.  ad  convictum  nostrum"]  '  return  to  live 
with  us  and  to  the  normal  mode  of  life, 
either  that  of  all  of  us  or  that  which  you 
especially  adopt  as  peculiarly  your  own  ' 
(i.e.  the  life  of  a  student).  After  redeas 
there  is  a  gap  of  five  letters  in  M.  We 
have  adopted  the  suggestion  of  Dr.  Reid, 
id  est.  Wes.  suggested  atque. 

obtundere"]  'pester' :  cp.  Att.  viii.  1,  4 
(328),  Ego  si  somnum  capere  possem  tarn 
longis  te  epistulis  non  obtunderem. 

Cum  .  .  .  vale]  We  venture  to  adhere 


EP.  586  (ATT.  XII.  42,  §§  1-3). 


586.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  42,  §§  1-3). 

ASTUKA  J  MAY  10  ',    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J   AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  inanibus  epistulis  suis,  de  Clodiae  hortis  emendis,  de  itinere  suo  constitute. 
CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Nulium  a  te  desideravi  diem  litterarum :  videbam  enim 
•quae  scribis,  et  tamen  suspicabar  vel  potius  intellegebam  nihil 
fuisse  quod  scriberes.  A.  d.  vi.  Idus  vero  et  abesse  te  putabam  et 
plane  videbam  nihil  te  habere.  Ego  tamen  ad  te  fere  cotidie 
mittam.  Malo  enim  frustra  quam  te  non  habere  cui  des,  si  quid 
forte  sit  quod  putes  me  scire  oportere.  Itaque  accepi  vi.  Idus 
litteras  tuas  inanis.  Quid  enim  habebas  quod  scriberes  ?  Mi 
tamen  illud,  quidquid  erat,  non  molestum  fuit,  ut  nihil  aliud,  scire 
me  novi  te  nihil  habere.  Scripsisti  tamen  nescio  quid  de  Clodia. 
Ubi  ergo  ea  est  aut  quando  ventura  ?  Placet  mihi  res  sic,  ut 


with  some  hesitation  to  the  MSS  reading 
cum,  and  to  explain  it  by  supposing  that 
Lucceius  used  the  formal  vale  as  part  of 
the  sentence,  just  as  he  used  the  intro- 
ductory formal  words  of  this  letter  in 
something  more  than  a  merely  formal 
sense.  '  And  now  that  two  contrary  con- 
siderations are  causing  me  perplexity,  in 
respect  of  which  I  trust  you  will  either 
in  the  one  case  follow  my  advice  if  you 
can  see  your  way  to  do  so,  or  at  any  rate 
in  the  other  not  be  offended, — I  will  say 
good-bye.'  If  this  does  not  commend 
itself,  it  is  easy  (we  think  too  easy)  to  alter 
cum  to  nunc  with  Martyni-Laguna  and 
subsequent  edd.  The  two  contrary  con- 
siderations are,  on  the  one  hand,  a  desire 
that  Cicero  should  not  give  himself  up 
unreservedly  to  grief,  but  should  again 
take  part  in  social  life ;  and  on  the  other, 
a  desire  not  to  pester  Cicero  and  importune 
him  too  much  on  the  subject.  For  offen- 
<?asusedin  a  passive  sense,  '  be  annoyed,' 
cp.  584.  2  and  note  there ;  and  perhaps 
Q.  Fr.  i.  1,  14  (30),  Sed  si  quis  est  in  quo 
iam  ojfenderis,  de  quo  aliquid  senseris. 


1.  diem  litterarum']     *  I  never  wanted 
you  to  have  a  regular  day  for  writing.  For 


I  had  grasped  the  fact  which  you  mention 
in  your  letter  [namely,  that  you  were  very 
busy],  and  in  spite  of  that  I  suspected,  or 
rather  felt  sure,  that  you  had  nothing  to 
write  about  [and  that  that,  not  business, 
was  the  real  reason  why  you  did  not 
write].'  The  sense  of  enim  and  tamen  is 
generally  neglected  by  the  editors. 

frustra"]  sc.  inittere,  without  receiving 
a  letter  to  bring  back  to  Cicero. 

ut  nihil  aliud]  "We  have  added  ut  with 
Miiller,  'if  nothing  else.'  He  compares 
745.  2  alendus  est  et,  ut  nihil  aliud,  ab 
Antonio  seiungendus  :  Att.  xi.  14.  1  (429). 
Ut  is  more  likely  to  have  been  lost  after 
fuit  than  si,  which  is  the  addition  of 
Madvig  (A.C.  ii.  239).  Either  is  better 
than  to  add  nisi  before  novi  with 
Gronovius. 

Scripsisti']  Btr.  conjectured  scripsti  as 
M  has  scripsi.  It  must  be  confessed, 
however,  that  this  contracted  form  of  the 
second  person  singular  of  the  perfect 
indie,  is  rather  rare :  cp.  Neue-"Wagener 
i;J  500  ff. :  so  that  we  think  Miiller  is  right 
in  regarding  it  as  doubtful  in  Cicero,  and 
reading  the  full  form  in  every  place.  Cp. 
his  note,  Farn.  p.  169.  26.  The  mistake 
is  due  to  the  copyist. 

ventura]     Cp'.  593.  2. 


74  EP.  587  (FAM.   V.  15). 

secuudum  Othonem  uihil  magis.  2.  Sed  neque  hanc  vendituram 
pUto — delectatur  enim  et  copiosa  est — et  illud  alterum  quam  sit 
difficile  te  non  fugit.  Sed,  obsecro,  enitamur  ut  aliquid  ad  id 
quod  cupio  excogitemus.  3.  .Ego  me  hinc  postridie  Id.  exiturum 
puto,  sed  aut  in  Tusculanum  aut  domura,  inde  fortasse  Arpinum. 
Cum  certum  sciero,  scribam  ad  te. 


587.     CICERO  TO  LUCCEIUS  (FAM.  v.  15). 
ASTURA;  MAY  10-12 ;  A.  u.  c.  709 ;  B.  c.  45  ;  AET.  cic.  ei. 

Epistulae  L.  Lucceii  (Ep.  585)  M.  Cicero  ita  respondet,  ut  Be  non  tarn  filiae- 
obitum  quam  reip.  condicionem  lugere  et  ob  earn  rem  ab  urbe  abesse  dicat :  ne  littera- 
rum  quidem  studio  se  admodum  delectari  aut  a  dolore  abstrahi. 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  L.  LUCCEIO  Q.  F. 

1.  Omnis  amor  tuus  ex  omnibus  partibus  se  ostendit  in  ii&i 
litteris  quas  a  te  proximo  accepi,  non  ille  quidem  mini  ignotus,, 
sed  tamen  gratus  et  optatus ;  dicerem  *  iucundus/  nisi  id  verbumi 
in  omne  tempus  perdidissem ;  neque  ob  earn  unam  causam  quami 
tu  suspicaris  et  in  qua  me  lenissimis  et  amantissimis  verbis  utensi 
re  graviter  accusas,  sed  quod  illius  tanti  vulneris  quae  remedial 
esse  debebant  ea  nulla  sunt.  2.  Quid  enim  ?  Ad  amicosne  con- 
fugiam  ?  Quam  multi  sunt  ?  Habuimus  enim  fere  communis^ 
quorum  alii  occiderunt,  alii  nescio  quo  pacto  obduruerunt.  Tecum 

seeundum  Othonem']  Next  to  the  property  that  word  for  ever  and  aye  ' :  cp.  574.  1. 

of  Otho  (i.e.  the  hortiof.  Scapula)  he  likes  Cuius  ojficia  iucundiora  scilicet  saepe  mihi 

that  of  Clodia.  fuerunt,  numquam  tamen  gratiora. 

2.  copiosa]     '  She  likes   the  place  and  accusas']  sc.  585.  2. 

has   plenty  of  money,'  so   she  will   not  2.   Tecum   vivere    possem     equidem    et 

sell .     illud  alterum   is    the    property   of  maxime  vellem]  '  With  you  I  could  have 

Otho  :  cp.  593.  2.  lived,  and  would  fain  have  done  so.'     So 

3.  domum]     '  to  Rome  '  ;  see  note   on  the  MSS.     We  take  equidem  with  possem. 
Ep.  269,  1.  For    equidem    following    the    verb,    cp. 

Plaut.  Poen.  295,  AG.  i  in  malam  rem. 
MI.  Ibi  sum  equidem.     Cic.  Leg.  ii   69, 

1.  non  ille  quidem']  A  common  Ciceronian  Perge  cetera.  Pergam  equidem.  Thfl 
usage :  cp.  Fin.  v.  20,  fruendi  rebus  iis  ...  rhythm  recalls  Catull.  2,  9,  Tecum  ludere 
Comrades  non  ille  quidem  auctor  sed  defen-  sicut  ipsa  possem.  Several  emendations 
sor  disserendi  causa  fuit.  have  been  proposed,  e.g.  Lamb,  tecum 

gratus  et  optatus ;  dicerem  '  iueundus^~\  vivere  posse  equidem  maxime  vellem  :  Madv. 
'acceptable  and  desirable;  I  would  say  (A.  C.  iii.  157)  tecum  vivere,  <si>  possem, 
"pleasant,"  were  it  not  that  I  have  lost  equidem  maxime  vellem. 


EP.  587  (FAN.    V.  15).  75 

vivere  possem  equidem  et  maxime  vellem :  vetustas,  amor,  con- 
suetudo,  studia  paria ;  quod  vinclum,  quaeso,  deest  nostrae  con- 
iunctionis?  Possumusne  igitur  esse  una  ?  Nee  mehercule  intellego 
quid  impediat ;  sed  certe  adhuc  non  f  uimus,  cum  essemus  vicini  iu 
Tusculano,  in  Puteolano  :  nam  quid  dicam  in  urbe  ?  In  qua, 
cum  forum  commune  sit,  vicinitas  non  requiritur.  3.  Sed  casu 
nescio  quo  in  ea  tempora  nostra  aetas  incidit  ut,  cum  maxime 
florere  nos  oporteret,  turn  vivere  etiam  puderet :  quod  enim  esse 
poterat  mini  perf ugium  spoliato  et  domesticis  et  forensibus  orna- 
mentis  atque  solaciis  ?  Litterae,  credo,  quibus  utor  adsidue  :  quid 
enim  aliud  f acere  possum  ?  Sed  nescio  quo  modo  ipsae  illae  ex- 
cludere  me  a  portu  et  perfugio  videntur  et  quasi  exprobrare  quod 
in  ea  vita  maneam  in  qua  nihil  insit  nisi  propagatio  miserrimi 
temporis.  4.  Hie  tu  me  abesse  urbe  iniraris  in  qua  domus  nihil 
delectare  possit,  summum  sit  odium  temporum,  homiuum,  fori, 
curiae  ?  Itaque  sic  literis  utor,  in  quibus  consumo  omne  tempus, 
non  ut  ab  iis  mediciuam  perpetuam  sed  ut  exiguam  oblivionem 
doloris  petam.  5.  Quod  si  id  egissemus  ego  atque  tu,  quod  ne  in 
mentem  quidem  nobis  veuiebat  propter  cotidianos  metus,  omne 
tempus  una  fuissemus,  neque  me  valetudo  tua  oft'enderet  neque  te 

vetustas  .  .  .  paria']  '  old  acquaintance,  from  a  city  where.'  Cicero  generally 

love,  habit,  identity  of  pursuits.'  uses  ab  after  abesse,  except  with  names  of 

guaeso,  deest]  So  Host  excellently  for  towns  :  but  we  occasionally  find  it  with- 

quas  id  est  of  M :  (quasi,  est,  GR).  out  ab  with  domo,  foro  (574.  2),  cp. 

Possumusne  .  .  .  intellego']  'Can  we  not  Orat.  146:  N.D.  ii.  69:  patria  (Tusc. 

then  be  together  ?  And  indeed,  upon  my  v.  106),  though  he  also  uses  ab  with  these 

life,  I  do  not  see  what  hinders  us.'  Cicero  words,  Verr.  iii.  39  :  v.  31.  (The  absence 

might  have  added  something  like possumus  of  the  preposition  is  of  course  common  in 

before  nee;  Lam  binus  actually  does  add  it,  the  poets,  Gatull.  Ixiii.  59).  So  that  we 

and  the  addition  has  met  with  the  approval  may  perhaps  include  urbe  in  the  same 

of  Wesenberg  (E.  A.  12).  But  the  idea  can  category  as  the  other  words  with  which  he 

be  with  ease  mentally  supplied,  and  the  does  not  use  a  preposition,  as  the  reference 

actual  insertion  of  the  \vord  makes  the  is  plainly  to  Rome,  though  the  expression 

sentence  somewhat  tautological.  For  -ne  is  general  (hence  the  subjunctive  possit : 

=  nonne  cp.  L)e  Sen.  31,  videtisne  ut,  a  cp.  589.  I),  '  Do  you  wonder  that  I  can 

usage  which  is  invariable  in  Plaut.  and  be  absent  from  a  city  where  nought  can 

constant  in  Ter.,  and  in  the  colloquial  delight  me?'  Dr.  Reid  on  Acad.  i.  1 

Latin  of  the  classical  period.  would  prefer  to  read  <  ab  ea>  abesse 

3.  spoliato  .  .  .  solaciis']  'deprived    of  urbe  withWes. :  or  <  ex  ea  >  abesse  urbe. 
everything  which  can  embellish  or  com-  fori,  curiae~\     cp.  574.  2;  nihil  in  foro 
fort  my  public  and  private  life.'  agere  libebut,  aspicere  curiatn  non  poteram. 

Litterae,  credo"]  'my  books,  1  presume.'  Itaque  .  .  .  petam~\     'And  thus  I  have 

For     credo     parenthetic      cp.    555.     3.  recourse  to  my  hooks,  and  over  them  I 

Cicero  often  speaks  of  his  books  as  his  spend  all  my  time,  not  with  any  idea  of 

friends:  cp.  Fam.  ix.   1,2  (456),  redisse  obtaining  therefrom  a  lasting  cure,  but 

cum  veteribus   amici,*,    id  est  cum    libris  only  a  short  forgetfulness,of  my  troubles.' 

nostris,  in  gratiam.  Cp.  582.  3. 

4.  abesse  urbe  .  .  .  in  qua]  'to  be  absent  5.  neque  me  valetudo  tua\.     cp.  585.  1. 


76  JSP.  588  (ATT.  XII. 

maeror  meus.     Quod  quantum    fieri  poterit   consequamur :  qui( 
enim  est  utrique  nostrum  aptius  ?     Propediem  te  igitur  videbo. 


588.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  4i). 

ASTURA  J    MAY  11  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

M.  Cicero  quaerit  ubi  Atticus  sit  et  demonstrat  ubi  ipse  f uturus  sit,  turn  de  fan 
Tulliae  aedificando  et  de  hortis  ea  causa  emendis  et  omnino  de  loco,  de  Hirtii  epistul 
et  Caesaris  '  Anticatone.' 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Nihil  erat  quod  scriberem.  Scire  tamen  volebam  ubi  esses 
si  abes  aut  afuturus  es,  quando  rediturus  esses.  Facies  igitur  m 
certiorem.  Et,  quod  tu  scire  volebas  ego  quando  ex  hoc  loco,  post 
ridie  Idus  Lanuvi  constitui  manere,  inde  postridie  in  Tusculan 
aut  Romae.  Utrum  sim  facturus  eo  ipso  die  scies.  2.  Scis  quan 
sit  (piXairiov  crvjuupopa,  minime  in  te  quidem,  sed  tamen  avide  sun 
adfectus  de  fano,  quod  nisi  non  dico  effectum  erit  sed  fieri  vider 
— audebo  hoc  dicere  et  tu,  ut  soles,  accipies — ,  iucursabit  in  t 
dolor  meus,  non  iure  ille  quidem,  sed  tamen  feres  hoc  ipsum  quo 
scribo,  ut  omnia  mea  fers  ac  tulisti.  Omnis  tuas  consolatione 
unam  hanc  in  rem  velim  conferas.  3.  Si  quaeris  quid  optem 
primum  Scapulae,  deinde  Clodiae,  postea,  si  Silius  nolet,  Drusu 
aget  iniuste,  Cusini  et  Treboni.  Puto  tertium  esse  dominum 
Rebilum  fuisse  certo  scio.  Sin  autem  tibi  Tusculanum  placet,  u 
significasti  quibusdam  litteris,  tibi  adsentiar.  Hoc  quidem  utiqu 
perficies,  si  me  levari  vis,  quern  iam  etiam  gravius  accusas  quan 
patitur  tua  consuetudo,  sed  facis  summo  amore  et  victus  fortass 

Quod]     sc.  our  being  together.  not  say  completed,  but  unless   I  see 

advancing  to  completion — I  will  vent  m 

1.  loco]   sc.  profecturm   sim  :  for  the       resentment  on  you,'   cp.  579.  2,    nt  m 
ellipse  cp.  546.  4.  stomachere. 

inde  postridie]  ( the  day  after  that,'  i.e.  3.  aget  iniuste]     Drusus  seems  to  hav 

the    17th,  the   day  after  (postridie)  the  asked   an   excessive   price  :  cp.  582.    4 

16th  (postridie  idus)  :  cp.  589  [43].  1  ;  590.  2  ;  591.  1. 
590.  3.  tertium]     Cusinius  and  Trebonius  wei 

2.  <t>i\aiTiov'\  'you know  how queru-  absent;    but    Cicero    thinks  there    is 
lous  is  misery,'  *  how  sour  misfortune  is.'  third  owner   who   could   be  approach^ 

avide  sum  adfectus]  *  my  feeling  is  one  adding,  '  I  know  there  was  a  third  owne 

of  hungry  longing,'  an  unusual  and  very  Caninius  Rebilus.' 

strong  expression.  Tusculanum~\  cp.  579.  2  ;  588.  3. 

quod  nisi]    'and   unless  it  is — I    will  levari]  cp.  581.  1. 


EP.  589  (ATT.  XII.  4®,  §  3,  AND  4$).  77 

itio  meo.  Sed  tamen,  si  me  levari  vis,  haec  est  summa  levatio 
el,  si  verum  scire  vis,  una.  4.  Hirti  epistulam  si  legeris,  quae 
nihi  quasi  irpo7r\a<jfjLa  videtur  eius  vituperationis  quam  Caesar 
oripsit  de  Catone,  facies  me  quid  tibi  visum  sit,  si  tibi  erit  com- 
nodum,  certiorem.  Redeo  ad  fanum.  Nisi  hac  aestate  absolutum 
rit,  quam  vides  integram  restare,  soelere  me  liberatum  non  putabo. 


589.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  42,  §  3,  AND  43). 

ASTURA  ;    MAY  12  J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.   61. 

De  ratione  itineris   sui  constituti,  de   summa  sua  fani  aedificandi  cupiditate,  de 
thonis,  de  Clodiae,  de  Trebonianis  hortis  emendis,  de  Tusculano. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

[42],  3.  Venerat  mihi  in  mentem  monere  te  ut  id  ipsum  quod 
acis  faceres.  Putabam  enim  commodius  teidem  istud  domi  agere 
osse  interpellatione  sublata.  [43],  1.  Ego  postridie  Idus,  ut 
cripsi  ad  te  ante,  Lanuvi  manere  constitui,  inde  aut  Romae  aut  in 
Tusculano.  Scies  ante  utrum.  Quod  scribis  recte  mihi  illam  rem 
ore  levamento,  bene  facis ;  tamen  id  est,  mihi  crede,  perinde  ut 
xistimare  tu  non  potes.  Res  indicat  quanto  opere  id  cupiam,  cum 
ibi  audeam  confiteri  quem  id  non  ita  valde  probare  arbitrer.  Sed 
erendus  tibi  in  hoc  meus  error ;  ferendus  ?  immo  vero  etiam 
diuvandus.  2.  De  Othone  diffido,  fortasse  quia  cupio.  Sed 
amen  maior  etiam  res  est  quam  facultates  nostrae,  praesertim 
dversario  et  cupido  et  locuplete  et  heredo.  Proximum  est  ut 

4.  epistulam']  Elsewhere  (584.  1  ;  590.  clearly   a  repetition  of   588.  1,  that  the 

;  594.  3)  it  is  called  liber.  change  of  utrumque  to  utrum  is  obviously 

TfpoTT\a(r/j.a]      'a    sort    of   premiere  required. 

baucke  of  the  invective  of  Caesar  against  Quod  scribis]  «  it  is  kind  of  you  to  say 

2ato.'  in  your  letter  (what  is  so  true)  that  the 

scekre]    '  scelerati  putantur  qui  vota  honour  paid  to  my  dead  daughter  will  be 

ion  solvunt.' — Man.'  a  comfort  to  me.     But  it  is  so,  believe 

me,  to  a  degree  that  you  cannot  imagine.' 

[42],  3.  quod  facis}  Cicero  probably  re-  id  =  illam    rem  fore   levamento.      Tamen 

3rs  to  the  thought  expressed  in  §  3  of  the  qualifies  the  unexpressed  thought  that  the 

ext  letter,  where  he  commends  Atticus  words  of  Atticus  are  merely  formal.     For 

)r  shutting  himself  up  in  his  house  and  the   alterations   of   M  here  adopted   see 

vbiding   interruption,   probably     to     do  Adn.  Grit. 

ame  business  of   bis   own  :  cp.  690.  3  ;  2.  De  Othone  diffido}  cp.  note  to  572.  3. 

94.  domi  te  libenter  esse  facile  credo.  maior  .  .  .  nostrae']  ,  beyond  my  means.' 

[43]  1.  utrum]    This    sentence  is  so  adversaria"]  i.e.  Otho  :  cp.  593.  2. 


78  EP.  590  (ATT.  XII.  44,  AND  A6,  §  1). 

velim  Clodiae.  Sed  si  ista  minus  confici  possunt,  eflB.ce  quidvisl 
Ego  me  maiore  religione  quam  quisquam  fuit  ullius  voti  obstrioJ 
tum  puto.  Videbis  etiam  Trebonianos,  etsi  absunt  domini.  Sedl 
ut  ad  te  heri  scripsi,  considerabis  etiam  de  Tusculano,  ne  aestal 
effluat,  quod  certe  non  est  committendum. 


590.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  44,  AND  45,  §  i). 

ASTURA  ;    MAY  13  *,    A.  U.  C.  709;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.    CIO.  61. 

De  Hirtii  litteris  ad  Atticum  datis,  de  eius  libro  de  Catone  divulgando,  de  hort<H 
rum  Scapulanorum  venditione  per  Mustelam  efficienda,  de  aliis  fani  locis  quaerendis,i 
de  Attici  vita  et  itinere  suo  constitute,  quid  Philotimus  de  bello  sibi  narraverit,  de 
scriptis  suis  Asturae  confectis. 

CICERO  ATT1CO  SAL. 


1.  Et  Hirtium  aliquid  ad  te  avinraOuQ  de  me  scripsisse  faoil 
patior  —  fecit  enim  humane  —  et  te  eius  epistulam  ad  menonmisiss 
multo  facilius.  Tu  enim  etiam  humanius.  Illius  librum,  quern  ac 
me  misit  de  Catone,  propterea  volo  divulgari  a  tuis  ut  ex  istorum 
vituperatione  sit  illius  maior  laudatio.  2.  Quod  per  Mustelam 
agis,  habes  hominem  valde  idoneum  meique  sane  studiosum  iano 
inde  a  Pontiano.  Perfice  igitur  aliquid.  Q,uid  autem  aliud  nisi  u 
aditus  sit  emptori  ?  quod  per  quemvis  heredem  potest  effici.  Se< 
Mustelam  id  perfecturura,  si  rogaris,  puto.  Mibi  vero  et  locum 
queni  opto  ad  id  quod  volumus  dederis  et  praeterea  tyyiipa 
Nam  ilia  Sili  et  Drusi  non  satis  olKoSsaTroTiKa  mihi  videntur.  Qui< 


Clodiae]  sc.  hortos:   cp.  582.  4.  librum]     cp.  note  to  588.  4. 

ullius  voti]  probably  the  same  genitive  propterea  volo]     We  can   hardly  hel 

of  the  '  matter  charged  '    (Roby  1324)  as  suspecting  that  it  was  rather  the  eulog 

appears  in  damnatus  voti :  but  it  might  on   himself   which     made    Cicero  desir 

possibly  be  governed  by  religione,    like  the  wide    diffusion    of    the    brochure  o 

religio  iurisiurandi  (Caes.  B.  C.  iii.  28).  Hirtius:    cp.    584.    1.      The    book   wa 

Trebonianos]  sc.   hortos,   cp.   582.    4  :  dedicated  to  Cicero. 

588.  3.  2.  Mustelam]  coheir  of  Scapula  wit 

Otho,  Crispus,  vergilius  :  cp.  593.  1. 

1.  facile  patior]     '  I  am  glad,' cp.  697.  a  Pontiano']   probably   some   friend 

1  :  732.  2  ;   somewhat  stronger  than  the  Mustela's  defended  or  otherwise  oblige 

literal  meaning  of  the  words,  viz.  '  I  can  by  Cicero.     For  this  temporal  use  of 

put  up  with.'  cp.  598.  a  Peducaeo. 

humanius]      '  you  showed  even   more  aditus  sit  emptori]    cp.  682.  4  :  584.  4 

kindness'    in   not   sending  me   a    letter  eyy-fipa/ma]     cp.  561.  2  :  565.2. 

which  would  have  renewed  my  grief  for  oiKoSfffvoriKa]  'fit  for  a    pere 

Tullia.  families 


EP.  590  (ATT.  XII.  44,  AND  45,  §  1). 


79 


enim  ?  Sedere  totos  dies  in  villa  !  Ista  igitur  malim,  primum 
Othonis,  deinde  Clodiae.  Si  nihil  fiet,  aut  Druso  ludus  est  sug- 
gerendus  aut  utendum  Tusculano.  3.  Quod  domi  te  inclusisti, 
ratione  fecisti.  Sed,  quaeso,  confice,  et  te  vacuum  redde  nobis. 
Ego  hinc,  ut  scripsi  antea,  postridie  Idus  Lanuvi,  deinde  postridie 
in  Tusculano.  Contudi  enim  animum  et  fortasse  vici,  si  modo  per- 
mansero.  Scies  igitur  fortasse  eras,  summum  perendie.  4.  Sed 
quid  est,  quaeso  ?  Philotimus  nee  Carteiae  Pompeium  teneri — qua 
de  re  litterarum  ad  Ciodium  Patavinum  missarum  exemplum  mihi 
Oppius  et  Balbus  miserant,  se  id  factum  arbitrari — bellumque 
narrat  reliquum  satis  magnum.  Solet  omnino  esse  f  Fulviniaster. 


Sedere  totos  dies  in  villa]  This  must  be 
compared  with  579.  2,  where  he  mentions 
an  objection  to  Tusculanum  as  a  site, 
that  it  could  not  be  so  conveniently 
visited  owing  to  its  distance  from  Rome. 
Here  we  may  suppose  that  the  meaning 
i  is  the  same.  Though  he  does  mention 
Tusculanum,  he  says,  '  think  of  having 
to  idle  away  a  whole  day  in  a  villa,'  as 
one  would  have  to  do  if  the  site  were 
at  Tusculum, which  was  fifteen  miles  from 
Rome.  We  think  that  it  is  probable  that 
<Quid  dicam  Tusculanum  ?>  has  been  lost 
before  Quid  enim  ?  The  reference  is 
plainly  to  Tusculanum,  and  there  should 
be  some  definite  indication  of  the  place. 
Cic.  generally  adds  a  question  of  the 
nature  of  a  retort  after  Quid  enim  ?  Here 
the  exclamatory  infinitive  is  virtually 
such. 

Ista  igitur  malim]  This  then  is  the 
order  of  merit :  first  Otho's,Jnext  Clodia's. 
If  that  should  prove  not  feasible,  then  we 
must  either  bamboozle  Drusus,  or  we 
must  put  up  with  Tusculanum.'  Uti  is 
often  '  to  put  up  with '  an  inferior  thing 
when  we  cannot  get  a  superior,  as  in  the 
Horatian  verse  (Ep.  i.  6,  67)  si  quid 
novisti  rectius  istis,  \  candidus  imperti  si 
non  his  utere  mecum.  So  uti  popular  i 
via,  Att.  ix.  6,  7(360).  [We  think  via,  not 
vita,  is  the  right  reading  there,  cp.  Att.  i. 
20.  3  (26)  viam  optimatem:  Cat.  iv.  9 
viam  quae  popularis  habetur  secutus  est.~\ 

ludus  est  suggerendus]  We  do  not  know 
any  other  example  of  this  expression.  It 
sounds  like  slang.  The  usual  expression 
is  ludosfacere  or  dare. 

3.  domi]  Cicero  refers  more  clearly  to 
a  thought  hinted  at  in  the  beginning  of 
the  last  letter,  and  commends  Atticus  for 


shutting  himself  up  in  his  house,  and  so 
avoiding  interruption. 

ratione  fecisti']  'prudently.'  Madvig, 
on  Fin.  i.  32  (quoted  by  Boot),  writes 
'  Ad  Att.  xii.  44.  3.  ratione  fecisti  paulo 
insolentius  ponitur  in  facto  comprobando'; 
but  he  does  not  approve  of  the  change  to 
recte,  though  he  adds  '  saepe  horum  com- 
pendia permutata  sunt, '  and  withdraws 
his  own  conjecture  of  ratione  for  recte  in 
Rose.  Am.  138.  He  explains  ratione  by 
'  considerate  et  cum  iudicio.' 

confice\  sc.  negotium,  cp.  Att.  xi.  3,  3 
(411).  Lehmann,  pp.  15  ff.,  points  out 
that  the  omission  of  the  object  after  a 
transitive  verb  is  characteristic  of  the 
letters.  See  note  on  Att.  vii.  7,  5  (298). 
But  it  is  found  all  through  Cicero : 
cp.  Lebreton  156-166. 

antea],   588,  1,  589.  1. 

Contudi]  '  I  have  crushed  down  my  feel- 
ings, and  mastered  them,  if  I  can  only  hold 
out.'  The  visit  to  his  Tusculanum,  where 
Tullia  died,  would  bring  her  vividly  before 
his  mind.  For  contudi  animum,  cp.  Verg. 
Georg.  iv.  240,  contusosque  animos  et  res 
miserabere  fractas  ;  Ov.  A.  A.  i.  12  ; 
Tac.  Hist.  ii.  19,  is  labor  urbano  militi 
insolitus  contundit  animos.  But  in  these 
and  other  passages  it  means  '  to  break  the 
spirit  '  of  a  person.  Here  Cicero  means 
'  to  break  the  intensity  of  his  grief.' 

4.  nee  Carteiae']  sc.  dicit,  inferred  from 
narrat,  below.  After  the  battle  of  Munda, 
Gnaeus,  the  son  of  Pompeius  Magnus, 
retired  to  Carteia,  cp.  note  580.  4,  which 
was  close  to  the  modern  Gibraltar.  We 
do  not  know  who  Clodius  Patavinus 
was. 

Fulviniaster]  '  a  bad  copy  of  Fulvinius.' 
Who  this  Fulvinius  was  is  unknown ;  but 


80  EP.  591  (ATT.  XIII.  26). 

Sed  tamen,  si  quid  habes:  volo  etiam  de  naufragio  Caniniano  scire- 
quid  sit.  [45],  1.  Ego  hie  duo  raagna  avvTay/^ara  absolvi :  nullo 
enira  alio  raodo  a  raiseria  quasi  aberrare  possum.  Tu  mihi,  etiam  si 
nihil  erit  quod  scribas,  quod  fore  ita  video,  tamen  id  ipsum  scribas 
velim,  te  nihil  habuisse  quod  scriberes,  dum  modo  ne  his  verbis. 


591.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (An.  xm.  26). 

ASTURA  J    MAY  14  J    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  locis  ad  fanum  Tulliae  aedificandum  emendis,  de  commoratione  sua  Asturae,  de 
itinere  suo,  de  scriptione  sua  adsidua  et  diurna  et  nocturna. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  De  Yergili  parte  valde  probo.  Sic  ages  igitur.  Et  quidem 
id  erit  primum,  proximum  Clodiae.  Quod  si  neutrum,  metuo  ne 
turbem  et  irruam  in  Drusum.  Intemperans  sum  in  eius  rei  cupi- 
ditate  quam  nosti.  Itaque  revolver  identidem  in  Tusculanum. 
Quidvis  enim  potius  quam  ut  non  hac  aestate  absolvatur.  2.  Ego, 
ut  tempus  et  nostrum,  locum  habeo  nullum  ubi  facilius  esse 
possim  quam  Asturae.  Sed  quia,  qui  mecum  sunt  —  credo  quod 


we  may  infer  that  he  was  given  to  unau-  [45],  1.  Ego  .  .  .  absolvi]  The 

thorized  statements.    For  a  similar  reason  para,  are  the  two  books  of  the  Aeademica  : 

Cicero  thus  styles  Philotimus,  of   whom  (rwrdy/jLara  are    the  separate    books    of 

he   writes,    Att.    x.   9.  1  (393),  at  emus  a  whole  treatise  ;  the  latter  is  a-wra^is, 

hominis  !  quam  insulsi  et  quam  saepe  pro  e.g.    the   De   Finibus   as   a    whole   is   a 

Pompeio  mentientis.     Cp.   Att.  ix.    7.   6  <riWo£ts,  but  each  of  its  separate  books 

(362),  Philotimo,  homini  forti  ac  nimium  is  a  ffvvTayfi.a,  or  crvyypa/j.fjia.     The  Lat. 

optimati.     There   is   nothing  gained   by  for  avvra^is  is  corpus  ;  for   avvray/jia  or 

altering  Fulviniasier  of  the  MSB  to  Ful-  ffvyypafj.fjt.a  usually    liber.     See  Reid  on 

viaster,  as  Fulvitis  is  quite  as  obscure  as  Acad.,  p.  31,  note  1. 

Fulvinius.     For  the  latter  name  cp.  Wil-  aberrare]     cp.    581.    1;    582.  3:   also 

manns,  1946.     For  -aster  cp.  Antoniaster  Fam.  xv.  18.  1  (530). 
(Cic.  pro  Vareno  ap.  Quintil.  viii.  3,  22), 

surdastcr,  parasitaster.      Dr.  Reid  thinks  1.    Vergili]    one  of  the  four  coheirs  oil 

some  Greek  words  underlie  Fuiviniaster,  Scapula. 

as   Cicero     elsewhere   (cp.  Att.  vi.  9.  2  turbem']  '  I  fear  I  shall  run  amuck  and! 

(282)  ;  vii.  1.  1  (284))  plays  on  the  name  make  for  Drusus'  :  cp.  Att.  ii.  17,  1  (44),l 

Philotimus  by  reference   to  the    Greek  turbat  Sampsiceramus.  Cicero  means  herd 

4>iAoTt/iia.     He  thinks  the  words  may  be  that  he  fears  he  will  be  tempted  to  cast! 

«pi\oTifjLuv  /iao-TTjp,   *  a  searcher  out    of  calculation  to  the  winds  and  take  any-l 

ambitious    news.'       This    may  well   be  thing  he  can  get. 

right.    It  is  certainly  more  probable  than  revolver']  <I  often  come  round  to  [the! 

Schmidt's  fulminaster  (an  unknown  word)  thought  of]  Tusculanum.'    He  invariably! 

'Bin    Kerl  der  es  blitzen  lasst,'  i.e.  one  speaks  of  Tusculanum  as  the  least  desirj 

who  gives  thundering  news.     The  word  able  site  ;  but  he  is  resolved  to  take  it  ifl 

still  awaits  definite  correction.  he  can  get  no  better. 

naufragio  Caniniano]     cp.  580.  4.  2.  qui  mecum  sunt]     Who  are  these  ?• 


EP.  592  (ATT.  XII.  £6  AND  £7,  §  1).  81 

Imaestitiam  meam  non  ferunt —  domum  properant,  etsi  poteram 
Ireraanere,  tamen,  ut  scrips!  tibi,  proficiscar  hinc,  ne  relictus  videar. 
|Quo  autem  ?  Lanuvio  conor  equidem  in  Tusculanum.  Sed  faciam 
Ite  statim  certiorem.  Tu  litteras  coDficies.  Equidem  credibile  non 
lest  quantum  scribam,  quin  etiam  noctibus;  nihil  enim  somni. 
IHeri  etiam  effeci  epistulam  ad  Caesarem :  tibi  enim  placebat  ; 
Iquam  non  fuit  malum  scribi,  si  forte  opus  esse  putares :  ut  quidem 
punc  est,  nihil  sane  est  necesse  mittere.  Sed  id  quidem,  ut  tibi 
Ividebitur.  Mittam  tamen  ad  te  exemplum  fortasse  Lanuvio,  nisi 
[forte  Bom  am.  Sed  eras  scies. 


592.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  46  AND  47,  §  i). 

ASTURA  J    MAY  15  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  animo  suo  vincendo  et  Tusculano  visendo,  de  Attico  a  se  exspeetato. 
CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Vincam,  opinor,  animum  et  Lanuvio  pergam  in  Tusculanum. 
[Ant  enim  mihi  in  perpetuum  fundo  illo  carendum  est — nam  dolor 
(idem  manebit,  tantum  modo  occultius — aut  nescio  quid  intersit 
lutrum  illuc  nunc  veniam  an  ad  decem  annos.  Neque  enim  ista 
[maior  admonitio  quam  quibus  adsidue  conficior  et  dies  et  noctis. 

I 'My  people'  is    Shuckburgh's  transla-  another  case  of  efficere  where  we  should 

tion ;  but  that  is  not  explicit.     Perhaps  expect  conficere,  cp.  599.  2. 

people  like   Sicca   (562.    1),  who  came  non  fuit  malum]  '  there  was  no  harm 

I  down  to    see    him :  or  Nicias  and  Va-  (cp.  593.  1   nihil  nocuerit)   in  its  being 

I  lerius,  who  came  and  stayed  with  him  at  written,    if    you    thought  it    might  do 

I  Tusculum  (598.  1).     Possibly  it  was  to  good.     But,  as  things  now  are,  there  is 

I  such  visitors  that   Cicero  asks    Att.  to  no  necessity  to  send  it.' 

1  write    letters    of  politeness    (tu    litteras  JKomam]  sc.  contendero,  '  unless  I  push 

I  sonficies).     But  we  feel  great  uncertainty  on  to  Rome.'     The  ellipse  of  such  a  verb 

I  in  the  matter.     For  litteras  conficere  cp.  of  motion  is  frequent,  cp  Att.   vi.  7.  2 

Att.  xi.  5.3  (416).     It  is  quite  possible  (270),  Rhodum  volo  puerorum  causa. 

that  Cicero  means  no  more  than  '  you  will 

please  write  to  me.'  1.  occultius']    "We  agree  with  Boot  that 

Lanuvio']      cp.     Adn.    Grit.      '  From  this  is  the  best  reading  for  octius.    A  few 

I  Lanuvium  I  try  to  prevail  on  myself  to  lines  further  down  the  copyist  has  exto  for 

go  to  Tusculanum.'     He  finds  it  hard  to  exculto.    Lehmann  suggested  tectior. 

revisit  a  place  so  full  of  associations  with  ad  decem  annos]  t  in  ten  years  '  :  for 

I.Tullia  :_cp.  592.  1.  ad  cp.  Att.  ii.  5.  1  (32),  adannos  DC. 

effect]  There  seems  an  idea  of  doing  a  ista  .  .  admonitio]    '  the  reminder  of 

difficult  thing  in  this  word  when  used  my  loss  which  I  shall  experience  there.' 

(with  epistula,  '  I  elaborated  a  letter.'  For  Before  quibus  understand  admonitiones. 

VOL.    V.  F 


82  EP.  593  (ATT.  XII.  tf,  §§  1,  2). 

Quid  ergo  ?  inquies :  nihil  litterae  ?  In  hac  quidem  re  vereor  ne£ 
etiam  contra.  Nam  essem  fortasse  durior  ;  exculto  enim  m  animo 
nihil  agreste,  nihil  inhumanum  est.  [47]  1.  Tu  igitur,  ut 
soripsisti,  neo  id  incommodo  tuo.  Yel  binae  enim  poterunt 
litterae.  Ooourram  etiam,  si  necesse  erit.  Ergo  id  quidem  utf 
poteris. 


593.    CICERO  TO  ATTICU8  (Air.  xn.  47,  §§  1,2). 

LANUVIUM  ;    MAY  16  J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  negotio  per  Mustelam  conficiendo,  de  Clodiae  hortis,  de  nomine  Faberiano,  del 
Hirtii  libro  divulgando,  de  Philotimo. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  De  Mustela,  ut  scribis  :  etsi  magnum  opus  est.  Eo  magi 
delabor  ad  Clodiam :  quamquam  in  utroque  Faberianum  nomer 
explorandum  est,  de  quo  nihil  nocuerit,  si  aliquid  cum  Balbo  eri 
locutus,  et  quidem,  ut  res  est,  emere  nos  velle  nee  posse  sine  istc 
nomine  nee  audere  re  incerta.  2.  Sed  quando  Clodia  Roma 
f  utura  est  et  quanti  rem  aestimas  ?  Eo  prorsus  specto,  non  quiB 
illud  malim,  sed  et  magna  res  est  et  difficile  certamen  cum  cupido 

nihil  litterae  ?~\  sc.  sunt.   '  Is  literature  something  connected  with  the  repaymea 

nothing  ? '  of  Terentia's  dowry,  or  with  the  divorw 

ne  etiam  contra]  '  I  fear  literature  has  of  Publilia. 
the  contrary  effect.  Were  I  unlettered,  I  Occurram']  sc.  tibi  Eomam. 

should  be  made  of  sterner  stuff,  perhaps.  id  quidem}     i.e.  your  coming  to  me  a 

In  the  highly  cultured  mind  there  is  no  Tusculum. 
roughness,  no  unfeelingness.'    This  gives 
an  explanation  of  enim :  but  it  is  doubtful  1 .  Mustela]  one  of  the  four  coheirs  a 

if  we  can  supply  such  a  protasis  as  'if  I  Scapula  :  cp.  590.  2. 
were  unlettered.'     The  natural  meaning          delabor]  '  I   incline  to'  :    cp.   revolvot 

of  the  words  is,  '  I  ought  to  have  been  twEp.  591.  1. 

made  of  sterner  stuff ' :  but  then  we  can          nihil  nocuerit~\   <  it  will  do  no  harm 

hardly  have  enim,  but  must  alter  to  autem  cp.  nonfuit  tnalum,  591,  2. 
or  tamen.  ut  res  est]    *  have  a  talk  with  Balbus 

[47],  1.  nee  id  incommodo   tuo~]  *  you  [and  tell  him,]  what  is  the  truth,  thatwi 

will  come  to  me  then  to  Tusculanum,  as  wish  to  purchase,  but  cannot,   withou 

you  say,  but  not  unless  it  is  convenient.'  collecting  that  debt,  and  do  not  dare  ft 

For  venies  understood,  cp.  669.  2.     Nee  take  a  leap  in  the  dark.'     Ut  res  est  is  th 

prevents  us  from  supplying  the  verb  in  observation  of  Cicero  himself,  and  no 

the  imperative.  part  of  the  communication  suggested  ft 

binae  .  . .   litterae'}  «  a  couple  of  letters  Atticus  to   be  made    to   Balbus,    whid 

will  avail ' ;  something  like  rem  tramigere  would  demand  sit  for  est. 
must  be  understood. What  the  business  was          2.  Ed]     « I  turn  my  thoughts  to  it,' 

we  do  not  know,  as  it  is  alluded  to  so  Clodia's  property, 
indefinitely :  cp.  Ep.  596.   Perhaps  it  was          illutf]    Otho's  property  :    cp.  586.2 


EP.  595  (ATT.  XII.  £5,  §§  2,  3).  83 

wmm  locuplete,  cum  lierede,  etsi  de  cupiditate  nemini  concedam, 
j-eeteris  rebus  inferiores  sumus.     Sed  haec  coram. 


594.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  47,  §  3,  AND  48  init.). 

LANUVIUM  ;    MAY   17  J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B,  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Caesare  Attici  vicino,  de  Attico  a  se  in  Tuscuiano  exspectato. 
CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

3.  Hirti  librum,  ut  facis,  divulga.  De  Philotimo,  idem  et 
«go  arbitrabar.  Domum  tuam  pluris  video  futuram  vicino  Caesare. 
Tabellarium  meum  hodie  exspectamus.  Nos  de  Pilia  et  Attica 
certiores  faciet.  [48  init.'}  Domi  te  libenter  esse  facile  credo. 
Sed  velim  scire  quid  tibi  restet  aut  iamne  confeceris.  Ego  te  in 
Tuscuiano  exspecto  eoque  magis  quod  Tironi  statim  te  venturum 
scripsisti  et  addidisti  te  putare  opus  esse. 


595.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  45,  §§  2,  3). 

TUSCULUM  J   MAY  17  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  dwrjSiqi  Attici,  de  commoratione  in  Tuscuiano,  de  Caesare  vicino,  de  Hirtii  libro 
pervulgando. 

2.  De  Attica,  optime.    'Aicjj&'a  tua  me  movet,  etsi  scribis  nihil 
esse.     In    Tuscuiano  eo   commodius   ero  quod   et  crebrius   tuas 

concedam']    There  is  no  need  to  alter  to  erected  in  the  temple  of  Quirinus,  near 

eoncedo   in,   as  we    did    in   our    former  the  house  of  Atticus  on  the  Quirinal  Hill, 

edition.     The    future    means    'I    shall  ( See  on  next  letter.)     Schmidt  (p.  283) 

yield    to    no  one '    (when  the    auction  says  that   Caesar  was  building  a  house 

comes  on)  :  cp.   584.  4,  Sin  ad  tabulam  near  that  of  Atticus :   but  that  will  not 

venimus,     vincemus    facilitates      Othonis  suit  with  crvvvaov. 

nostra  cupiditate.     Cp.   Reid  in  Herma-  [48],  libenter  esse\  '  are  glad  to  be  at  your 

thena,  x  (1898),  p.  139.  own  house,'  589.  3  ;  590.  3.  Atticus  had 

Sed  haec  coratn\     i.e.   consider abimus.  shut   himself  up   in  his   own  house    to 

Often  at  the  end  of  a  letter  :  cp.  Att.  xii.  finish  some  business  matter. 
11  (502)  ;  630;  631. 

2 .  ' A  K  i]  8  i  a]    Man  guor, '  *  listlessness , ' 

3.  Hirti  librum]  584.  1  ;  590.  1.  the  feeling  of  general  want  of  interest. 

De  Philotimo']  590.  4.  It  is  not  quite  the  same  o&pigritia,  which 

vicino    Caesare]     A    statue    of  Caesar  Cicero  defines  (Tusc.  iv.  18)  as  metus  con  - 

with  the  inscription  Deo  Invicto  was  no\v  sequentis  laboris, 

F2 


84 


EP.  696  (ATT.  XII.  50}. 


litteras  accipiam  et  te  ipsum  non  numquam  videbo — nam  cetero- 
qui  aittKTorepa  erant  Asturae— nee  haec  quae  refricant  hie  me 
magis  augunt  ;  etsi  tamen,  ubicumque  sum,  ilia  sunt  mecum 
3.  De  Caesare  vicino  scripseram  ad  te,  quia  cognoram  ex  tuis  lit- 
teris.  Eum  avvvaov  Quirini  malo  quam  Salutis.  Tu  vero  pervulga 
Hirtium.  Id  enim  ipsum  putaram  quod  scribis,  ut,  cum  ingenium 
amici  nostri  probaretur,  viro&ortc  vituperandi  Catonis  irrideretur. 


596.     CICEEO  TO  ATTICUS    (ATT.  xn.  50). 

TUSCULANUM  ;    MAY  18  J    A,  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

Invitat  M.  Cicero  Atticum  ut  se  saepius  invisat. 
CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Ut  me  levarat  tuus  adventus  sic  discessus  adflixit.  Quare 
cum  poteris,  id  est,  cum  LSexti  auctioni  operam  dederis,  revises 
nos.  Yel  uims  dies  mihi  erit  utilis,  quid  dicam  '  gratus '  ?  Ipse 


refricant]  sc.  me  ;  the  word  is  always 
transitive,  a  reflexive  pronoun  being 
easily  supplied  in  the  places  where  the 
verb  is  apparently  intransitive,  as  here, 
and  in  Att.  x.  17,  2  (403),  crebro.  refricat 
lippitudo.  Translate  'for  otherwise  things 
were  more  endurable  at  Asttira — nor  do 
these  associations  which  renew  my  grief 
afflict  me  more  here  (than  elsewhere),  yet 
[you  must  understand],  wherever  I  go, 
my  grief  never  leaves  me.'  Ellis  thinks 
that  quae  refricant  hie  me  magis  angunt, 
which  have  the  rhythm  of  a  hexameter, 
may  be  a  quotation  from  Lucilius. 

3.  Eum  .  .  .  Salutis']  The  temple  of 
Quirinus  on  the  Quirinal  Hill,  dedicated 
by  L.  Papirius  Cursor  (Liv.  x.  46)  on  the 
defeat  of  the  Samnites,  was  burned  down 
in  the  year  49  B.C.  Caesar  restored  it, 
and  this  year  his  statue  was  erected  there 
with  the  inscription,  Deo  Invicto.  There 
was  also  a  temple  to  Salus  on  the  same 
hill ;  cp.  Att.  iv.  1.  4  (90)  tuae  vicinae 
Salutis.  Cicero  here  bitterly  says  that  he 
would  rather  see  Caesar  '  enshrined  with  ' 
(occupant  of  the  same  temple  with)  Quiri- 
nus than  with  Salus.  Romulus  was  torn 
to  pieces  just  before  he  was  acknowledged 
as  a  god.  In  604.  3  Cicero  calls  Caesar 
Quirini  contubernalem,  where  see  note. 


Hirtium']  The  work  is  called  by  th< 
name  of  the  writer  (cp.  Cottam  am 
Libonem  647.  3),  just  as  we  now  speak  o 
our  Cicero  or  Horace,  and  as  Juvena 
(7.  227)  wrote  of  Flaccus  and  Maro.  I 
is  generally  spoken  of  as  Hirti  librum 
594  init.  This  was  the  attack  against  Cat< 
mentioned  in  584.  1,  and  it  was  dedicatee 
to  Cicero,  cp.  588.  4 ;  590.  1.  He  say 
the  effect  of  the  brochure  will  be  to  reflec 
credit  on  the  literary  ability  of  Hirtius 
but  ridicule  on  the  scheme  of  blackeninj 
the  character  of  Cato. 

adventus]  Atticus  appears  to  have  pai< 
Cicero  a  short  visit  on  the  18th.  Th< 
visits  of  a  business  man  like  Att.  were 
necessarily  short,  and  Cicero  knew  this 
(549.4).  Atticus  seems  to  have  paid  similar 
short  visits  on  June  8  (618)  and  on 
Aug.  10  (662.  1).  This  letter  was  des- 
patched on  the  same  day  a*  Att.  left,  for 
Cicero  was  sending  a  messenger  to  Rome 
to  enquire  about  Tiro  (597.  2). 

Sexti']  the  auction  of  Sextus  Ped- 
ucaeus,  598.  1. 

quid  dicam  (gratus'~]  'need  I  say  "plea- 
sant" ? '  For  quid  dicam,  cp.Phil.  xiii.  18, 
hocarchipirata — quid  enim  dicam  tyranno\ 
Somewhat  similar  is  Att.  iv.  13.  1  (130 


EP.  597  (ATT.  XII.  48  FIN.  AND  49). 


85 


|Eomam  venirem  ut  una  essemus,  si  satis  consilium  quadam  de  re 
laberem. 


597.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  ^  fin.  AND  49). 

TUSCULUM  ;    MAY  19  ',   A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  C.  Marii  causa  a  se  defendenda,  de  Tirone,  de  rebus  domesticis. 

CLCERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

[48  Jin.]  Sentiebam  omnino  quantum  mihi  praesens  prodesses, 
multo  magis  post  discessum  tuum  sentio.     Quam  ob  rem,  ut 
ad   te   scripsi,  aut    ego    ad   te   totus  aut   tu  ad   me,  quod 
5 bit.    [49,  1]  Heri  non   multo  post  quam  tu  a  me  discessisti, 
),  quidam  urbani,  ut  videbantur,  ad  me  mandata  et  litteras 
[attulerunt  a  C.  Mario  C.  F.  C.  N.  multis  verbis:  'agere  mecum 


\volumus  esse :  quid  dico  volutnus:  immo 
\vero  cogimur,  and  Senec.  Controv.  i, 
[praef.  9  quis  aequalium  vestrorum,  quid 
\dicam  ('can  I  say)  satis  ingeniosus  .  .  . 
immo  quis  satis  vir  est  ?  Not  quite 
parallel  is  Att.  i  17.  6  (23)  sermonis 
communicatio  .  .  .  deest — quid  dicam  ?  in 
\publicane  re  .  .  .  an  in  forensi  labor e  .  .  . 
an  in  ipsis  domesticis  negotiis — where  the 
question  is  not  purely  rhetorical.  We 
have  adopted  the  correction  of  Victorius, 
gratus  for  gratius  :  the  sense,  *  what 
pleasanter  word  (than  "  useful  ")  is  now 
possible  for  me  '  would  require  the  em- 
phatic word  '  now  '  to  be  expressed  :  and 
a  reference  to  the  pleasantness  of  Attic  us' 
visit  is  in  harmony  with  the  opening 
words  of  this  little  note. 

si  satis  consilium  .  .  .  haberem~\ '  if  I  had 
made  up  my  mind  satisfactorily  "on  a  cer- 
tain matter.'  For  consilium  'habere  cp. 
Off.  iii.  49  :  Sail.  Cat.  52.  34.  satis,  «  in 
sufficient  measure  '  :  cp.  Munro  on 
Lucr.  i.  241.  The  change  to  satis  consili 
or  satis  cerium  consilium  is  not  necessary. 
Lehmann  (p.  8)  suggests  satis  constituium 
consilium,  comparing  1  Verr.  i.  26.  Miiller 
reads  consultum  for  consilium,  comparing 
Plaut.  Rud.  11o,neque  quaquaeram  consul- 
tumst.  This  business  is  possibly  the  same 
as  that  alluded  to  in  592  fin. 

48  fin.  totus']  This  word  is  strangely 
used.  It  would  seem  to  mean,  as  Boot 


suggests,  '  I  will  come  to  you  for  good  (or 
to  stop ;  Shuckburgh  translates  "bodily  "), 
or  you  to  me,  that  is  if  you  will  be  able 
to  manage  it.'  Totus  [veniam~]  is  opposed 
to  occur  am  tantum.  The  other  interpre- 
tations, '  I  will  come  with  my  whole 
establishment,'  or  'with  all  my  heart,' 
are  impossible ;  the  first  both  for  the 
meaning  and  the  expression,  the  latter 
for  the  expression  only,  for  it  is  not  to  be 
defended  by  Horace's  totus  in  illis,  Sat.  i. 
9,  2,  nor  by  omnis  in  hoc  sum,  Ep.  i.  1,11. 
49,  l.puto']  'as  I  think.'  Cicero  is 
not  sure  about  the  exact  time  when  his 
visitors  arrived. 

urbani~\  '  from  the  city,  as  I  judged.' 
G.  F.  C.  N.]  Gaifilio,  Gai  nepote.  This 
man,  an  oculist  (the  reading  equarius  in 
Val.  Max.  ix.  15.  1  is  now  given  up)  by 
profession,  was  really  called  Herophilus, 
which  name  he  changed  to  Amatius. 
Giving  himself  out  to  be  the  son  of  the 
younger  Marius,  who  had  married  a 
daughter  of  L.  Crassus,  the  orator,  he 
was  accepted  as  such  by  many  towns  and 
guilds,  who  made  him  their  patron. 
Cicero,  without  committing  himself,  seems 
to  have  considered  that  he  was  an  impos- 
tor. When  Caesar  returned  from  Spain, 
he  had  him  banished,  as  he  was  getting 
scandalously  influential.  On  the  death  of 
Caesar  he  returned,  and  posed  as  his 
avenger  in  virtue  of  his  supposed  relation- 
ship  to  him  (Caesar's  aunt  Julia,  wife  of 


86 


EP.  597  (ATT.  XII.  48  FIN.  AND  49). 


per  cognationem,  quae  mihi  secum   esset,  per  eum  "  Marium,' 
quern  soripsissem,  per  eloquentiam  L.  Crassi,  avi  sui,  ut  se  defei 
derem,'  causamque  suam  mihi  perscripsit.     Eescripsi  patrono  il 
nihil  opus  esse,  quoniam  Caesaris  propinqui  eius  omnis  potesi 
esset,  viri  optimi  et  hominis  liberalissimi,  me  tamen  ei  fauturui 
0  tempora !    fore  cum  dubitet  Curtius  consulatum  petere ! 
haec  hactenus.     2.  De  Tirone,  mihi  curae   est.     Sed  iam  sciai 
quid  agat.     Heri  enim  mi  si  qui  videret,  cui  etiam  ad  te  littei 
dedi.     Epistulam  ad  Ciceronem  tibi  misi.     Horti  quam  in  diei 
proscripti  sint  velim  ad  me  scribas. 


the  great  Marius,  was  claimed  by  this 
Amatius  as  his  grandmother).  He  erected 
an  altar  upon  the  place  where  Caesar's 
corpse  had  been  burned,  and  sacrificed  to 
Caesar  as  to  a  god.  Even  if  he  did  not 
urge  a  massacre  of  the  Senate  (as  Val.Max. 
says),  he  was  certainly  a  fom  enter  of 
disorder  :  so  Antony  seized  him  and 
executed  him  summarily.  Antony  won 
considerable  approval  for  doing  so,  cp. 
Appian,  B.  C.  iii.  3.  Cicero  mentions  )dm 
elsewhere,  cp.  708.  1  ;  709.  1 ;  710.  1  ; 
Phil.  i.  5.  Cicero  approved  thoroughly  of 
the  vigorous  measures  of  Antony  against 
this  man. 

per  cognationem~]  Gratidia  was  the 
grandmother  of  Cicero.  Her  brother,  M. 
Gratidius,  had  a  son  who  was  adopted  by 
M.  Marius,  brother  of  Gaius  Marius  (De 
Orat.  i.  178). 

dubitet']  '  hesitates,'  whether  he  will 
stand  or  not.  This  is  an  example  of 
dubitare  used  in  a  positive  sentence  :  cp. 
Att.  x.  3«,  2  (381). 

Curtius]  This  was  Postumus  Curtius, 
a  man  whom  Cic§  indeed  speaks  of  as 
familiarissimm  meus,  Fam.  xiii.  69.  1 
(508),  but  whom  he  plainly  disliked, 
cp.  Att.  ix.  5.  1  (359) :  6.  2  (360).  In  54 


Cicero  had  asked  Caesar  to  make  him 
tribunus  militum  (Q.  Fr.  iii.  1.  10,  EpJ 
148),  and  Curtius  was  ever  after  an  ardent 
Caesarean.  In  the  spring  of  49  he  wa» 
especially  blatant  when  he  paid  a  visit  to 
Cicero  (Att.  ix.  2«,  3  (356),  nihil  niM 
classis  loquens  et  exercitus).  Cicero  even 
then  was  indignant  at  his  ambitioM 
Curtius  noster  dibaphum  cogitat  Fam.  iii 
16.  7  (394).  If  he  was  thinking  of  the 
consulship  for  44,  he  must  have  bee« 
made  praetor  about  47  or  46.  In  May, 
44,  he  roundly  censured  Cic.  for  his  sidiM 
with  the  assassins  of  Caesar  ;  cp.  712.  2. 
quam  severe  nos  M.  Curtius  accusat  ut\ 
pudeat  vivere.  "With  Matius  he  organize* 
the  games  given  by  Octavian  (732.  3).  J 

2.  Ciceronem]  This  is  young  MarcuJ 
"Wes.  and  Boot  read  Caesar  em  with  !-• 
perhaps  rightly  :  cp.  591.  2  ;  598.  2.  ThaM 
would  be  the  ffvjmftov\evriKbv  of  584.  2. 
We  have,  however,  with  hesitation  retainej 
the  reading  of  the  MSS,  as  Cicero  ni°4| 
probably  did  write  a  letter  to  his  son  at 
this  time,  as  he  knew  Att.  was  about  toj 
despatch  a  packet  of  letters  to  Greece  :  cpSl 
600. 

Horti]  the  horti  of  Scapula  probably:! 
cp.  audio,  598.  2. 


EP.  598  (ATT.  XII.  51).  87 


598.     CICEEO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  51). 

TUSCULUM  J    MAY  20  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Tironis  et  Niciae  adventu  facto,  Valerii  future,  de  Attico  a  se  exspectato.  De 
Vergilio,  de  epistula  ad  Caesarem  mittenda,  de  Caerelliano  nomine  et  Metonis  et 
Faberii. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Tironem  habeo  citius  quam  verebar.  Yenit  etiam  Nicias,  et 
Valerium  hodie  audiebam  esse  venturum.  Quamvis  multi  sint, 
magis  tamen  ero  solus  quam  si  unus  esses.  Sed  exspecto  te, 
a  Peducaeo  utique.  Tu  autem  significas  aliquid  etiam  ante. 
Verum  id  quidem,  ut  poteris.  2.  De  Vergilio,  ut  scribis.  Hoc 
:amen  velim  scire  quando  auotio.  Epistulam  ad  Caesarem  mitti 
video  tibi  placere.  Quid  quaeris  ?  Mihi  quoque  hoc  idem  maxime 
placuit,  et  eo  magis  quod  nihil  est  in  ea  nisi  optimi  civis  sed 
ita  optimi  ut  tempora,  quibus  parere  omnes  TroAmicoi  praecipiunt. 
3ed  scis  ita  nobis  esse  visum  ut  isti  ante  legerent.  Tu  igitur  id 
curabis.  Sed,  nisi  plane  iis  intelleges  placere,  mittenda  non  est. 
[d  autem  utrum  illi  sentiant  anne  simulent  tu  intelleges:  sed 
mihi  simulatio  pro  repudiatione  fuerit.  ToOro  Sc  jui?Ao»<rp.  3.  De 

1.  Tironem]    He  had  been  laid  up  in  (litteras]  a  Lentuli  triumpho  datas,Att.  v. 

Rome  :  cp.  597.  2.  21.4(250). 

citius    quam    verebar]     'sooner  than  I  Tu]  *  But  you  give  some  slight  hint  that 

in  my  fear  expected.'     'I   ventured  to  I  may  see  you  even  before' (the  auction), 

hope.'  2.   Vergilio]  one  of  the  four  coheirs  of 

Nicias]     cp.  600 ;  604  [29].  1  ;  623.  2.  Scapula:  cp.  591  init. 

Valerius  appears  to    have    been  also  a  ita  optimi  ut  tempora]     « excellent,  at 

friend  who  came  on  a  visit  (600).  least  for  the  times  ' — i.e.  ut  tempora  sunt. 

unus  esses]     « than  if  you  by  yourself  istt]     Cicero's  Caesarean  friends,  like 

were  with  me.'    Some  edd.  insert  tu\  but  Hirtius,  Balbus,  and  Oppius:  cp.  603.  1. 

mecum  or   una,   as   suggested   by   Prof.  Id  .  .  .  fuerit]     '  You  will  understand 

Goligher,  seems  more  needed.  whether  their  approval  is  real  or  pre- 

a  Peducaeo']     'after  Peducaeus,'  that  tended:  pretence  I  shall  regard  as  dis- 

is  after  his  auction:  cp.  596.     So  Otho  approval.' 

often  stands  for  'the  negotiations  with  py  \dxrp']    '  you  will  kindly  probe  the 

Otho.'    A  =  after  is  common  enough  in  matter ' ;  py \ovadai  is  to  use  the  /A^ATJ  or 

the  Letters,  as  in  phrases  like  a  digressu  probe.     Cicero  employs  the  future  as  a 

tuo,  Att.  i.  5.  4   (1)  :  cp.     a    Pontiano  polite  imperative,  as  he  does  with  Latin 

590.    2 ;  ab    ea   (sc.   auctions)    608.    2 ;  verbs. 


88 


EP.  599  (ATT.  XII. 


Caerellia  quid  tibi  placeret  Tiro  mihi  narravit :  debere  non  esse 
dignitatis  meae,  perscriptionem  tibi  placere  : 

hoc  metuere,  alterum  in  metu  non  ponere  ! 
Sed  et  haec  et  multa  alia  coram.  Sustinenda  tamen,  si  tibi  vide- 
bitur,  solutio  est  nominis  Caerelliani  dum  et  de  Metone  et  de 
Faberio  sciamus. 


599.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  52). 

TUSCULUM  J    MAY  21  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  negotio  L.  Tullii  Montani  ab  Attico  curando,  de  epistula  ad  Caesarem,  de  hortis 
emendis,  de  Spintheris  divortio,  de  ratione  scriptorum  suorum. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  L.  Tullium  Montanum  nosti  qui  cum  Cicerone  profectus 
est.  Ab  eius  sororis  viro  litteras  accepi,  Montanum  Planco  debere, 
quod  praes  pro  Flaminio  sit,  HS  xxv ;  de  ea  re  nescio  quid  te  a 
Montano  rogatum.  Sane  velim,  sive  Plancus  est  rogandus  sive 
qua  re  potes  ilium  iuvare,  iuves.  Pertinet  ad  nostrum  officium. 
Si  res  tibi  forte  notior  est  quam  mihi  aut  si  Plancum  rogandum 
putas,  scribas  ad  me  velim,  ut  quid  rei  sit  et  quid  rogandum 
sciam.  2.  De  epistula  ad  Caesarem  quid  egeris  exspecto.  De 
Silio  non  ita  sane  laboro.  Tu  mi  aut  Scapulanos  aut  Clodianos 


3.  Caerellia']  cp.  vol.  iv,  p.  Ixxi.  This 
lady,  the  loss  of  whose  correspondence 
with  Cicero  is  much  to  he  regretted,  had 
lent  Cicero  money,  and  Atticus  thought 
it  was  unbecoming  that  Cicero  should  be 
in  her  debt,  and  that  he  should  write  her 
a  cheque  (perscriptionem}.  Cicero,  quoting 
from  an  unknown  author,  exclaims,  '  to 
think  you  should  have  scruples  about  my 
being  in  debt,  and  never  a  fear  about  my 
writing  a  cheque,  when  I  cannot  collect 
my  debts.'  For  perscribere  to  write  an 
order  or  cheque  on  a  banker,  cp.  772.  1, 
quod  perscribi  oportet :  Att.  iv.  17.  2 
(149),  and  note  there.  See  Roby,  Roman 
Private  Law,  ii.  292. 

hoc  .  .  .  ponere]  '  To  fear  the  one,  the 
other  not  to  dread.'  The  author  is 
unknown.  Cicero  elsewhere  quotes  this 
line:  cp.  728.  3:  Topic.  55.  He  is 
almost  as  fond  of  it  as  of  Ubi  nee  Pelopi- 
darum 


Sustinenda']  '  must  be  held  over '  :  cp. 
note  to  sustentabitur,  558.  3. 

Metone]  A  debtor  of  Cicero.  It  is 
doubtful  if  there  is  any  reference  to  him 
in  Att.  xii.  3.  2  (468). 

1 .  Planco  debere"]     L.  Plancus  was  one 
of  the  praefecti  urbis  whom  Caesar  had 
appointed  to  preside  over  the  sale  of  the 
escheated  goods  of  the  Pompeians.  If  any 
purchaser  failed  to  pay  the  price  within 
the  time  appointed,  L.  Plancus  was  to  levy 
a  distress  on  the  goods  of  the  defaulter 
or  his  sureties.     Montanus  had  become 
security  for  Flaminius,  a  defaulting  pur- 
chaser. 

HS.  xxv]  Boot  gives  xxv,  not  xx  of  i 
the  MSB,  as  the  sum  is  probably  the  same 
as  that  mentioned  in  Att.  xvi.  15,  5 
(807). 

2.  De  SUio]  We  have  not  heard  of  Silius 
and  his  horti  since  March   29  (569.  1), 


EP.  600  (ATT.  XII.  53). 


89 


efficias  necesse  est.  Sed  nescio  quid  videris  dubitare  de  Clodia, 
utrum  quando  veniat  an  sintne  venales?  Sed  quid  est  quod 
audio,  Spintherem  fecisse  divortium  ?  3.  De  lingua  Latina  securi 
•es  animi.  Dices,  qui  talia  conscribis  ?  'AiroypaQa  sunt,  minore 
labore  fiunt,  verba  tantum  adfero  quibus  abundo. 


600.     CICEKO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  53). 

TUSCULUM  ;    MAY  22  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  suo  et  Attici  commercio  litterarum. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Ego,  etsi  nihil  habeo  quod  ad  te  scribam,  scribo  tamen,  quia 
tecum  loqui  videor.    Hie  nobiscum  sunt  Nicias  et  Valerius.    Hodie 


, except  the  incidental  mention  on  May  11 
i  (588.  3).  He  was  plainly  decided  in  his 
.unwillingness  to  sell. 

efficias]  '  you  must  manage  (the  pur- 
I chase  of)  the  Scapulan  property.'  The 
expression  is  unusual,  but  quite  intelli- 
gible :  confycias  would  be  simpler;  cp. 
591.  2. 

dubitare  de  Clodia']  '  you  seem  to  be  in 
some  doubt  about  Clodia.  ("What  is  your 
doubt?)  Is  it  when  she  is  coming,  or 
whether  her  gardens  are  for  sale  ?  '  This 
use  of  utrum  .  .  .  an  may  perhaps  support 
the  marginal  reading  of  M  (utrum)  in 
Att.  i.  14.  3  (20),  where  see  note. 

Spintherem]  For  this  Lentulus  Spinther, 
see  vol.  vi,  pp.  Ixxxviii  f .  He  was  son  of 
the  Lentulus  who  moved  for  Cicero's 
recall  from  exile,  and  to  whom  Cicero 
wrote  most  of  the  letters  in  Fam.  i. 
For  his  profligate  wife  Metella,  cp. 
Att.  xi.  15.  3  (430)  ;  23.  3  (437).  Cicero 
confirms  the  rumour  of  the  divorce, 
619.  1. 

3.  De  lingua  Latina']  We  think  that 
Atticus'  fear  was  that  philosophical 
works  composed  so  rapidly  and  under 
such  circumstances  could  not  in  point  of 
style  be  up  to  Ciceronian  standard,  and 
bis  great  influence  on  the  literature  of  the 
iay  (cp.  e.g.  Att.  iv.  2.  2  (91)  oratio 
•tiventuti  nostrae  deberi  non  potest)  might 
produce  imitation  and  thus  in  a  measure 
mpair  the  Latin  tongue.  We  think  of 
Byron's  confession  of  his  own  carelessness 


in  writing.  "  No  one,"  he  says,  "  has  done 
more  through  negligence  to  corrupt  the 
language  "  (Golden  Treasury  Selections, 
p.  ix).  This  we  think  the  true  explana- 
tion. But  it  has  been  held  that  Atticus 
adverted  to  the  difficulty  which  Cicero 
would  experience  in  finding  Latin  equiva- 
lents for  Greek  philosophical  terms. 
Compare  the  complaint  of  Lucretius 
about  patrii  sermonis  egestas.  Cicero  says 
to  him,  '  make  your  mind  easy  on  that 
subject ' ;  he  does  not  feel  the  difficulty 
which  presented  itself  to  Lucretius.  But 
he  anticipates  another  question,  '  How  do 
you  compile  these  treatises  ?  '  to  which  he 
replies :  « They  are  really  only  trans- 
lations, and  are  comparatively  easy.  1 
have  only  to  find  words,  and  of  them  I 
have  no  lack'  :  cp.  Fam.  iv.  4.  1  (495) 
me  non  esse  verborum  admodum  inopem 
agnosco.  Cicero  did  not  think  very  much 
of  these  works  at  the  time  they  were 
written  :  cp.  584.  2  quam  bene  nihil  ad 
rem;  624.  1  ista  nescio  quae.  The  old 
editors  punctuate  differently  :  '  De  lingua 
Latina  securi  es  animi ^  dices  '  qui  talia 
conscribis '  ;  '  you  have  great  confidence 
in  the  resources  of  the  Latin  tongue,' 
you  will  say,  '  when  you  take  such 
subjects  to  write  on.'  But  the  sentiment 
would  seem  to  demand  tu  before  qui ;  or 
conscribas,  instead  of  conscribis. 

tecum  loqui]  583.  2. 
Kicias]     598.  1. 


90  EP.  601  (ATT.  XIII.  1). 

tuas  litteras  exspectabamus  matutinas.  Erunt  fortasse  alterae 
posmeridianae,  nisi  te  Epiroticae  litterae  impedient,  quas  ego  non 
interpello.  Misi  ad  te  epistulas  ad  Marcianum  et  ad  Montanum^ 
Eas  in  eundem  fasciculum  velim  addas,  nisi  forte  iam  dedisti. 


601.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Axr.  xm.  i). 

TUSCULTJM  ;    MAY  23  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  C1C.  61. 

De  litteris  ab  Attico  ad  Ciceronem  et  Tullios  datis,  de  hortis  emendis  et  pecunia  ad 
earn  rem  curanda,  de  epistula  a  se  ad  Caesarem  scripta,  de  Nicia,  de  Peducaeo. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Ad  Ciceronem  ita  scripsisti  ut  neque  severius  neque  temp< 
ratius  scribi  potuerit  nee  magis  [quam]  quern  ad  modum  eg 
maxime  vellem.  Prudentissime  etiam  ad  Tullios.  Qua  re  aut  isl 
proficient  aut  aliud  agamus.  2.  De  pecunia  vero  video  a  te  omneD 
diligentiam  adhiberi  vel  potius  iam  adhibitam  esse  :  quod  si  effic 
a  te  hortos  babebo.  Nee  vero  ullum  genus  possessionis  est  quo 
malim,  maxime  scilicet  ob  earn  causam  quae  suscepta  est,  cuin 
festinationem  mihi  tollis  quoniam  de  aestate  polliceris  vel  potiu 
recipis :  deinde  etiam  ad  Kara ]3iw a tv  maestitiamque  minuendan 
nihil  mihi  reperiri  potest  aptius ;  cuius  rei  cupiditas  impellit  m 
interdum  ut  te  hortari  velim.  Sed  me  ipse  revoco.  Non  enin 

posmeridianae']     Thus  Boot  prints  in-  written  with  more  gravity  or  moderatioi 

stead  ofposlmeridianae,  quoting  Cic.  Orat.  of  language,  or  more  perfectly  in  accorc 

157,  posmeridianas  quadrigas  quam  post-  ance  with  my  views.'  Thenss  give  qua 

meridianas  libentius  dixerim  :  cp.   Neue-  before   quemadmodum,   a    case   of  ditto 

Wagener  ii3,  825.  Sir  J.  Sandys  (quoting  giaphy. 

Dr.   Postgate)    points  out  that  posmeri-  Tullios]  L.  Tullius  Montanus  and 

dianus  is  not  merely  another  orthography  Tullius  Marcianus,  who  were  with  Cicero 

otpostmer.,  but  is  compounded  with  the  son  at  Athens,  cp.  600.     Probably  the 

old  Latin  pos,  Umbrian,  pus.     We  else-  were  urged    to  keep  an  eye  on  youn 

where  find  Atticus  writing  two  letters  in  Marcus    lest   he    should    fall    into  ba 

the  same  day,  637.  1.  habits. 

Epiroticae  litterae]  *  letters  to  Epirus  '  2.  a  te  hortos  habebo]     '  I  shall  owe  t 

to  his  men  of   business  there.      Cicero  you  the  acquisition  of  the  grounds.' 

wishes  letters  to  Marcianus  and  Montanus  festinationem']  '  my  impatience  whio 

(cp.  601.1;  599.   1)  to  be  sent  in  the  you  allay  by  promising,  or  rather  bindinj 

packet  which    Atticus    was    sending    to  yourself ,  to  have  the  matter  settled  befoi 

Greece  (cp.  notes  to  697.  2)  if  Att.  has  the  end  of  summer.' 

not  already  despatched  it.  Kara&i  <acriv]  *  life's  down  ward  slope 

The  deification  of  his  daughter  would  b 

1.  Ad   Ciceronem   ...    vellem]    'your  to  him  the  comfort  of  his  declining  years 

letter  to   Cicero  could    not    have    been  cp.  eYy^pa/uo  (561.  2  ;  590.2). 


EP.  602  (ATT.  XIII.  2,  §  1).  91 

dubito  quin,  quod  me  valde  velle  putes,  in  eo  tu  me  ipsum  cupidi- 
tate  vineas.  Itaque  istuc  iam  pro  facto  habeo.  3.  Exspecto  quid 
istis  placeat  de  epistula  ad  Caesarem.  Nicias  te,  ut  debet,  amat 
vehementerque  tua  sui  memoria  delectatur.  Ego  vero  Peducaeum 
nostrum  vehemeuter  diligo.  Nam  et  quanti  patrem  feci,  ftotum 
in  hunc  ipsum  per  se  aeque  amo  atque  ilium  amavi,  te  vero 
plurimum,  qui  hoc  ab  utroque  nostrum  fieri  veils.  Si  hortos 
inspexeris  et  si  de  epistula  certiorem  me  feceris,  dederis  mihi  quod 
ad  te  scribam  :  si  minus,  scribam  tamen  aliquid.  Numquam  enim 
deerit. 


602.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  2,  §  i). 

TUSCULUM  ;    MAY  24  ;    A.  TJ.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 
De  litterarum  commercio. 
CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Gratior  mihi  celeritas  tua  quam  ipsa  res.  Quid  enim  in- 
dignius  ?  Sed  iam  ad  ista  obduruimus  et  humanitatem  omnem 
exuimus.  Tuas  litteras  hodie  exspectabam,  nihil  equidem  ut  ex 
iis  novi  :  quid  enim  ?  Yerum  tamen 

3.  istis~\  '  the  Caesareans,'  cp.  598.  2.  which  is  possible  but  quite  as  tautologous. 

quanti  patrem  feci~]     We  think  it  pro-  For  some  emendations  which  have  been 

bable    that    the    original   reading     was  proposed,  see  Adn.  Crit. 
tantwn  hunc  ipsum  per  se  aeque  amo,  and 
1  the  sentence  very  tautologous,  '  for  such 

as  was  the  value  I  set  upon  his  father  celeritas}  '  The  despatch  you  have  used 

such  is  the  love  I  entertain  for  himself  gratifies  me  more  than  the  result  itself.' 

personally,  just  as  much  as  for  the  former;  "We  agree  with  Schiche   (Hermes  xviii, 

but  most  of  all  for  yourself,  seeing  that  1883,  p.  596)  that  this  refers  to  the  re- 

you  desire  to  promote  this  regard  between  ception  on  the  part  of  Balbus  and  Oppius 

us.'     Lambinus   adds  et  before    ipsum,  of  Cicero's  Epistle  to  Caesar.    They  cer- 

supposing  that  the  sentence  is  somewhat  tainly   disapproved   of  it,   and    perhaps 

loosely  expressed,  as  if  instead  of  quanti  they  expressed  their  disapproval  in  some- 

patrem  feci,  Cic.  had  written  quo  amore  what  curt  terms.    We  note  from  this  date 

patrem  amavi.  But  it  is  beyond  the  limits  a  change  in  Cicero's  feelings  as  regards 

of  ellipse  to  understand    a    word    like  Caesar. 

transtuli,  which  is  necessary  on  this  view.  humanitatem]     'ordinary   sensibility,' 

We   should  have  to  read  totum  in  hunc  cp.  inhumanum,  592. 
<  transtuli  et  hunc>  ipsum.    There  is  an  nihil .  .  .  novi~\    'not  that  I  expect  any 

old  correction   tanti  hunc  (sc.  facio],  et,  news '  :  sc.  exspectem. 


EP.  603  (ATT.  XIII.  27). 


603.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Axx,  xin.  27). 

TUSCULUM  ;    MAY  25  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C,  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  epistula  ad  Caesarem,  de  hortis  emendis. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  De  epistula  ad  Caesarem  nobis  vero  semper  rectissime  placui 
ut  isti  ante  legerent.     Aliter  enim  fuissemus  et  in  hos  inofficioj 
et  in  nosmet  ipsos,  si  ilium  offensuri  f uimus,  paene  periculosi.    Isti 
autem  ingenue,  mihique  gratum  quod  quid  sentirent  non  reticue-  * 
runt,  illud  vero  vel   optime  quod  ita  multa    mutari  volunt   ut 
mini  de  integro  scribendi  causa  non  sit :  quamquam  de  Parthico 
bello  quid  spectare  debui  nisi  quod  ilium  velle  arbitrabar  ?     Quod  il 
eiiim  aliud  argumentum  epistulae  nostrae  nisi  icoAaiceta  fuit  ?  an,  si 
ea  quae  optima  putarem  suadere  voluissem,  oratio  mihi  defuissetPJ 
Totis  igitur  litteris  nihil  opus  est.     TJbi  enim  fTrireuy/ua  magnumj 
nullum  fieri  possit,  aTroreuy/ua  vel  non  magnum  molestum  f uturumj 
sit,  quid  opus  est  TrapaKivSwi-vELV  ?  praesertim  cum  illud  occurratj 
ilium,  cum  antea  nihil  scripserim,  existimaturum  me  nisi  to! 
bello  confecto  nihil  scripturum  fuisse.     Atque  etiam  vereor  ui 
putet  me  hoc  quasi  Catonis  /mAtyjuct  esse  voluisse.     Quid  quaeris  ?j 
Yalde  me  paenitebat,  nee  mihi  in  hac  quidem  re  quidquam 
ut  vellem  accidere  potuit,  quam  quod  <TTTOV<!>Y)  nostra  non  est  probat 


1 .  nobis  vero]  '  yes,  it  was  my  opinion '  ; 
see  on  Ep.  62,  1  ;  574.  1. 

isti']  his  Caesarean  friends  such  as 
Hirtius,  Oppius,  and  Balbus,  who  were 
with  Atticus  in  Rome:  cp.  598.  2. 

periculosi]  '  we  should  have  brought 
danger  on  ourselves.'  We  know  of  no 
other  passage  \v\\eropericulosus  is  followed 
by  in  with  ace.,  and  is  used  personally. 

de  integro  scribendi~]  '  that  I  have  really 
no  motive  for  writing  the  whole  letter 
afresh.'  The  common  friends  of  Caesar 
and  Cicero  found  so  much  to  alter  that 
Cicero  thought  it  better  to  abandon  the 
letter  altogether. 

de  Parthico  bello"]  Cicero  left  it  an  open 
question  whether  Caesar  should  go  to 
Parthia  or  not ;  see  607.  3. 


K  o  \  a  K  e  t  a]     '  kotowing  '  would  be  tl 
equivalent  in  a  modern  letter. 

Totis]  '  the  whole  letter  was  uncalled  forjj 

4iriTevyfj.a  .  .  .  aTroTevy/ma]  '  wl 
I  can't  make  a  coup,  and  a  fiasco, 
though  slight,  would  be  unpleasant, 
jeune  vaut  pas  la  chandelleS  Shuckbui 
translates  by  '  hit '  and  '  miss.' 

toto   bello\     '  that   I    would   not   hai 
written  anything  unless  the  war  had 
completely  finished' — the   war   betwe 
the  Caesarean  party  and  the  Pompeians,_ 

Catonis  p.  fix  ty^a]  'I'm  afraid  he 
think  this  was  meant  only  to  gild  the 
of  the  '  Cato.' ' 

o-TTouS^  nostra  non  est  probata]    l 
zele  (or,  perhaps,  empressement}  did 
meet  with  approval.'  We  have  borrowed! 
word  from  Talleyrand's  surtoutpas  de  zel 


EP.  604  (ATT.  X1IL  28,  AND  29,  §  1).  9$ 

ncidissemus  etiam  in  illos,  in  eis  in  cognatum  tuum.  2.  Sed 
redeo  ad  hortos.  Plane  illuc  te  ire  nisi  tuo  raagno  commodo 
olo  ;  nihil  enim  urget.  duidquid  erit,  operam  in  Faberio  ponamus. 
)e  die  tamen  auctionis,  si  quid  scies.  Eum  qui  e  Cumano  venerat, 
uod  et  plane  valere  Atticam  nuntiabat  et  litteras  se  habere  aiebat, 
;atim  ad  te  mi  si. 


604.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xin.  28,  AND  29,  §  i). 

TUSCULUM  ;    MAY  26  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  hortis,  de  Faberio,  de  epistula  ad  Caesarem  et  de  Alexandro  Magno,  de  Niciae 
refection  e  ad  Dolabellam,  de  luventio  Thalna. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Hortos  quoniam  hodie  eras  inspecturus,  quid  visum  tibi  sit 
ras  scilicet.  De  Faberio  autem,  cum  venerit.  2.  De  epistula 
d  Caesarem,  iurato  mihi  crede,  non  possum ;  nee  me  turpitudo 
eterret,  etsi  maxime  debebat.  Quam  enim  turpis  est  adsentatio, 
um  vivere  ipsum  turpe  sit  nobis  !  Sed  ut  coepi,  non  me  hoc 
urpe  deterret.  Ac  vellem  quidem  (essem  enim  qui  esse  debebam) 
ed  in  mentem  nihil  venit.  Nam  quae  sunt  ad  Alexandrum 
omiiium  eloquentium  et  doctorum  suasiones  vides  quibus  in 
ebus  versentur.  Adulescentem  incensum  cupiditate  verissimae 
loriae,  cupientem  sibi  aliquid  consili  dari  quod  ad  laudem 
empiternam  valeret,  cohortantur  ad  decus.  Non  deest  oratio. 
jjgo  quid  possum?  Tamen  nescio  quid  e  quercu  exsculpseram 

illos]    '  We  should  also  have  fallen  into  Atticam']      There     was    no    previous 

tie  hands  of  the  Caesarean  partisans :  cp.  intimation  that  she  had  gone  down  to 

lose.  Am.  151,  in  quos  (milites)  incidant.  Cumae. 

cognatum~]     Q.  Cicero  the  younger. 

2.  tuo  magno  commodo~\     '  unless  per-  1.  eras  scilicet^  sc.  scribes. 

ectly   convenient   to   you  ' :    cp.   magno  2.  De   epistula]     l  as  to  the  letter   to 

asu,  '  by  pure  chance,'  Caes.  B.  C.  iii.  Caesar,  I  give  you  my  honour  I  cannot 

4.  3  ;  magna  potestas,  'full  power/  Balb.  write  it.     It  is  not  the  baseness  of  it  that 

7,    and    Dr.   Reid's    note    there.     So  stops  me,  though  it  ought  to  be.     How 

eyas  tf>i\os  in  Eur.  Med.  549  is  explained  disgraceful  is  this  complaisance,  when  even 

ightly  by  Verrall  '  a  powerful  friend '  ;  to  be  alive  is  ignominious.    But,  as  I  was 

a  great  friend '  would  be  a  misleading  saying,   that  is  not  what   stops   me.     I 

ranslation.  wish  it  was.     Then  I  should  be  what  I 

auctionis']    Probably  the  auction  of  the  ought  to  be.     But  I  can  think  of  nothing 

orti  of  Scapula  :  cp.   597  fin ;   598.   2.  to  write.' 

'or  the  omission  of  scribe  cp.  666.  1  and  Alexandrum]  cp.  584.  2. 

t'ten.  e  quercu  exsculpserain]  cp.  edolavi  664. 


EP.  604  (ATT.  XIII.  28,  AND  09,  §  1). 


quod  videretur  simile  simulacri.     In  eo  quia  non  nulla  erant  paullc 
meliora  quam  ea  quae  fiimt  et  facta  sunt  reprehenduntur,  quo< 
me  minime  paenitet.     Si  enim  pervenissent  istae  litterae,  mih 
orede,  nos  paeniteret.    3.  Quid  ?  tu  non  vides  ipsum  ilium  Aristo 
teli  discipulum,  summo  ingenio,  summa  modestia,  postea  quanl 
rex   appellatus   sit,   superbum,  crudelem,  immoderatum   fuisse 
Quid  ?  tu  hunc   de   pompa,  Uuirini  contubernalem,  his  nostri 
moderatis  epistulis  laetaturum  putas  ?    Ille  vero  potius  non  scripts 
desideret  quam  scripta  non  probet ;  postremo,  ut  volet.    Abiit  illu< 
quod  turn  me  stimulabat  quom  tibi  dabam  7TjOo|3X»jjua  'A/o^tjUTjScto 
Multo  mehercule  magis  nunc  opto  casum  ilium  quern  turn  time 
bam,  vel  quern  libebit.     Nisi  quid  te  aliud  impediet,  mi  optat 
veneris.     Nicias  a  Dolabella  magno  opere  arcessitus — legi  enim.' 
litteras — etsi  invito  me,  tamen  eodem  me  auctore  profeotus  est.  i 
Hoc  manu  mea.     [29],  1.  Cum  quasi  alias  res  quaererem  de] 
philologis  e  Nicia,  incidimus  in  Thalnam.     Ille  de  ingenio  nihil 
nimis,  modestum  et  frugi.    Sed  hoc  mihi  non  placuit:  se  scire 
aiebat  ab  eo  nuper  petitam  Cornificiam,  Q.  filiam,  vetulam  sane  et 


1,  '  from  very  intractable  material  I  had 
rough-hewn  something  which  should  at 
least  look  like  a  work  of  art.  There  are 
in  it  a  few  touches  a  little  too  high  for 
the  present  and  past  state  of  things.  So 
they  find  disfavour:  and  I  am  glad  of 
it.' 

3.  Quirini  vontubernalem~\  cp.  595.  2, 
eum  avvvaov  Quirini  malo  quam  Salutis. 
This  pompa  seems  to  have  been  part  of 
the  Ludi  Cir censes  held  on  April  21  in 
honour  of  the  victory  of  Munda,  news  of 
which  reached  Rome  on  April  20  :  cp. 
Dio  Cass.  xliii.  42.  3,  TO  re  Tlapi\ia 
(Apr.  21)  tTnroSpOjUto  a.Qa.va.Tu>,  otfri  7*  Kal 
5to  Tr)v  iro\iv,  OTI  tv  avrois  eKTt(TTO,  a\\a 
5ta  TT]v  rov  Kaiaapos  viKrjv,  on  f)  ayye\ia 
auTTjs  TT)  irpoTepaia  irpbs  tairfpav  CKptKero, 
*  Tip-hen'.  The  festival  for  the  victory  of 
Munda  was  afterwards  discontinued :  cp. 
C.  I.  L.  i2,  p.  316.  We  hear  of  another 
pompa  about  July  19:  cp.  646.  1.  We 
hear  also  that  about  this  time  Caesar's 
image  was  carded  among  those  of  the 
gods  in  procession  (Dio  Cass.  xliii.  45.  2  ; 
Suet.  Caes.  76)  and  was  placed  in  the 
temple  of  Quirinus.  These  honours  paid 
to  Caesar  seemed  to  show  Cic.  that  there 
could  not  be  any  political  co-operation 
between  Caesar  and  himself. 


ut  volet] 
wish.' 


i.e.   *  let  it  be  as  he   shall 


*  crux.1  This  wad 
the  question  put  to  Atticus  (584.  2),  whin 
sbould  be  written  to  Caesar  ? 

casum  ilium]  *  that  fate  which  then  I 
feared'  (viz.  that  my  work  would  meaB 
with  disapproval),  '  or  any  fate  that  mayj 
please  him  '  (viz.  actual  hostility). 

optato  veneris~\  '  your  coming  will 
welcome  '  —  a  rare  adverb  found  in  the] 
same  connexion  in  Plaut.  Amph.  658  ; 
Ter.  Andr.  533.  It  is  also  found  in| 
Vergil  JEn.  x.  405. 

[29].  1.  Gum  .  .  .  Nicia']  'When, 
if  it  had  nothing  to  say  to  the  matter, 
was  making  inquiries  from  Nicias  aboi 
scholars.'  Nicias  was  something  of 
gossip  :  cp.  623.  2  and  679  fin.  : 
752  init. 

Thalnam']     We  may  infer  that  Attici 
had  spoken  of  Thalna  as  a  suitor  of 
woman  in  whom  he  took  an  interest,  ji 
possibly  of  Attica,    see   632.  7.     Cice 
mentions  that  he  had  sought  the  hand 
Cornificia,  and  had  been  disapproved 
by  her  and  her   mother,    as  not  b<" 
sufficiently  well  off. 

Cornificiam,  Q.  Jiliam]    cp.  C.  I.  L. 
1300   a.     She   was  daughter  of  the 


JSP.  605  (ATT.  XIII.  29,  §§  0  AND  3,  AND  SO,  §  1).     95 

multarum  nuptiarum :  non  esse  probatum  mulieribus,  quod  ita 
reperirent,  rem  non  maiorem  DCCC.     Hoc  putavi  te  scire  oportere. 


605.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS 

(ATT.  XIII.  29,  §§  2  AND  3,  AND  30,  §  l). 

TUSCULUM  J    MAY  27  ;   A.  U.  C.  709  ',    B.  C.  45  ',   AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  hortis  emendis,  de  Q.  Ciceronis  epistulis. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

2.  De  hortis  ex  tuis  litteris  cognovi  et  ex  Chrysippo.  In  villa, 
cuius  insulsitatem  bene  noram,  video  nihil  aut  pauca  mutata : 
mlnearia  tamen  laudat  maiora  :  de  minoribus  ait  hiberna  effici 
>osse.  Tecta  igitur  ambulatiuncula  addenda  est,  quam  ut  tantam 
'aciamus  quantam  in  Tusculano  fecimus,  prope  dimidio  minoris 
oonstabit  isto  loco.  Ad  id  autem  quod  volumus  atyiSpvfjia  nihil 
aptius  videtur  quam  lucus,  quern  ego  noram,  sed  celebritatem 
Dullam  turn  habebat,  nunc  audio  maximam.  Nihil  est  quod  ego 
malim.  In  hoc  rbv  TV^OV  JJLOV  irpog  flcwv  rpoTro^OjOijorov.  Reliquum 
it,  si  Faberius  nobis  nomen  illud  explicat,  noli  quaerere  quanti : 
Othonem  vincas  volo.  Nee  tamen  insaniturum  ilium  puto ;  nosse 

/ornificius  who   was  one  of  the  judges  For  '  winter   apartments,'  Pliny,  Ep.  ii. 

m  the  trial  of  Verres  (1.  Verr.  30):   cp.  17.    7.  uses   hibernaculum,  as  does  also 

Att.  i.  1.  1  (10),  13.  3  (19) ;  Sail.  Cat.  Vitruvius  (i.  2.  7). 

7.  4.    For  multarum  nuptiarum  =  vo\v-  aQitipvfi.a,']     'an   erection,'    i.e.    the 

ajjLos  cp.  note  to  696.  3.  fanwn.     Cicero  wanted  the  horti  for  his 

probatum]      So    Malaspina     corrected  abode  (cp.  590.  2),  and  the  lucus  for  the 

rotosw,  which  is  in  M.   ItwasThalna,  shrine.     In   607.  4  he  gives  the  reason 

and  not  Cornificia,  who  was  disapproved  why  he  desires  to  reside  there,  nihil  enim 

if  by  the  ladies.  aliud  reperio   ubi  et   in  foro  non  sim  et 

tecum  esse  possim. 

2.  hortis~\  These  must  he  the  gardens  rbv  rvfyov  IJLOV  .  .  .  rpoiro<p6pr}(roi']  *  for 
of  Scapula,   from  the  fact  that  Cicero  Heaven's  sake  humour  my  infatuation.' 
seems  so  anxious  to  get  them,  and  the  The   word    rpoiro<popftv,    of   which  the 
mention  of  Clodia  which  follows  imme-  Latin  morigerari   would  exactly  express 
liately  (§  3):  cp.  588.  3:  589.  2:  590.  the  meaning,  is  found  in  a  well-known 
2,  and  often.  passage    of  the    Acts    of    the    Apostles 
Chrysippo']    Vettius     Chrysippus,    an  (xiii.  18)  :    * And  about  the  time  of  forty 
architect :    cp.  712.  1  :  Fam.  vii.  14.  1.  years  suffered  he  their  manners  in  the 
'172).  wilderness,'  from  Deut.  i.  31,   in   both 
,  insulsitatem]    'bad  taste.'     This  word  of  which  passages  we  should  read  erpo- 
and  insulsus  are  favourites  of  Cicero.  Trofy6pt\(rGV,  not  €Tpo(f>o<f>6pr)<rfv. 
hiberna]  '  winter  apartments,'  a  aira£  vinous"]     (  outbid  him.'     584.  4. 
prinevov.     In  this    sense     it     usually  insaniturum']    '  will  be  wild  in  his  de- 
means  'winter  quarters'  (of  an  army).  mands.'     Cp.   Ter.    Phorm.   642,    GE  a 


96    EP.  605  (ATT.  XIII.  29,  §§  %  AND  3,  AND  30,  §  1). 

enim  mihi  hominem  videor.  Ita  male  autem  audio  ipsum  esse- 
tractatum  ut  mihi  ille  emptor  non  esse  videatur.  Quid  enim  ?j 
pateretur  ?  3.  Sed  quid  argumeiitor  ?  Si  Faberianum  explicasl 
emamus  vel  magno,  si  minus,  ne  parvo  quidem  possumus.  Clo-l 
diam  igitur,  a  qua  ipsa  ob  earn  causam  sperare  videor,  quod  etl 
multo  minoris  sunt  et  Dolabellae  nomen  tarn  expeditum  videtur- 
ut  etiam  repraesentatione  confidam.  De  hortis  satis.  Cras  aut  te 
aut  causam :  fquam  quidem  f uturam  Faberianam.  Sed,  si  poteris.J 
[30],  1.  Q.  Ciceronis  epistulam  tibi  remisi.  0  te  ferreum,  qui 
illius  periculis  non  moveris !  Me  quoque  accusat.  Earn  tibi 
epistulam  misi  semissem ;  etenim  illam  alteram  de  rebus  gestis^ 
eodem  exemplo  puto.  In  Cumanum  hodie  misi  tabellarium ;  ] 
ei  dedi  tuas  ad  Yestorium  quas  Pharnaci  dederas. 


primo  homo  insanibat.  CH.  cedo,  quid 
postulat  ? ' 

male  .  .  .  tractatum']  '  hard  hit.'  Cicero 
refers  to  some  commercial  transaction 
in  which  Otho  got  the  worst  of  the 
bargain,  and  which  he  thinks  will  pre- 
vent him  from  investing  in  this  property. 

pateretur]  Manutius  suggests  that  the 
meaning  to  be  inferred  is  'if  he  had 
money  to  invest  in  this  property,  would 
he  put  up  with  the  wrong  which  he  suf- 
fered ?  No ;  his  acquiescence  shows  that 
he  has  no  funds  wherewith  to  make 
good  his  rights.'  Shuckburgh  translates, 
'  would  he  have  allowed  it  to  come  to  the 
hammer  ? ' 

3.  Clodiam  igitur]  sc.  convenies,  or 
some  such  word.  Cp.  Heidemann,  p.  88. 

Dolabellae]  '  Dolabella's  debt  seems 
so  safe  that  I  have  full  confidence  in 
being  able  even  to  discount  it,  and  pay 
Clodia  cash.'  For  repraesentatione,  cp. 
569.  2. 

aut  te  aut  causam"]  '  I  shall  have  either 
your  company  or  an  excuse  for  your 
absence.'  For  the  ellipse,  cp.  692.  3. 
sed  tu,  nullosne  tecum  hbellos  ? 

f  uturam  Faberianam]  '  I  suspect  that 
the  reason  of  your  delay  will  turn  out 
to  be  that  debt  of  Faberius.'  "We  must 
add  some  verb,  perhaps  puto,  suggested 
by  Wes.  :  cp.  607.  1.  "We  fear  that  even 
the  wide  limits  of  ellipse  will  hardly 


admit  of  our  understanding  puto  or 
exspecto.  "We  think  that  there  is  no  need 
to  add  moram  alter  f  uturam,  as  Wes.  doeJ 
(E.  A.  p.  132). 

30,  1.  #.]  Lehmann  (p.  103)  point! 
out  that  we  must  add  Q. ,  as  Cicero  nevej 
styles  young  Quintus  simply  Cicero. 

non  moveris]    Young  Quintus  had  ex  -I 
aggerated   his  hardships  in  the  camp  of 
Caesar.     We  should  certainly  expect 
subjunctive  here:  still  it  would  be  rasl 
to  alter  to  movearis,  as  the  form  shoi 
rather  be  moveare  (see  note  to  delectai 
Ep.  585,  1).     Professor  Goligher  refe 
us  to  Terence  Andr.  646  Heu  me  miserw 
qui  tuum  animum  ex  animo  meo  special 
Sometimes  even  in  Cicero's  studied  worl 
the  relative  clause  is  treated  as  attribu« 
tive  where  it  might  fairly  be  consider 
as  causal,  e.g.  Acad.  i.  18  tumne  snnti»\ 
qui  haec  vos  doceo  ?,  where  see  Dr.  Reid' m 
note.   For  the  romancing  in  which  youn m 
Quintus  was  prone  to  indulge,  ShuckburgH 
compares  753,  1  :  768,   2  (suspicor  hunea 
utsolet,  alucinari). 

semissem"]  '  I  send  you  half  of  it.  Thflj 
other  half  I  fancy  you  have  in  duplicate.! 
So  we  have  ventured  to  emend  misissend 
Miiller  reads  Earn  tibi  epistulam  (nisi  . .  .) 
misissem,  supposing  that  something  like 
nisi  tuae  simillima  esset  has  been  lost. 

Pharnaci']  a  clerk  of  Atticus  :  cp. 
646  fin. 


EP.  606  (ATT.  XIII.  2,  §§7, 


97 


606.     CICERO  TO  ATTICTJS  (ATT.  xm.  2,  §§  i,  2). 

TUSCULTJM  ;   MAY  27  J    A.  U.  C.  709  \    B.  C.  45  |    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Pisone,  de  Faberio,  de  Ariarathe  Ariobarzani  filio  a  se  invitato. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Oppio  et  Balbo  epistulas  deferri  iubebis ;  et  tamen  fPisonem 
sicubi,  de  auro.  Faberius  si  venerit,  videbis  ut  tan  turn  attribuatur, 
si  modo  attribuetur,  quantum  debetur.  Accipies  ab  Erote.  2.  Ari- 
aratbes,  Ariobarzani  filius,  Romam  venit.  Yult,  opinor,  regnum 
aliquod  emere  a  Caesare.  Nam,  quo  modo  nunc  est,  pedem  ubi 
k)onat  in  suo  non  habet.  Omnino  eum  Sestius  noster  parochus  publi- 
cus  occupavit,  quod  quidem  i'acile  patior.  Yerum  tamen,  quod  mihi 
Bummo  beneficio  meo  rnagna  cum  fratribus  illius  necessitudo  est, 
anvito  eum  per  litteras  ut  apud  me  deversetur.  Ad  earn  rem  cum 
mitterem  Alexandrum,  has  ei  dedi  litteras. 


1.  et  tamen]  '  and  by  the  \v  ay,  or  '  in 
any  case.'  Munro  in  Lucr.  v.  1177,  says 
of  et  tamen,  '  putting  all  previous  con- 
siderations aside,  this  that' ;  cp.  609.  3. 
He  gives  many  examples  to  show  that  we 
must  not  alter  to  etiam  :  see  also  Madvig 
on  Fin.  ii.  84,  and  Reid  on  De  Sen.  16. 

Pisonem    sicubi   de    auro]      sc.    sicubi 

Pisonem  conveneris,  colloquere  cum  eo  de 

auro.      This  is    Heidemann's    (p.    88) 

explanation :  it  may  be   right,    but   the 

double  ellipse  in  such  a  short  sentence 

is    harsh.     Probably    Piso    and     Avius 

I  (cp.  612)  were,  as  Schmidt  (p.  302)  sug- 

I  gests,  two  bankers  whom  Cic.  wanted  to 

1  help  him  in  realizing  the  Faberian  debt. 

auro~\  The  mention  of  aurum  rather 
I  than  pecunia,  is  strange.  As  Dr.  Reid 
says  (Hermathena,  x  (1899),  p.  329), 
Cicero  expected  in  the  course  of  recovering 
the  debt  due  by  Fabeiius  to  come  into 
possession  of  gold  coin  which  would 
need  to  be  exchanged  :  cp.  Att.  xii.  6.  1 
(499),  De  Caelio  vide  quaeso  ne  quae  lacuna 
sit  in  auro.  Ego  ista  non  novi  sed  certe  in 
collubo  ('  exchange  ')  est  detriments  satis. 
Hue  aurum  si  accedit — sed  quid  loquor  ? 
For  mention  of  gold  in  connexion  with 
Piso,  and  the  debt  of  Faberius,  cp.  612, 2. 
Piso  is  also  mentioned  in  this  connexion 


in  614  ;  616.  2  ;  625.  2  ;  626.  4  ;  629.  2. 

xttribttatur]  '  that  the  full  amount  of 
the  debt  be  credited  to  me  if  only  any- 
thing i*  put  to  my  credit.  You  will  get 
(i.e.  learn)  the  amount  from  Eros.'  For 
attribuatur,  cp.  Fam.  ii.  17,  4  (272), 
quae  (pecunia)  autem  mihi  attributa 
est  ('  allocated  '),  a  quaestor e  curetur. 

2.  Ariarathes}  He  was  brother  of 
Ariobarzanes  III,  King  of  Cappadocia. 
Cicero  had  met  him  in  Cilicia,  cp.  Fam. 
xy.  2,  6  (219).  Sestius  had  been  in 
Cilicia  during  the  latter  part  of  50  :  cp. 
Fam.  v.  20,  5  (302),  where  he  also 
probably  met  Ariarathes. 

parochus  publicus]  '-  Our  friend  Sestius, 
the  State  Boniface,  has  succeeded  in 
secuiing  him,  and  indeed  T  won't  break 
my  heart  about  it.'  For  parochui,  cp. 
Hor.  Sat.  i.  5,  46.  These  parochi  were 
commissaries,  whose  duty  it  was  to  supply 
those  travelling  in  the  public  service 
with  wood,  hay,  salt,  and  shelter  :  they 
were  called,  as  Porphyrio  says,  curb  TOV 
Trapcxeiv,  and  were  also  called  copiarii. 
Parochus  publicus  is  of  course  jocular. 
Horace  uses  the  word  jocularly  in  Sat.  ii. 
8,  36.  Sestius  possibly  may  have  had  a 
reputation  for  liking  to  entertain  nota- 
bilities. 


98 


EP.  607  (ATT.  XIII.  81). 


607.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  31). 

TUSCULUM  ;   MAY  28  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Attici  adventu  in  Tusculanum  exspectato,  de  Dicaearchi  libris  sibi  mittendis,  de 
epistula  ad  Caesarem,  de  hortis  emendis. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  v.  Kal.  mane  accepi  a  Demea  litteras  pridie  datas,  ex  quibusj 
aut  hodie  aut  eras  te  exspectare  deberera.  Sed,  ut  opinor,  idem  ego, 
qui  exspecto  tuum  adventum,  morabor  te.  Non  enim  puto  tarn 
expeditum  Faberianum  negotium  futurum,  etiamsi  est  f uturum,  un 
non  habeat  aliquid  morae.  Cum  poteris  igitur,  quoniam  etiam 
nunc  abes.  2.  Dicaearchi  quos  scribis  libros  sane  velim  mi 
mittas :  addas  etiam  icara/3a<7€a>c.  3.  De  epistula  ad  Caesarem  1 
KtKpiKa.  Atque  id  ipsum,  quod  isti  aiunt  ilium  scribere,  se  nisi  con-J 
stitutis  rebus  non  iturum  in  Parthos,  idem  ego  suadebam  in  ilia 
epistula;  utrum  liberet  facere  posse  auctore  me.  Hoc  enim  ille 
exspectat  videlicet  neque  est  facturus  quidquam  nisi  de  meo  con- 
silio.  Obsecro,  abiciamus  ista  et  semiliberi  saltern  simus :  quc 
adsequemur  et  tacendo  et  latendo.  4.  Sed  aggredere  Othonem, 
scribis :  confice,  mi  Attice,  istam  rem :  uibil  enim  aliud  reperic 
ubi  et  in  foro  non  sim  et  tecum  esse  possim.  Q,uanti  autem,  hoc 


1.  non  habeat~\     It  seems  impossible  to 
avoid  adding  this  negative,  which  is  not 
found  in  M.     In  his  note  on  p.  84.  27  of 
his  ed.   of    the   Epp.   and  Att.   Miiller 
quotes  more  then  fifteen  cases  of  this 
omission  of  a  negative. 

etiam  nunc\  '  since  your  arrival  is 
already  due.'  M  gives  etiam  dum.  On 
this  Wes.  (E.  A.,  p.  133)  rightly  says, 
'  Etiam  dum  quidem  barbarum  est :  etiam 
mim  Ciceronisne  sit  dubitare  licet ;  quare 
vide  ne  ex  alteraOr.  conj.  scribendum  sit 
etiam  nuncS 

2.  Kora/Sao-ews]  A  work  describing  a 
visit  to  the  cave  of  Trophonius  in  Boeotia. 
The  full  title  of  the  book  was  irepl  TTJS  es 
TpoQuviov   KaTafidffews   (Athenaeus   xiv. 
641  B). 

3.  K^KPIKO]  *  Jest  decide,'  '  the  die  is 
cast ' :    cp.  Plin.  Epp.  i.  12,  10  (Corel- 
lius)  dixerat  sane  medico  admoventi  cibum 

KtKplKO.. 

Atque]      Boot    advocates    the    slight 


correction  of  atque  to  atqui,  inasmuch  as 
Cicero  here  mentions  a  circumstance 
which  (in  so  far  as  it  affected  the  mattea 
at  all)  would  have  been  in  favour  of  his 
sending  the  letter  to  Caesar — a  coursJ 
which  he  has  just  said  he  is  resolved  not 
to  adopt.  But  there  are  many  instance* 
of  atque  introducing  a  consideration  of  a 
somewhat  contrary  nature  to  what  wentd 
before,  e.g.  634.  4 :  707.  2  :  742.  1 :  cpi 
also  the  Thesaurus,  ii.  p.  1077.  15  ff.  In 
all  such  places  atqui  has  been  suggested 
by  some  scholar  or  other. 

nisi .  .  .  non  iturum]    cp.  619.  1. 

posse']     depends  on  dicebam,  implied  in 
suadebam. 

videlicet}    This  is  ironical.    But  Caesar  I 
had  expressed  such  a  wish  in  March,  49  ; 
cp.   his  letter  quoted  in  Att.  ix.   16,  3  j 
(374),  Tu  velim  mihi  ad  urbem  praesto  sift 
ut  tuts  consiliis  atque  opibus,  ut  consuevi,  in 
omnibus  rebus  utar:  cp.  Att.ix.  11,  2  (367). 

4.  in  foro  non   sim]      '  where   I   can  I 


EP.  608  (ATT.  XIIL  SO,  §§  0,  3).  99 

mihi  venit  in  mentem.  C.  Albanius  proximus  est  vicinus  :  is 
€io  iugerum  de  M.  Pilio  emit,  ut  mea  memoria  est,  HScxv.  Omnia 
scilicet  nunc  minoris.  Sed  accedit  cupiditas,  in  qua  praeter 
Othonem  non  puto  nos  ullum  adversarium  habituros.  Sed  eum 
ipsum  tu  poteris  movere :  facilius  etiam,  si  Canum  haberes.  0 
gulam  insulsam  !  Pudet  me  patris.  Rescribes,  si  quid  voles. 


608.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (A-rr.  xm.  30,  §§  2,  3). 

TUSCULUM  ;   MAY  28  5    A.  U.  C.  709  ',    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 
De  negotio  Faberiano,  turn  quaerit  qui  decem  legati  Mummio  fuerint. 
CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

2.  Commodum  ad  te  miseram  Demean,  cum  Eros  ad  me  venit, 
sed  in  eius  epistula  nihil  erat  novi  nisi  auctionem  biduum.  Ab  ea 
igitur,  ut  scribis :  et  velim  confecto  negotio  Faberiano,  quern 
quidem  uegat  Eros  hodie ;  eras  mane  putat.  A  te  colendus  est. 
Istae  autem  KoAa/ceuu  non  longe  absunt  a  scelere.  Te,  ut  spero, 
perendie.  3.  Mi,  sicunde  potes,  erue  qui  decem  legati  Mummio 
fuerint.  Polybius  non  nominat.  Ego  memini  Albinurn  consu- 
larem  et  Sp.  Mummium :  videor  audisse  ex  Hortensio  Tuditanum. 

escape  the  forum  and  yet  be  with  you.'  2.  auctionem  biduum~\     '  that  the  sale 

Cp.  605.  2.  will  last  two  days  :  so  you  will  come,  as 

HScxv]     If  this  is  to  be  understood  to  you   say,  immediately  after  it,  after  (I 

mean.  115,000  sesterces,  the  sum  will  be  hope)  finishing  the    Faberian   business, 

too  small.    If,  on  the  other  hand,  we  make  though  Eros  thinks  that  impossible  before 

it  centies  quindeties,  or  eleven  million  and  to-morrow.'      For  biduum  Wes.   conjec- 

a-half,  the  sum  will  be  great,  but  not  too  tures  biduo  '  in  two   days  '  (E.  A.  133). 

great.     As  Shuckburgh  points  out,  about  But  the  auction  might  well  last  two  days, 

£100,000  would  not  be  too  extravagant  a  and  Att.  would  not  come  to  Cic.  until  it 

price  to  give  for  625  acres  close  to  the  city.  was  over,     quern  sc.  Faberium.     Supply 

Omnia  .  .  .  minoris}     '  Of  course  now  confecturum  negotium. 

all  prices  are  lower.'  Ab  ea]     *  after  it ' :  for  this  use  of  ab 

Canum]     Q.  Gellius  Canus,  a  friend  of  cp.  598.  1. 

Atticus,  mentioned  again  in  753.  2.  /coAa/celcu]      'kotowing    is    almost 

0  guUm~\     '  "What  senseless  gluttony.'  criminal.'     It  is  a  mistake  to  bracket  the 

We  may  suppose  that  this  refers  to  some  non  with  Gronovius  and  others, 

instance  of  extravagance  on  the  part  of  3.  Polybius]     xxxix.  15  and  16. 

young  Q.  Cicero,  which  Atticus  had  men-  Tuditanum]     See  note  on  610.  3.    The 

tioned.     Cicero  says  he  is  ashamed  of  the  reference  is  to  the  ten  commissioners  sent 

father  who  permitted  such  conduct  on  the  by  the  senate  in  608  (146)  to  arrange  the 

part  of  his  son.  affairs  of    Greece    in  concert   with   the 

describes']    (  Send   back   word  by   the  victorious  Mummius.     The  question  was 

messenger  if  you  want  me  to  do  any  thing.'  whether  it  was  Tuditanus  the  father  or 

G2 


100 


EP.  609  (ATT.  XIII.  2,  §  3,  AND  5,  § 


Sed  iii  Libonis  annali  xiiii  annis  post  praetor  est  factus  Tuditanual 
quam  consul  Mummius :  nou  sane  quadrat.  Yolo  aliquem 
Olympiae  aut  fubi  visum  TroAmicov  av\\oyov  more  Dicaearchi, 
farailiaris  tui. 


609.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Axr.  xm.  2,  §  3,  AND  3,  §  i). 

TUSCULUM  ;    MAY  29  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ',    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 
De  auetione  Peducaei,  de  Dionysio. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

3.  Cras  igitur  auctio  Peducaei.  Cum  poteris  ergo.  Etsi  im- 
pediet  fortasse  Faberius.  Sed  tamen,  cum  licebit.  Dionysius 
noster  graviter  queritur,  et  tamen  iure,  a  discipulis  abesse  tarn 
diu.  Multis  verbis  scripsit  ad  me,  credo  item  ad  te.  Mihi  quidem 
videtur  etiam  diutius  afuturus.  Ac  nollem  :  valde  enim  hominem 
desidero.  [3]  1.  A  te  litteras  exspectabam,  nondum  scilicet. 
Nam  has  mane  rescribebam. 


Tuditanus  the  son  who  was  one  of  them. 
In  617,  1  Cicero  owns  that  Atticus  was 
right  in  including  the  father,  not  the  son. 

Libonis  annali']  610.3:646.3.  For 
what  little  is  known  of  this  work  see 
Teuffel-Schwahe,  §  172.  6.  See  also  note 
to  Fam.  ix.  21.  2  (497).  Unger  conjec- 
tured that  the  work  of  Liho  was  a  recent 
one,  published  in  46. 

quadrat']  '  this  does  not  accord  with  ' 
the  belief  that  he  was  one  of  the  com- 
missioners. 

Volo  aliquetn]  '  I  am  thinking  of  writing 
a  kind  of  Politicians  in  Council  in  the  style 
of  your  friend  Dicaearchus — the  scene  to 
be  laid  at  Olympia  or  wherever  else  seems 
advisable'  :  aut  ubi  visum  (sc.  erit)  is 
perhaps  defensible,  though  we  should  like 
that  erit  mihi  had  been  expressed(as  is  con- 


jectured by  Wes.  aut  ubi  erit  mihi  visum)  \ 
as  Cic.  does  not  often  omit  erit.  Dr.  Rei< 
(Hermath.  x.  (1899),  p.  349)  quota 
similar  types  of  sentences  :  627.  4  ve 
biduum  vel  triduum  vel  ut  videbitur} 
604.  3  vel  quern  libebit.  For  other  con- 
jectures see  Adn.  Grit.  Dicaearchus  ha( 
written  such  a  work  in  three  books,  tto 
scene  being  laid  at  Corinth,  cp.  Tusc.  i.  2 
He  also  wrote  three  books  called  Lesbian 
(ib.  §77),  which  treated  of  the  soul: 
note  to  610.  2.  Athenaeus  (xiv.  620  D)| 
mentions  an  'OAuAnncucbs  \6yos. 


3.  Cum  poteris~\   sc.  venies. 
Dionysius']  See  on  Ep.  316,  3. 
et  tamen]  cp.  606.  1. 
discipulis']   perhaps  Cicero  himself  an< 
his  friends  (Corradus). 


EP.  610  (ATT  XIII.  32}.  101 

610.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Air.  xin.  32). 

TUSCULUM  ;    MAY  29  J    A.  T.T.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  negotio  Faberiano,  de  Dicaearchi  libris  sibi  mittendis,  de  Academicorum  libris, 
de  C.  Tuditano,  de  Postumio. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Alteram  a  te  epistulam  cum  hodie  accepissem,  nolui  te  una 
mea  contentum.  Tu  vero  age,  quod  scribis,  de  Faberio.  In  ea 
enim  totum  est  positum  id  quod  cogitamus,  quae  cogitatio  si  non 
incidisset,  mihi  crede,  istuc,  ut  cetera,  non  laborarem.  Quam  ob 
rem,  ut  facis — istuc  enim  addi  nihil  potest — urge,  insta,  perfice. 
2.  Dicaearchi  irfpl  ^vyris  utrosque  velim  mittas  et  Kara/Sao-ewe. 
Tpnro\iTiicbv  non  invenio  et  epistulam  eius  quam  ad  Aristoxenum 
misit.  Tris  eos  libros  maxime  nunc  vellem :  apti  essent  ad  id 
quod  cogito.  3.  '  Torquatus '  Eomae  est.  lussi  ut  tibi  daretur. 
'  Catulum '  et  'Lucullum/  ut  opinor,  antea.  His  libris  nova  pro- 
oemia  sunt  addita,  quibus  eorum  uterque  laudatur.  Eas  litteras 

1.  non  laborarem]  ' 1  should  be  as  indif-  that  Cic.  may  have  wanted  the  books  for  the 
ferent  to  that  as  I  am  to  everything  else.'  7ro\iriKbs  <rv\\oyos,  referred  to  in  608.  3  : 
For  laborare  with  the  accus.  cp.  623.2,  and  the  three  books  are  the  Kara&dffecas, 
laboro  idem  quod  tu.  the  Tpnro\iTiKos,  and  the  Letter  to  Aris- 

istuc  enim  addi]    'to  this  nothing  can  toxenus.      In    616.  2  Dicaearchi   librum, 

be  added,' that  is, 'your  present  exertions  librum  may  be  a   gloss  for  Tpnro\iTiKov, 

in  my  behalf  could  not  be  greater.'     Here  which  it  has  extruded. 
ietuc  is  an  adverb;  istuc  in  the  sentence         3.   Torquatus]     He   refers    to  Book  i. 

before  is  a  demonstrative  pronoun.  De  Finibus,  in  which  Torquatus  expounds 

2.  utrosque}  Dicaearchus  seems  to  have  the  Epicurean  view  of  ihe  Summum  bonum. 
treated  of  the  soul  in  both  his  Corinthiaci  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  reference 
and  Lesbiaci,  Tusc.  i.  21 :  77.    These  may  may  be  to  Books  i  and  ii,  the  second  book 
be    the    two    books    referred    to.      The  containing    Cicero's    refutation    of    the 
'  Lesbiaci '  were  in  three  books.   Die.  was  Epicurean  doctrine.     But  it  would  seem 
a  great  favourite  of  Cic.  :  he   calls  him  from  621.  3  (where  see  note)  that  Cicero 
deliciae  meae  (Tusc.  i.  77).  was  composing  the  second  book  De  Finibus 

T p ITT o \iriKbv]    This  was   the  work  when    that    letter    was    written    about 

of  Dicaearchus,  in  which  he  maintained  June  11.    Catulus  and   Lucullus  are  the 

the  thesis  that  the   ideal   commonwealth  two  books  of  the  Academica. 
was  a  mixture  of  monarchy,  aristocracy,         lussi]    '  I  gave  orders  that  it   should 

and  democracy  :  cp.  note  to  Att.  ii.  2, 1(28).  be  delivered  to  you  ;  the  others,  I  think,  I 

Tris  eos  libros]  It  is  not  clear  what  are  sent  before.'    Some  such  word  as  dedi  or 

the  three  books,  as  he  has  mentioned  four,  misi  is  to  be  inferred  from  iussi  ut  tibi 

Probably  the  two  books  on  the  soul  and  daretur. 

the  Karapdo-ews.     It  would  seem  that  he        litteras]     'writings'  :    cp.  Madvig  on 

was    projecting   the    composition  of  the  Fin.  i.  12.     Dr.  Reid  notices  (I.e.  p.  350) 

Tusculans.   But  it  has  also  been  suggested  that  in  Brut.  13  a  work  of  Atticus  is  first 


102 


EP.  610  (ATT.  XIII.  32). 


volo  habeas,  et  saint  quaedam  aliae.     Quod  ad  te  de  decem  legatit 
scripsi,  parum  intellexisti,  credo  quia  $ta  a-qptiuv  scripseram.     De 
C.  Tuditano  enim  quaerebam,  quern  ex  Hortensio  audieram  fuisse 
in  decem :  eum  video  in  Libonis  praetorem  P.  Popilio  P.  Kupilio- 
coss.     Annis    xiiii   ante   quam   praetor    factus    est    legatus   esse 
potuisset,  nisi  admodum  sero  fquaestor  esset  factus  ?     Quod  mm 
arbitror.      Video  enim  curulis    magistrates   eum  legitimis  annij 
perfacile  cepisse.      Postumium   autem,  cuius  statuam  in  Isthm< 
meminisse  te  dicis,  ?/esciebam  fuisse.     Is  autem  est,  qui  cos.  cui 
L.  Lucullo  fuit,  quern  tu  mini  addidisti  sane  ad  ilium  o-uAAoyoi 
personam  idoneam.    Yidebis  igitur,  si  poteris,  ceteros,  ut  possimuj 

TTO/ULTTtlHTai  KOI  TOLQ  T 


called  litterae,  and  then  liber.  He  also 
adds  Brut.  19  and  205  ;  De  Div.  ii  5  ; 
Phil,  ii  20;  De  Orat.  i.  192;  Arch.  14; 
Fam.  xv.  4.  12  (238)  ;  776. 1 ;  and  others. 
He  notices  that  in  this  passage  there  was 
a  reason  for  litteras.  Cicero  was  thinking 
principally  of  the  new  prooemia,  so  that 
libros  was  unsuitable.  So  too,  perhaps,  in 
Att.  i.  14.3  (20)  meis  omnibus  litteris,  '  in 
all  my  writings,'  is  right. 

5t«  (Trj/ueicoi']  'in  abbreviations ':  or 
it  might  be  'in  short-hand.'  The  word 
for  a  short-hand  writer  is  <nnj.eioypd(t>os. 

Libonis]  sc.  annali  (608.  3),  or  libra : 
cp.  note  to  559.  4. 

P.  Popilio  P.  Rupilio  coss]  132  B.C. 
Tuditanus  was  consul  in  129. 

Annis factus  ?"]  The  MSS  give 

quaestor  est  factus.  Schmidt  punctuates 
potuisset  ?  Nisi  admodum  sero  quaestor  est 
factus :  which  is  in  point  of  sense  the  same 
as  Lehmann's,  who  (p.  115)  adds  after 
potuisset  ?  <non  potuit>  nisi.  Cicero  asks  : 
*  Could  Tuditanus  have  been  a  commis- 
sioner fourteen  years  before  his  praetor- 
ship  unless  he  attained  the  quaestorship  at 
a  very  late  age  ? '  We  confess  to  be 
unable  to  follow  the  reasoning.  In  order 
to  be  a  commissioner  (legatus)  Tuditanus 
must  have  been  a  senator :  therefore  he 
must  have  held  the  quaestorship.  That 
office  was  normally  held  at  the  age  of 
27  or  28,  twelve  or  thirteen  years  before 
the  praetorship,  the  normal  age  for  which 
was  40.  If  Tuditanus  was  praetor  in  132, 
he  shoyld  have  normally  been  quaestor  in 
145  or  144.  But  to  be  a  senator  in  146, 
he  must  have  been  quaestor  at  latest  in 
147  :  so  that  the  argument  of  the  passage 
would  geem  to  require  that  Tuditanus  was 


quaestor  earlier,  not  later,  tb an  the  normal 
time.  We  cannot  help  thinking  that 
praetor  should  be  read  for  quaestor,  as  has- 
been  suggested  by  Pighius  :  or  perhaps 
quaestor  was  an  insertion  by  an  inter- 
polator who  did  not  see  the  argument.  It 
may  have  been  a  very  early  error  dating 
from  Cicero's  own  time,  owing  to  hi& 
having  written  in  abbreviations  (see 
above),  and  pr.  was  read  qr.  In  quoting 
the  passage  in  St.  R.  ii2  662,  note  1, 
Mommsen  reads  praetor. 

Cicero's  historical  difficulty  was  solved 
by  Atticus,  who  showed  that  the 
Tuditanus  who  was  commissioner  was  the 
father  of  the  Tuditanus  whose  career. 
Cicero  had  been  studying :  cp.  Att.  xiii. 
4.1  (614). 

Video  .  .  .  cepisse]  Cic.  seems  to  mean 
that  as  Tuditanus  as  a  matter  of  course 
(perfacile)  obtained  the  curule  aedileship, , 
the  praetorship,  and  the  consulship  with 
the  normal  intervals  of  time  between 
them,  the  interval  between  his  quaestor- 
ship and  the  other  magistracies  was  also 
normal.  Cic.  did  not  know  the  date  of 
his  birth:  but  he  knew  that  of  his 
praetorship  and  consulship,  and  presum- 
ably that  of  his  curule  aedileship. 

nesciebam]  So  Muretus  for  seiebam. 
Att.  suggesfed  Postumius  as  a  tit  person  to 
introduce  into  the  treatise.  Cic.  says  : 
did  not  know  he  had  been  a  commissioner: 
but  he  was  the  consul  of  151,  and  so  was 
quite  qualified  to  be  one.'  This  is  perhaps 
the  meaning  of  autem  after  is. 

ironvfvaai]  '  that  we  may  cut  a  dash 
not  only  by  the  dignity  of  the  subjects 
discussed,  but  also  of  the  interlocutors  in  ( 
the  dialogue.' 


EP.  611  (ATT.  XIII.  3,  §§  1,  2).  103 


611.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  3,  §§  i,  2). 

TUSCULUM  J    MAY  30  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  negotiis  privatis,  de  Bruti  adventu  et  litteris. 
CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Ego  vero  ista  nomina  sic  probo  ut  nihil  aliud  me  moveat, 
nisi  quod  tu  videris  dubitare.  Illud  enim  non  accipio  in  bonam 
partem,  ad  me  refers  ;  qui,  si  ipse  negotium  meum  gererem,  nihil 
afererem  nisi  consilio  tuo.  Sed  tamen  intellego  magis  te  id  facere 
diligentia  qua  semper  uteris  quam  quod  dubites  de  nominibus  istis. 
Etenim  Caelium  non  probas,  plura  non  vis.  Utrumque  laudo. 
| His  igitur  utendum  est.  Praes  aliquando  factus  esses,  et  in 
his  quidem  tabulis.  A  me  igitur  omnia.  Quod  dies  longior  est 
— teneamus  modo  quod  volumus — puto  fore  istam  etiam  a  prae- 
cone  diem,  certe  ab  heredibus.  2.  De  Crispo  etMustela  videbis,  et 
velim  scire  quae  sit  pars  duorum.  De  Bruti  adventu  eram  factus 
certior.  Attulerat  enim  ab  eo  Aegypta  libertus  litteras.  Misi  ad 
te  epistulam,  quia  commode  scripta  erat. 

1.  Ego  vero]  '  Yes,  I  do  approve'  :  see  utendum  est]  '  we  must  put  up  with  ' : 

on  Ep.  62,  1.     It  was  proposed  that  these  cp.  590.  2. 

debtors  of  Faherius  should  be  made  over  eases']   es  is  tbe  reading  of  Crat.  and  Z, 

by  delegatio  to  Cicero.  *  You  have  at  last  become  a  surety,  and 

ad  me]     Before  these  words  quod  was  in   respect  of  just   this  sale.'     But  we 

added    by    Cratander.     Sjogren    (Comm.  think  Bosius  is  right  in  reading  factus 

TulL,  p.    162)   agrees  with   Schmidt  in  esses,    et,    '  else    you    would   have    been 

omitting  it.   He  quotes  Att.  v.  11.  3  (200)  for  once  obliged  [contrary  to  your  in- 

Theophani  persuasi  nihil  esse  melius  quam  variable    practice,   cp.  Nepos    Att.   6.   3 

illud,  nusquam  discedere,  where  see  note  :  nullius  rei  neque  praes  neque  manceps factus 

Att.  vi  4.  1  (268)  illud  autem  difficillimum,  est]  to  go  security  for  me,  and  at  this  sale 

relinquendus  erat :  Att.  vii  13a.  1  (307)  hoc  too  [in  which   1   am  taking   a  step  not 

tamen  profecit,  dedit  illi  dolorem.  heartily  approved  of  by  you].     So  I  shall 

qui,   si    ipse    .  .    tuo]     So    2    and   Z.  provide  all  the  money  requisite.' 

A    reads     Quid  ?    ipse     negotium    meum  Quod  dies  longior']    '  as  to  the  delay  I 

gererem  nisi  consilio  tuo  ?     Cp.  Lehmann  shall  experience  in  getting  in  my  money, 

\  Att.'  p.  183.     As  there  is  no  reason  for  let  me  only  get  what  I  want ;    I  am  sure 

interpolation  in  2  and  Z,  and  the  omission  tbe  auctioneer  will  give  me  a  long  day.' 

in   A   of   nihil  gererem    following   meum  2.  duorum]  It  is  doubtful  if  duorum  can 

gererem    is    natural,    we    have    adopted  mean 'the two' or 'these two.'  Ithasbeen 

the  reading  of   these    MSS.,    which   have  suggested  either  to  alter  to  eorum  (Reid)  or 

elsewhere     shown     themselves    superior  to  add  horum  (Or.)  or  eorum  after  duorum. 

to  A.  commode']    'in  a  polite  tone.'     Brutus 

Caelium]     '  you     do    not    approve    of  did  not  always  write  so  :  cp.  Att.  vi.  i.  7 

Caelius,  or  of  multiplying  creditors.'  (252):  557.  1. 


104 


EP.  612  (ATT..XIL  5,  §  0). 


612.    CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Air.  xn.  5,  §  2). 

TUSCULUM  ;    MAY  31  J    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Gaelic,  de  Hortensio  et  Verginio,  de  negotiis  ab  Attico  curandis. 
CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

2.  De  Caelio  tu  quaeres,  ut  scribis  ;  ego  nihil  novi.  Noscenc 
autem  est  natura,  non  facultas  modo.  De  Hortensio  et  Yerginio 
tu,  si  quid  dubitabis  ;  etsi  quod  magis  placeat,  ego  quantum  aspicioJ 
non  facile  inveneris.  Cum  Mustela,  quern  ad  modum  scribis,  cum 
venerit  Crispus.  Ad  Avium  scripsi  ut  ea  quae  bene  nosset  del 
auro  Pisoni  demonstraret.  Tibi  enim  sane  adsentior  et  istud 
nimium  diu  duci  et  omnia  nunc  undique  contrahenda.  Te  quidem 
nihil  agere,  nihil  cogitare  aliud  nisi  quod  ad  me  pertineat  facile 
perspicio  meisque  negotiis  impediri  cupiditatem  tuam  ad  me 
veniendi.  Sed  mecum  esse  te  puto,  non  solum  quod  meam  rem 
agis,  verum  etiam  quod  videre  videor  quo  modo  agas.  Neque 
enim  ulla  hora  tui  mihi  est  operis  ignota. 


2.  De  Caelio~]  This  is  the  same  Caelius 
who  is  mentioned  in  the  foregoing  letter. 
He  is  not  the  same  person  as  the  banker 
Caelius,  Att.  vii.  3,  11  (294);  xii.  6,  1 
(499). 

natura]  '  we  must  know  Mrhat  sort  of 
man  he  is  as  well  as  what  means  he  has.' 

Pisoni']     cp.  606.  1 ;  614.  2. 

nimium  diu  duci~\     ( the   transaction   is 


allowed  to  hang  over  too  long,  and  what 
we  now  need  is  to  get  together  everything- 
we  can  from  every  quarter.'  Or  perhaps 
another  rendering  would  be  possible,  '  ana 
the  whole  business  must  in  every  respect 
be  shortened':  cu.  744.  4  Contrahi  mihv 
negotium  videtur. 

ulla  hora~\  *  for  I  know  how  every  hour 
is  spent  which  you  devote  to  my  business/ 


EP.  613  (FAM.  IV.  12). 


105 


613.    SERVIUS  SULPICIUS  TO  CICERO 

(FAM.  iv.  12). 

ATHENS  J    MAY  31  J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

Servius  Sulpicius  caedem  M.  Marcelli  a  P.  Magio  Cilone  factam  non  sine  summi 
<loloris  significatione  quern  ipse  ceperit  narrat  eiusque  sepulturam  per  se  effectam. 

SERVIUS  CICERONI  SAL.  PLURIBUS  VERBIS. 

1.  Etsi  scio  non  iucundissimum  me  nuntium  vobis  adlaturum, 
tarnen  quoniam  casus  et  natura  in  nobis  dominatur,  visum  est 
faciendum,  quoquo  modo  res  se  haberet,  vos  certiores  facere.  A.  d. 
x.  Kal.  lun.  cum  ab  Epidauro  Piraeum  navi  advectus  essem,  ibi 
M.  Marcellum,  collegam  nostrum,  conveni  eumque  diem  ibi 


On  this  letter  Cicero,  Att.  xiii.  22,  2 
(635),  says  De  Marcello  scripserat  ad  me 
Cassius  [who  appears  to  have  been  at 
Brundisium]  antea,  ra  Kara  /u.epos  Servius. 
Compare  also  what  Cicero  says  about  the 
murder  of  Marcellus,  Att.  xiii.  10,  3  (624), 
where  he  shows  the  absurdity  of  the  view 
that  the  deed  had  been  prompted  by 
Caesar.  Valerius  Maximus  (ix.  11,  4) 
mentions  it  in  a  list  of  scelerate  facta 
as  follows  : — Gonsternatum  etiam  Magii 
Cilonis  amentia  pectus ;  qui  M.  Marcello 
•datum  a  .  Caesar e  spiritum  sua  manu 
eripnit,  vetus  amicus  et  Pompeianae  militias 
comes,  in  dig  nat  u  s  a  li  quern  ami  co- 
rn in  ab  eo  sibi  praeferri.  Urbem 
enim  a  Mitylenis,  quo  se  centulerat,  repeten- 
tem  in  Atheniensiumportupugione  confodit, 
protinusque  ad  irritamenta  vesaniae  suae 
trucidanda  tetendit ;  amicitiae  hostis, 
divini  beneficii  interceptor,  publicae 
religionis,  quod  ad  salutem  clarissimi  civis 
recuperandam  attinuit,  acerba  lobes.  Cp. 
Liv.  Epit.  115,  M.  Marcello  consulari 
senatu  rogante  reditum  concessit ;  quo  bene- 
ficio  eius  Marcellus  frui  non  potuit,  a 
On.  Magio,  client  e  suo,  Athenis  occisus. 
For  the  language  of  Sulpicius  cp.  Introd. 
note  to  Fam.  iv.  5  (555). 

1.  casus  et  natura]  Sulpicius  means — 
.We  mortals  can  effect  nothing  with  cer- 
tainty :  in  the  domain  where  liberty  of 
action  can  play  a  part,  unforeseen  acci- 
dents (casus)  mar  our  plans ;  in  all  the 
rest  of  our  life  we  are  swept  along  in  the 


great  current  of  natural  forces  (natura). 
As  these  ideas  of  chance  and  nature  are 
closely  akin,  he  uses  the  sing,  dominatur. 

faciendum  . .  .  facere]  We  adhere  to 
the  MSS  reading  with  Schmalz  (p.  124). 
The  infinitive  is  found  in  Cic.  Brut.  142, 
talisque  oratores  viderifacit ;  Q.  Fr.  1,  3, 
6  (66),  illud  quidem  nee  faciendum  estneque 
fieri  potest  me  ...  commorari  ;  Petr.  51, 
fecit  se  porrigere  Caesari.  It  is  frequent 
in  Lucr.,  e.g.  vi.  267.  Wesenberg  (E.A.  9) 
reads  ut  .  .  .  facer  em,  an  alteration  which, 
if  alteration  were  required,  we  should 
certainly  prefer  to  the  ejection  of  facien- 
dum altogether ;  it  is  most  unlikely  that  a 
copyist  would  have  inserted  the  word 
from  a  knowledge  that  visum  est  facien- 
dum was  a  phrase  used  in  edicts,  e.  g. 
Gell.  xy.  11,  2. 

vos]  i.e.  Cicero  and  his  friends. 

A.d.x.  Kal.  Iun.~\  Streicher  (p.  153) 
objects  very  much  to  the  similarity  of 
the  three  following  sentences,  cum  .  . . 
essem,  cum  .  .  .  essem,  cum  .  .  .  haberem, 
which  no  doubt  display  a  certain  poverty 
of  style  ;  but  Sulpicius  would  hardly  have 
taken  pains  in  the  composition  of  this 
letter,  as  it  was  written  so  shortly  after 
his  friend's  assassination, 

Piraeum]  cp.  Att.  vii.  3,  10  (294). 

navi]  This  is  the  usual  classical  form  : 
cp.  Neue-Wagener  i3  330. 

collegam]  his  former  colleague  in  the 
consulship,  703  (51)  :  cp.  Fam.  iv.  4,  3 
(495). 


106 


EP.  613  (FAM.  IV. 


consumpsi  ut  cum  eo  essem.   Postero  die  cum  ab  eo  digressus  essei 
eo  consilio  ut  ab  Athenis  in  Boeotiam  irem  reliquamque  iurisdi< 
tionem  absolverem,  ille,  ut  aiebat,  super  Maleas  in  Italiam  versi 
navigaturus  erat.    2.  Post  diem  tertium  eius  diei,  cum  ab  Athenu 
proficisci   in   animo    haberem,    circiter    hora    decima    noctis   P* 
Postumius,  familiaris   eius,  ad   me  venit  et   mihi  nuntiavit  M. 
Marcellum,  collegam   nostrum,  post    cenae   tempus  a  P.  Magi< 
Cilone,    familiare   eius,  pugione  percussum   esse  et  duo  vulnen 
accepisse,  unum  in  stomach o,  alterum  in  capite  secundum  aurem 
sperare  tamen  eum  vivere  posse  ;  Magium  se  ipsum  interfecisse 
postea ;  se  a  Marcello  ad  me  missum  esse  qui  naec  nuntiaret  et 
rogaret    uti    medicos   ei    mitterem.      Itaque    medicos    coegi   el 


cum  .  .  .  digressus  essem]  We  have  re- 
tained cum,  the  reading  of  GR.  It  has, 
however,  got  out  of  place,  and  probably 
should  follow  die,  not  digressus,  as  in  the 
MSS.  'When  I  left  him,  he  was,  as  he 
said,  intending  to  sail  to  Italy.'  M  omits 
cum.  Streicher  (p.  153),  Bockel,  and  Hof- 
mann  read  sum  for  essem,  omitting  cum. 

ab  Athenis]  As  regards  the  use  of 
prepositions  with  the  names  of  towns, 
Messrs.  Bond  and  Walpole  on  Caesar 
B.  G.  vii.  43,  5,  note  that  "  the  preposi- 
tion ab  is  attached  to  the  names  of  places 
when  departure  from  the  environs  is 
indicated':  cp.  59,  1  ;  B.  C.  iii.  24,  4, 
Libo  discessit  a  Brundisio  =  from  the  har- 
bour of  Brundisium  [cp.  the  use  of  ad,  i.  7, 
1 ;  vii.  76,  5],  The  preposition  is  inserted 
when  direction  from  one  place  to  another 
is  indicated :  B.  G.  vii.  45,  4 ;  80,  9  ; 
B.  C.  i  11,  4  ;  25,  2."  Cp.  Cic.  Att.  vii. 
3,10  (294),  \yho  says  that  you  cannot  put 
in  before  a  town  but  only  before  a  district 
(locus)  ;  also  Att.  iii.  8,  1  (64),  ab  Epheso  : 
xiii.  6,  4  (617),  a  Corintho.  Schmalz 
(p.  100)  adds  Fam.  iii.  6,  6  (213),  xv.  3, 
2  (212).  The  use  of  prepositions  with 
names  of  towns  is  quite  a  feature  of 
Livy's  style  :  cp.  Kiihnast,  Liv.  Synt. 
p.  186,  and  may  have  been  used  by 
Servius  here. 

super  Maleas]  '  round  Malea.'  Mar- 
cellus  was  in  no  hurry  to  return  ;  cp. 
Fam.  iv.  10,  1  (536).  'This  journey  by 
long  sea,  and  not  across  by  Cenchreae 
and  Patrae,  was  considered  a  dangerous 
one,  and  seldom  made  by  travellers. 
Indeed,  between  storms  and  pirates  (Liv. 
xxxiy.  32,  18),  Malea  was  so  dangerous 
that  it  gave  rise  to  a  proverb:  MctAe'as 


Se  Kaunas  eirihdOov  TUV  ot/ca5e  (Slrabo- 
viii.  378);  cp.  Plin.  Epp.  x.  15  (26), 
and  Friedlander,  SG.  ii6,  29,  who  quotes- 
an  interesting  inscription,  C.I.G.  3920, 
<I>Aaoinos  Zet)|is  GpyaffTTjs  (negotiator) 
Tr\ev<ras  virep  MaAeai/  els  'iraAia*'  Tr\6as 
fpSowKovTa  8vo.  The  forms  MaAe'a  and. 
MaAeat  (Herod,  i.  82)  are  both  found.  The 
MSS  give  supra,  but  Liv.  xxxi.  47,  2, 
xlii.  56,  1  (quoted  by  Hofmann),  xxviii.. 
8,  11,  show  that  super  is  the  correct  pre- 
position for  *  rounding '  a  promontory. 

in  Italiam  versus]  versus  is  nearly  al- 
ways used  in  connexion  with  another 
preposition  in  the  sense  of  '  towards '  • 
cp.  EritB  on  Sail.  Cat.  56,  4. 

2.  Post  diem  tertium  eius  diei]  Not 
Ciceronian;  but  cp.  postridie  eius  dieit. 
used  often  by  Caesar. 

secundum  aurem]  '  beside  (or  "behind")  • 
the  ear.'  Referring  to  locality,  secun- 
dum =  1°,  '  beside,'  Plaut.  (ap.  Priscian.; 
x.  890),  secundum  ipsam  aram  aurum 
scondidi,  which  of  course  may  mean. 
*  behind,'  Petr.  131,  secundum  invitantem 
consedi ;  2°,  'along,'  «  over ' ;  Plaut.  Bud.. 
157,  secundum  litus  ;  Att.  xvi.  8,  2  (797), 
leg/tones  quae  iter  secundum  mare  superum 
faciunt :  cp.  Wolfflin  on  Bell.  Afr.  1.  1. 

se  ipsum  interfecisse]  ipsum  is  subject ; 
cp.  Caes.  B.  G.  v.  37,  6,  desperata  salute 
se  ipsi  inter ficiunt.  Schmalz  (Antib.  i. 
705)  says  that  in  classical  times  suicide 
was  rare  and  remarkable,  and  accordingly 
ipse  is  added  in  this  connexion  ;  later, 
when  the  practice  became  more  common 
and  less  remarkable,  ipse  was  omitted. 

uti  medicos  ei  mitterem.  Itaque  medicos 
coeai]  So  GR,  undoubtedly  the  right: 
reading.  M  omits  from  ei  to  medicos. 


EP.  613  (FAM.  IV.  12). 


107 


h  vestigio  eo  sum  profectus  prima  luce.  Cum  non  longe  a  Piraeo 
Lbessem,  puer  Acidini  obviam  mihi  venit  cum  codicillis,  in  quibus 
brat  scriptum  paullo  ante  lucem  Marcellum  diem  suurn  obisse. 
Ita  vir  clarissimus  ab  nomine  deterrimo  acerbissima  morte  est 
iidfectus,  et,  cui  inimici  propter  dignitatem  pepercerant,  inventus 
hst  amicus  qui  ei  mortem  offerret.  3.  Ego  tamen  ad  taberna- 
jjulum  eius  perrexi :  inveni  duos  libertos  et  pauculos  servos ;  reli- 
nuos  aiebant  profugisse  metu  perterritos  quod  dominus  eorum 
Bite  tabernaculum  interfectus  esset.  Coactus  sum  in  eadem  ilia 
tectica  qua  ipse  delatus  eram  meisque  lecticariis  in  urbem  eum 
'•eferre,  ibique  pro  ea  copia  quae  Athenis  erat  funus  ei  satis 
umplum  faciendum  curavi.  Ab  Atheniensibus  locum  sepulturae 
j<ntra  urbem  ut  darent  impetrare  non  potui,  quod  religione  se 
impediri  dicerent,  neque  tamen  id  antea  cuiquam  concesserant : 
quod  proximum  fuit,  uti  in  quo  vellemus  gymnasio  eum  sepelire- 
nus  nobis  permiserunt.  Nos  in  nobilissimo  orbi  terrarum  gym- 
lasio  Academiae  locum  delegimus  ibique  eum  combussimus, 


e  vestigio}  cp.  Div.  in  Caec.  57.     It  is 

|.n  adverbial  phrase  like  in  continenti  = 
tatim. 

I   Acidini]   a  young  nobleman  who  was 

Itudying  at  Athens  :  cp.  568.  2. 

t  codicillis']  See  note  on  Q.  Fr.  ii.  9,  1 
l32). 

|    diem  mum  obisse]   cp.  note  to  555.  4. 

|  acerbissima]  probably  '  most  tragic  ' : 
KMsibly  *  untimely.' 

I  mortem  oferret]  '  to  deal  him  death/  a 
omewhat  poetical  expression:  cp.  Sest. 
:8  ;  Rose.  Am.  37>  40. 

i  3.  tabernaculum]  Piraeus  was  in  a 
rery  decayed  state,  probably  without  a 
espectable  inn  where  a  nobleman  and  his 
etinue  could  stay  ;  hence  Marcellus  was 
Compelled  to  sleep  in  a  tent. 

pauculos^  'just  a  slave  or  two.' 
Pauculus  is  a  diminutive  belonging  to 
he  language  of  ordinary  conversation  ; 
lence  frequent  in  the  comedies  :  cp.  also 
Ut.  v.  21,  6  (250). 

profugisse]  for  fear  lest  they  should  be 
>ut  to  the  torture  in  the  inquiry  about  the 
nurder.  The  law  that  slaves  might  be 
mt  to  death  for  having  failed  to  defend 
heir  master  appears  not  to  have  been 
mssed  till  10  A.D.  :  cp.  Tac.  Ann.  xiii. 
!2 ;  xiv.  42. 

tneisque  lecticariis]  regarded  as  mere  in- 
truments,  and  accordingly  a  is  not  used  : 


cp.  Att.  iv.  3,  2  (92),  armatis  hominibus, 
Mil.  26.  This  usage  in  Cicero  is  common 
with  testibus  (vol.  iii.  p.  cxv,  ed  2). 
Numerous  examples  of  the  omission  of  a 
with  persons  are  given  in  Drager  i.  547, 
§  229. 

pro  ea,  copia  quae  Athenis  erat]  an  in- 
cidental and  instructive  remark  as  to  the 
poor  condition  of  Athens  at  this  time. 

dicerent]  an  extension  of  the  virtual 
oblique  subjunctive;  cp.  Roby,  §  1746, 
and  note  to  Att.  i.  1,  3  (10). 

tamen]  This  word  shows  suggestively 
the  manner  in  which  the  Romans  gener- 
ally regarded  what  the  Greeks  said.  Sul- 
picius  means  to  imply  that,  though  what 
the  Athenians  said  about  religion  was  not 
very  much  to  be  relied  on,  yet  (tamen)  it 
was  a  fact  that  they  had  never  allowed 
anyone  to  be  buried  within  their  walls 
(cp.  Thuc.  ii.  34).  It  appears  to  have  been 
regarded  as  an  enactment  of  Solon's  that 
no  one  should  be  buried  within  the  city. 
In  Leg.  ii.  58  there  is  reference  to  a  law 
of  the  xii  Tables  on  the  subject. 

orbi]  a  local  ablative,  found  only  in 
this  expression :  cp.  Verr.  iv.  82 ;  De 
Dom.  24  ;  Sest.  66. 

gymnasio  Academiae]  This  is  not 
Ciceronian.  "We  should  have  expected 
Academia ;  but  in  the  MSS  of  Cicero  we 
sometimes  find  the  descriptive  genitive : 


108 


EP.  6U  (ATT.  XIII.  £)• 


posteaque  curavimus  ut  eidem  Athenienses  in  eodem  loco  mom 
mentum  ei  marmoreum  faciendum  locarent.  Ita,  quae  nost 
officia  fuerunt,  pro  collegio  et  pro  propinquitate  et  vivo  et  morti 
omnia  ei  praestitimus.  Yale.  D.  pr.  K.  lun.  Athenis. 


614.    CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xin.  4). 

TUSCULUM  J   JUNE  1 J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  munere  decem  legatorum  ab  Attico  elaborate,  de  negotiis  privatis,  de  Bruti 
adventu  in  Tusculanum. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Habeo  mumis  a  te  elaboratum  decem  legatorum  ;  et  quidemjj 
de  Tuditano  idem  puto.  Nam  films  anno  post  quaestor  fuit  quami, 
consul  Mummius.  2.  Sed  quoniam  saepius  de  nominibus  quaeris 
quid  placeat,  ego  quoque  tibi  saepius  respondeo  placere.  Si  quid! 
poteris  cum  Pisone,  conficies  :  Avius  enim  videtur  in  officio  futurus.j 
Velim  ante  possis  :  si  minus,  utique  simul  simus,  cum  Brutus  venidl 
in  Tusculanum.  Magni  interest  mea  una  nos  esse.  Scies  autei 
qui  dies  is  futurus  sit,  si  puero  negotium  dederis  ut  quaerat. 


cp.  Adn.  Grit,  to  Att.  v.  18,  1  (218)  in 
oppido  Antiochia.  This  usage  is  quite 
common  in  Livy  :  cp.  Weissenborn  on 
xxiv.  12,  4.  There  were  three  gymnasia 
at  Athens,  the  Lyceum,  Cynosarges,  and 
Academia. 

curavimus  .  .  .  locarent]  This  is  also 
an  interesting  incidental  remark,  as  it 
shows  the  requirements  to  which  the 
provincials  were  subjected  by  Roman 
governors,  even  by  those  of  the  better 
sort. 

collegio]  '  relation  as  colleagues,'  The 
Dictt.  quote  Liv.  x.  22,  3,  nihil  concordi 
collegio  firmius  ad  remp.  tuendam  esse ;  cp. 
Mommsen,  St.  R.  i2  32,  note  3,  who 
quotes  many  more  examples. 

propinquitate']  4  intimacy,'  or  perhaps 
'  relationship.' 


1.  decem  legatorum  ]  The  epexegetic 
genitive,  like  mercedem  ffloriae,  '  a  reward 
in  the  form  of  glory,'  Tusc.  i.  34 ;  Arch. 
28.  The  meaning  is :  '  I  have  received 
your  kind  investigation  about  the  ten 
ambassadors  '  sent  by  the  senate  to  settle 
the  affairs  of  Greece  in  146.  Atticushad 


included  Tuditanus  the  father,  not  Tudi$ 
tanus  the  son,   among  the  ten.     Cicei 
now  believes  him  to   be  right.     Your 
Tuditanus  was  quaestor  in  145  :  cp. 
to  610.  3. 

idem  puto]     sc.  quod  tu.     The   we 
de  Tuditano  are  rightly  added  by  Lehme 
and  Schmidt.     The  name  could    hardl 
have  been  omitted,  and,  if    written  in 
abbreviated  form  (perhaps  it  was  writt 
as  such  even  by  Cicero :  cp.  610.  3), 
might   have  fallen   out   after  et  quic 
Lehmann  (Quaest.  Tull.,  p.  51)  reads 
quidem  <de  Tuditano  idem>  puto,  quotii  __ 
for  this  '  descending '  use  of   et   quidemi 
4  and  indeed,'  Att.  vi.  1,  6  (252)  ;  Fain,  ixj 
15,  4  (481)  ;  and  many  more  examples. 

2.  de  nominibus]     About  the  different] 
debtors  assigned  to   Cic.    by  creditoi 
especially    by    Faberius;    cp.    611.    1 
612.  2. 

Pisone]  cp.  606.  1  ;  612.  2. 

Avius}  612.  2. 

Velim  ante  possis"]     '  I  hope  you  wi 
be  able  to  join  me  before  Brutus  arrn 
here  ;  but  if  not,  you  must  certainly 
here  when  he  is  with  me.' 

Magni  .  .  .  esse]     cp.  620.  2. 


JSP.  615  (ATT.  XIII.  5). 


109 


615.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  5). 

TUSCULTJM  ;    JUNE  2  ;    A.  IT.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

Sp.  Mummium  in  decem  legatis  non  fuisse,  xle  negotiis  privatis,  de  Bruti  adventu 
n  Tusculanum. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Sp.  Mummium  putaram  in  decem  legatis  fuisse  sed  vide- 
icet — etenim  tv\oyov — fratri  fuisse.  Fuit  enim  ad  Corinthum. 
Misi  tibi  '  Torquatum/  Colloquere  tu  quidem  cum  Silio,  ut  scribis, 
et  urge.  Illam  diem  negabat  esse  mense  Maio,  istam  non  negabat. 
Sed  tu,  ut  omnia,  istuc  quoque  ages  diligenter.  De  Crispo  et 
Mhistela  scilicet,  cum  quid  egeris.  2.  Quoniam  ad  Bruti  adven- 
ium  fore  te  nobiscum  polliceris,  satis  est,  praesertim  cum  hi  tibi 
dies  in  magno  nostro  negotio  consumantur. 


1.  videlicet  .  .  .  fuisse]  cp.  616.  3  ; 
617.4.  'I  had  thought  Sp.  Mummius 
was  among  the  commissioners,  but  of 
course  he  was  (naturally)  not  among  the 
commissioners,  hut  private  legatus,  or 
lieutenant  to  his  brother.'  These  legati 
were  a  sort  of  staff  officers,  or  aides-de- 
camp, appointed  by  the  senate  on  the 
recommendation  of  the  commander.  But 
they  were  regular  officials,  not  unofficial 
members  of  the  governor's  staff  like  the 
comites :  cp.  Greenidge,  Roman  Public  Life, 
p.  324.  "We  have  here  another  example 
of  the  archaic  usage  whereby  words  like 
videlicet  and  scilicet  are  resolved  into 
their  component  parts,  and  so  are  able  to 
govern  a  case.  Cp.  turn  videlicet  datas, 
Att.  v.  11,  7  (200).  It  would  of  course 
be  easy  to  alter  the  words,  as  all  the 
editors  do,  so  as  to  bring  them  into  con- 
formity with  the  usage  of  formal  writers, 
and  of  Cicero  himself  in  his  speeches 
and  his  philosophical  works  :  e.g.  Wesen- 
berg  reads  sed  videlicet  <  erravi~>:  etenim 
etf\oyov  fratri  fuisse  (sc.  legatum).  But 
this  would  be  to  expunge  from  the 
Letters  a  most  characteristic  feature. 

«  Torquatum ']     The  first  book  of  the 


De  Finibus,  cp.  610.  3.  The  work  was  at 
Home,  being  copied  out  (cp.  632. 4),  when 
Cic.  wrote  that  letter. 

cum  Silio']  It  is  curious  that  Silius 
should  come  up  again.  It  seemed  as  if 
the  negotiations  about  the  sale  of  his- 
horti  had  ceased  since  March:  cp.  569.  1  ; 
though  possibly  we  may  gather  from 
599.  2  that  he  was  again  opening  the 
question.  It  is  quite  uncertain  what 
the  two  days  in  question  were,  as  the 
matter  is  not  referred  to  elsewhere. 
Possibly  Silius  had  said  he  would  give  a 
definite  statement  in  May  as  to  whether 
he  would  sell,  and  other  particulars  as  to 
the  sale,  but  that  he  would  not  convey 
the  property  or  require  payment  till  later. 
Cicero  was  anxious  to  have  an  answer  as 
to  whether  he  would  sell  at  all.  But  of 
course  this  is  mere  conjecture.  "We  do 
not  think  that  611.  1  can  help  us  in  this 


scilicet}  sc.  scribes. 

2.  it:  magno  nostro  negotio]  *  on  im- 
portant business  of  mine,'  in  connexion 
with  the  purchase  of  the  horti,  and  getting 
in  his  debts,  especially  from  Faberius. 


110 


EP.  616  (ATT.  XIII.  S3,  §§  1-3). 


616.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xin.  33,  §§  1-3; 


TUSCULUM  ;    JUNK  3  J    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  professione  non  relata,  de  negotiis  suis  ab  Attico  conficiendis,  de  Di 
libris  et  acceptis  et  exspectatis,  de  decem  legatis. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Neglegentiam  miram !  semelne  putas  mihi  dixisse  Balbunoti 
et  Faberium  professionem  relatam  ?  qui  etiam  eorum  iussu  miserinu 
qui  profiteretur.  Ita  enim  oportere  dicebant.  Professus  est' 


1.  Neglegentiam  miratn]  What  this 
specification  or  declaration  was  which  he 
here  calls  professio  is  not  certain  ;  but  it 
\vas  obligatory  or  customary  to  register 
something  (whether  property  or  income) 
before  the  lustration  which  closed  the 
census,  as  we  learn  from  Att.  i.  19,  1  (25). 
In  this  case  we  may — (1)  mention  the 
conjecture  of  Boot  that  the  persons  before 
whom  the  declaration  was  made  probably 
included  Balbus  and  Faberius,  who  had 
admonished  Cicero  not  to  neglect  that 
duty.  Cicero  had  sent  his  servant 
Philotimus  (whom  he  designates  libertum 
meum,  to  distinguish  him  from  the  dis- 
honest steward  of  Terentia  who  bore  the 
same  name)  expressly  to  register  him,  and 
had  dismissed  the  matter  from  his  mind, 
as  he  had  more  than  once  been  told  by 
Balbus  and  Faberius  that  it  had  been 
done.  Possibly  the  census  was  one  re- 
quired b}r  the  Lex  Julia  Municipalis.  And 
we  may  (2)  record  the  suggestion  of 
Sch.ii.tz  and  Corrad.,  that  Faberius  was 
assigning  some  property  to  Cicero  in  dis- 
charge of  a  debt.  The  explanation  given 
by  0.  E.  Schmidt  (p.  305)  is  somewhat 
similar  to  this.  He  holds  that  there 
were  two  kinds  of  professio — (1)  public 
declaration  of  the  value  of  property  at 
the  end  of  the  lustrum ;  (2)  declaration  of 
any  change  of  property  by  borrowing  or 
lending.  The  latter  is  what  is  referred 
to  here,  and  in  754.  1.  Faberius  had  on 
his  side  to  '  profess '  the  assignment  of 
the  nomina  to  Cicero,  and  Cicero  had 
to  'profess'  the  acceptance  of  them. 
Faberius  appeared  to  do  so ;  but,  possibly 
haying  the  clerk  in  his  pay,  he  directed 
this  clerk  not  to  book  the  assignment. 


The  transfer  was  accordingly  not  dulj| 
executed  at  this  time. 

The  question  whether  the  accusative! 
of  exclamation  can  be  used  in  Cic.  with-i 
out  0  being  added  is  maintained  in  the 
affirmative   by    Reid    (Hermath.   (1S99)| 
p.  333)  :  but  Lehmann  ('  Att.'  203  ff.)and| 
Mxiller  wish  always  to  add  <  0  >.     Noj 
doubt  the  use  of  the  simple  accusative  of  | 
exclamation  was   dying  out  in  Cicero'3 
time.     There  is  considerable  diversity  iiu 
the  MSS:  see  Lehmann  I.e.     Perhaps  thej 
omission  or  insertion  of  0  was  as  uncer«| 
tain  as  our  omitting  or  adding  '  What 
and  each  passage  must  be  judged  on  thej 
weight  of  MS  evidence.     Here  it   seenu 
unanimous  for  omission.  Lehmann  thir 
the  omission  due  to  Greek  words  havii 
preceded  at  the  end  of  xiii.  32  (610) ; 
xiii.  44.  1  (646)  the  MS  authority  is  stroi 
for  inserting  it ;  for  at  the  end  of 
43  (644)  2  h&sposco  for  post.     In  707. 
the  MSS  are  against  adding  En,  as  the 
are  also  in  Att.  viii.  5.  1  (336).    In  733. 
we  have praeclaros  etiam  xiiii  ordines  with- 
out interjection.    See  also  note  to  617. 

semelne']      '  do    you    imagine    it    we 
only  once  that  Balbus  and  Faberius  toW 
me  the  registration  was  effected?  Why,  it 
•was  at  their  suggestion  that  I  sent  a  per 
to  effect  it,  as  they  thought  I  should  d( 
so.     It  was  my  freedman  Philotimus  wl 
registered.'     Qui    miserim,     '  after    mj 
sending  them,'  is  like  the  English  why 
See  note  on  Plaut.  Mil.  Glor.  62,  quae  \ 
obsecraverint,  (  why,  they  besought  me/ 
For  semel  —  'only   once,'    ep.  non 
cicatrix,  Juv.   iii.  151  ;   non   una   simt 
viii.  213 ;  non  unius  anni,  Hor.  Carm.  i 
9.  39. 


EP.  616  (ATT.  XIII.  33,  §§  JN 


111 


IPhilotimus  libertus.  Nosti,  credo,  librarium.  Sed  scribes,  et  quidem 
[coufectum.  2.  Ad  Faberium,  ut  tibi  placet,  litteras  misi.  Cum 
.Balbo  auteru  puto  te  aliquid  fecisse  [H.  in  Capitolio].  In  Yer- 
gilio  mihi  nulla  est  Su<rw7rta.  Nee  enim  eius  causa  sane  debeo, 
let,  si  emero,  quid  erit  quod  ^postulet  ?  Sed  videbis  ne  is  turn 
[sit  in  Africa,  ut  Caelius.  De  nomine  tu  videbis  cum  Cispio  ; 
jsed,  si  Plancus  destinat,  turn  habet  res  difficultatem.  Te  ad  me 
venire  uterque  nostrum  cupit,  sed  ista  res  nullo  modo  relinquenda 


librarium']  The  clerk  whose  duty  it  was 
•to  have  entered  Cicero  as  registered  by 
l|philotimus.  Or  it  may  be  Philotimus 
liiimself,  'my  copyist.' 

I  confectum]  This  is  the  reading  of  all 
•'the  MSS.  It  seems  rash  to  change  to  con- 
mfestim,  as  most  of  the  editors  do,  on  the 
•authority  of  Bosius.  Surely  it  does  not 
Ijtranscend  the  limits  of  ellipse  in  the  letters 
ijto  supply  esse  negotium  :  '  but  you  will 
I  kindly  let  me  have  a  letter  on  the  subject, 
•and  one  to  the  effect  that  the  thing  is 
I  done.' 

!  2.  H.  in  Capitolio}  Boot  ingeniously 
J.conjectures  that  these  words  are  a  cor- 
Iruption  of  Sine  incipit  alia  epistula,  a  note 
Lby  some  early  scholar  who  perceived,  what 
I  is  now  generally  recognized,  that  a  new 
I letter  begins  at  the  fourth  section,  but  who 
•I  carelessly  prefixed  his  note  instead  to  the 
Isecond  section.  Schiche  approves  of  Boot's 
I  conjecture.  Schmidt  (p.  304  n.)  prefers 
|  the  emendation  of  Bosius,  hodie  in  Capi- 
^tolio.  He  remarks  that  there  might  have 
T  been  some  festival  in  the  Capitol  on  June  3, 
j  at  which  Cicero  thought  it  likely  that 
\  Attious  would  meet  Balbus  and  settle  the 
1  matter.  Shuckburgh  thinks  that  the 
j  professio  had  to  be  entered  on  the  public 
t  records  (Lex  Julia  Municipalis,  §  15) ; 
L  and  the  public  Record  Office  (tabularium) 
I  was  at  the  foot  of  the  Capitol. 

Svffwiria]  (  mauvaise  honte*  'scruple.' 

eius  causa  sane  debeo~\  like  velle  alicuius 

",  causa — so  very  common  in  the  Letters  ; 

'  see  Thesaurus  s.  v.  causa  682.  Iff.,  and 

Landgraf  on  Sext.  Rose.  §  149.  This 
.'  Vergilius  may,  perhaps,  have  been  the 
",  governor  of  Sicily  who  would  not  allow 

Cicero  to  enter  his  province  when  going 
•  into  exile  in  58,  cp.  note  to  Att.  iii  4  (58) 

and  Plane.  95.  If  so,  Cic.  need  not  have 
;.'  had  any  scruple  about  opposing  his 
"  interest  in  the  mere  matter  of  purchase 
:]  of  property. 

Nee  enim  .  .  .  expostulet\  l  I  do  not  owe 


him  any  consideration  for  his  own  sake  ; 
and,  if  I  become  the  purchaser,  what  will 
he  have  to  complain  of  ?'  We  read  expostu- 
let,  suggested  by  Wesenberg.  Thepostulet 
of  the  MSS  could  only  mean  demand,  or 
prosecute.  Vergilius  had  been  on  the  Pom- 
peian  side  in  the  war  in  Africa  (cp.  Bell. 
Afr.  28  :  86).  Gronovius  thinks  his  share 
of  the  property  of  Scapula  may  have  been 
confiscated. 

Sed . . .  Gaelius~\  The  reading  of  the  MSS 
is  cum  sit  in  Africa,  which  commentators 
find  great  difficulty  in  explaining.  Ver- 
gilius was  probably  in  Africa  at  this  time. 
It  is  possible  that  Caelius,  having  been  a 
Pompeian,  made  his  peace  with  Caesar, 
and  that  Cicero  here  expresses  a  fear  lest 
Vergilius  should  do  the  same,  in  which 
case  difficulties  might  be  raised  about 
Cicero's  title.  But  all  this  is  mere  con- 
jecture. The  change,  however,  of  cum  of 
the  MSS  to  guoque,  though  adopted  by 
some  editors,  leaves  the  passage  at  least  as 
obscure  as  before.  The  ellipse  of  faciat 
would  be  of  course  quite  regular.  But 
perhaps  the  slight  change  of  cum  to  turn 
is  a  possible  expedient  to  use  in  explain- 
ing the  passage.  Cicero  would  then  say  : 
'  Take  care  that  he  be  not  then  in  Africa, 
like  Caelius.'  Vergilius,  as  one  of  the 
co-heirs  of  the  Scapulan  horti,  may  have 
been  required  to  sanction  the  sale  in  some 
way  :  and  if  he  were  in  Africa,  it  might 
be  difficult  to  get  his  authorization.  We 
do  not  know  who  Caelius  was.  There 
was  a  Caelius  whom  Faberius  offered  to 
delegate  as  his  creditor  to  Cicero,  but  of 
whom  Att.  disapproved ;  and  apparently 
Att.  refused  to  accept  him  (611.  1). 

Cispio']  560.  3. 

destinat]  '  is  a  bidder.'  This  meaning 
of  destinare  is  common :  see  Fam.  vii. 
23,  3  (126);  and  note  to  569.  1.  Being 
a  rich  and  influential  man  (see  note  to 
599.  1),  Plancus  would  be  a  formidable 
competitor. 


112 


EP.  616  (ATT.  XIII.  S3,  §§  1-3). 


est.  Othonem  quod  speras  posse  vinci,  sane  bene  narras.  De 
aestimatione,  ut  scribis,  cum  agere  coeperimus,  etsi  nihil  scripsifc 
nisi  de  modo  agri.  Cum  Pisone,  si  quid  poterit.  Dicaearchi  librum 
accepi  et  KarajSaacwc  exspecto.  3.  ...  negotium  dederis,  reperiet 
ex  eo  libro  in  quo  sunt  senatus  consulta  Cn.  Cornelio  L.  Mummim 
coss.  De  Tuditano  autem  quod  putas,  tuAoyov  est  turn  ilium,  quo-l 
niam  fuit  ad  Corinth um — non  enim  temere  dixit  Hortensius, — aut 
quaestorem  aut  tribunum  mil.  fuisse,  idque  potius  credo.  Tu  dJ 
Antiocho  scire  poteris,  videlicet,  quo  anno  quaestor  aut  tribunus 
mil.  fuerit.  Si  neutrum,  erue  in  praefectis  an  in  contubernalibus 
fuerit,  modo  fuerit  in  eo  bello. 


vinci']  'outbidden'  :  cp.  584.4;  605.2; 
he,  as  one  of  the  four  heirs  of  Scapula, 
was  probably  anxious  to  acquire  the 
whole  property. 

De  aestimatione]  The  meaning  is  *  we 
will  do  as  you  say  about  the  valuation 
when  we  commence  the  negotiations, 
though  hitherto  he  has  mentioned  in  his 
letters  nothing  but  the  extent  (acreage)  of 
the  property.' 

Cum  Pisone'}   sc.  loquere. 

poterit]  We  have  frequently  already 
met  posse  =  posse  fieri,  '  to  be  possible,'  in 
the  letters.  The  change  therefore  to  poteris 
is  to  be  condemned. 

Die.  librum']  The  book  received  \vas 
irtpl  ^vxfis,  or  the  Tpiiro\iriK6s,  610,  2. 
Possibly  TTfpl  tyvxys,  or  Tpnro\iTLKos,  has 
fallen  out  of  the  text,  and  the  gloss 
librum  has  remained. 

3.  negotium  dederis]  Some  words  such 
as  si  cui  must  have  fallen  out  here,  as 
dederis  could  not  be  imperative  unless 
the  sentence  were  negative.  Schmidt 
(p.  309,  note)  suggests  that  the  whole 
passage  ran  Dicaearchi  libros  -nepl  tyvxys 
accepi  et  KaTa&daews.  De  Sp.  (  =  de 
Spurio  Mummio)  si  cui  negotium  dederis, 
reperiet,  &c. 

senatus  consulta]  "We  may  infer,  then, 
that  the  senatus  consulta  of  every  year 
were  recorded  and  preserved. 

temere]  '  Hortensius  did  not  speak 
at  random'  when  he  told  Cicero  that 
Tuditanus  was  at  Corinth,  as  we  are  told 
in  Ep.  610,  3.  For  though  Cicero  now 
believes  the  second  hypothesis  (idque 
potius  credo),  namely,  that  Tuditanus  was 


not    one   of  the   commissioners,    but    a 
quaestor  or  military  tribune,  yet  Horten-I 
sius  had  warrant  for  what  he  said,  for  a  1 
Tuditanus  was  certainly  at  Corinth  at  the 
time.     This  passage  leaves  us  in   some| 
doubt  as  to  whether  this  §  3  does  not! 
belong  to  a  date  anterior  to  614.  1.     Fowl 
there  Cic.  says  quite  definitely  that  the 
younger    Tuditanus    was    not    quaestow 
until  145.     Here  he  does  not  seem  to  be] 
quite  sure  as  to  whether  he  may  not  hav 
been  military  tribune. 

videlicet  .  .  .  bello]  '  you  will  be  abi 
to  find  out  this  from  Antiochus  (Dr.  Rei 
thinks  we  should  read  Anlaeo  646  fin. 
namely,  in  what  year  he  was  quaestor  ( 
military  tribune.  If  he  never  held  eith( 
appointment,  dig  out  the  informatio 
whether  he  was  among  the  praefecti 
contubernales,  if  indeed  you  establish  th 
fact  that  he  was  in  the  war,'  the  war 
which  Corinth  was  taken  by  Mummiui 
in  146.  The  praefecti  (equitutn,  fabrum 
castrorum]  corresponded  partly  to  oi 
officers  of  engineers,  partly  to  oi 
adjutants.  For  the  praefecti,  see  note  o 
Att.  v.  4.  3  (187)  and  Marquardt  i2,  p.  553 
The  contubernales  (cp.  Gael.  73)  might 
freely  described  as  '  the  staff'  of  a  genera 
being  mainly  young  men  who  accom 
panied  him  to  gain  some  expeiience 
the  art  of  war.  They  were  also  callec 
comites,  which  was  the  strict  title. 
have  accepted  here  Schmidt's  view  of  th 
passage:  see  also  Adnotatio  Critica.  Fl 
erue,  cp.  608.  3,  sicunde  pote»  erne  qu 
decem  legati  Mummio  fuerint  :  also  notet 
578.  1. 


EP.  617  (ATT.  XIII.  6,  §  4). 
617.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Air.  xm.  e,  §  4). 

TUSOULUM  ;    JUNE  4  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  5    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Tuditano,  Hortensii  proavo,  de  Sp.  Mummio  et  de  institute  maiorum  in  legatis 
;eligendis. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

4.  Tuditanura  istum,  proavum  Hortensi,  plane  non  noram  et 
(ilium,  qui  turn  non  potuerat  epse  legatus,  fuisse  putaram.  Sp. 
Mummium  fuisse  ad  Corinthum  pro  certo  habeo.  Saepe  enim  hie 
Bpurius  qui  nuper  est  mortum  epistulas  mihi  pronuutiabat  ver- 
jiculis  facetis  ad  familiaris  missas  a  Corintho.  Sed  non  dubito 
juin  fratri  fuerit  legatus,  non  in  decem.  Atque  hoc  etiam  accepi, 
ion  solitos  maiores  nostros  eos  legare  in  decem  qui  essent  im- 
Deratorum  necessarii,  ut  nos,  ignari  pulcherrimorum  institutorum 
int  neglegentes  potius,  M.  Lucullum  et  L.  Murenam  et  ceteros 
joniunctissimos  ad  L.  Lucullum  misimus.  Illudque  fvAoywrarov 
{Hum  fratri  in  primis  eius  legatis  fuisse.  0  operam  tuam  multam, 
jui  et  haec  cures  et  mea  expedias  et  sis  in  tuis  non  multo  minus 
liligens  quani  in  meis. 

4.  Tuditanum]     Cicero  had  supposed  Hortensius  610.  3)  was  his  son  (No.  2), 

bat  the  son  of  this  Tuditanus,  the  grand-  who  could  not  have  been  a  commissioner,' 

ather  of  Hortensius  (son  of  the  orator  for  the  reasons  stated  in  610.  3. 

ik-knamed  Hortalm),  had  heen  amongst  Sp.  Mummiutn]    We  have  inserted  Sp. 

he  commissioners  sent  to  Corinth  to  act  at  the  suggestion  of  Boot,  who  points  out 

n  concert  with  Mummius  in  settling  the  that  the  further  designation  is  essential 

ilfairs   of   Greece   after  the   capture   of  to  distinguish  him   from  his  brother  L. 

3orinth.     He   was   not  aware  that  this  Mummius,    and    the    more    so    because 

Duditanus  could  not  have  been  among  the  another  and  different  Spurius  is  mentioned 

'eguti  till  Atticus  pointed  out  to  him  that  immediately  afterwards. 

he  Tuditanus  present  on   that  occasion  pronuntiabat]     '  used  to  repeat  to  me 

nust  have  been  his  father.  The  genealogy  letters  of  his  from  Corinth  to  his  friends 

s  as  follows : —  written  in  clever  verse.' 

est  mortuus]    This   gives    the    sense. 

(1)  Tuditanus,  the  father.  Miiller  conjectures   nuper   decessit,  Reid 


nuper  peril  t. 
idit 


(2)  Tuditanus,  the  son  (quaestor  145  ;  fratri  .  .  .  legatus]     cp.  note  to  615.  1. 

I        praetor  132;  cons.  129).  Mommsen  (St.  R.  ii2  661,  note  5)  thinks 

the   reason   why   Sp.    Mummius   was    a 

Sempronia.  legatus   to  his   brother  and  not  a  com- 

=  Hortensius  Hortalus.  missioner  was  that  he  was  not  a  senator. 

|  M.  Lucullum~\    brother  of  L.  Lucullus, 

Hortensius,  the  orator.  and  sent  to  act  with  the  latter  in  settling 

the  affairs  of  Pontus  after  the  Mithridatic 

I  did  not  know  of  the  existence  of  the  War. 

Tuditanus  (No.   1)  you  tell  me  of,   who  in  primis  eius  legatis']  '  among  his  chief 

vas  great-grandfather  of  Hortensius  ;  and  lieutenants.' 

'ancied  he  (i.e.  the  person  referred  to  by  0  operam]     Whether  0  should  always 

VOL.  v.  H 


114 


EP.  618  (ATT.  XIII.  8). 


618.    CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Axx.  xm.  s). 

TUSCULUM  J    JUNE  8  J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  litterarura  commercio,  Q.  Staberii  num  quis  fundus  in  Pompeiano  Nolanove 
venalis  sit,  de  libris  sibi  mittendis. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Plane  nihil  erafc  quod  ad  te  scriberem.  Modo  enim  disces- 
seras  et  paullo  post  triplices  remiseras.  Velim  cures  fasciculum  ad 
Vestoriura  deferendum  et  aliquoi  des  negotium  qui  quaerat 
Q.  Staberi  fundus  num  quis  in  Pompeiano  Nolanove  venalis  sitjj 
Epitomen  Bruti  Coelianorum  velim  mihi  mittas  et  a  Philoxeno 
Uavairiov  irspl  Trpovoiag.  Te  Idibus  videbo  cum  tuis. 


be  inserted  before  the  ace.  of  exclamation 
is  a  disputed  point.  We  have  accepted 
the  addition  of  0  here,  as  it  might  easily 
have  been  lost :  and  it  seems  to  us  more 
natural  with  an  exclamation  which  is 
somewhat  protracted  and  not  confined  to 
two  or  three  words.  We  are  not  so  sure 
that  it  should  be  inserted  in  very  usual 
expressions  like  me  misertim:  or  in  the 
case  of  a  very  short  exclamation  like 
Neglegentiam  miram  (616.  1),  where  see 
note,  non  is  found  in  2  and  was  probably 
in  the  archetype :  hence  Miiller  s  con- 
jecture operam  tuam  multam  amo  is  not  as 
appropriate  as  it  would  be  if  non  were 
omitted;  cp.  Lehmann,  *  Att.'  205,  who 
discusses  the  various  passages  in  the  Epp. 
ad  Att.  where  the  accusative  of  exclama- 
tion occurs.  Cp.  also  below,  note  to 
646  init. 

discesseras]  Atticus  had  just  paid  Cic. 
a  short  visit,  as  he  had  done  on  May  18 
(596),  and  as  he  did  again  on  June  16 
(623.  1)  and  on  Aug.  10  (662). 

triplices]  codicilli  of  three  pages. 
Cicero  had  sent  his  tabellarius  with  direc- 
tions to  bring  back  from  Atticus  any 
communication  which  he  might  wish  to 
make  on  these  triplices  or  correspondence 
tablets.  For  these  triplices  see  Marquardt 


Privatleben*  803,  and  Martial  xiv.  6. 
specimen  of  a  triple  tablet  found  a 
Pompeii  is  figured  in  Mau's  Pompe\ 
(transl.  by  Kelsey),  p.  500. 

Staberi]  He  may  have  been  the  L 
Staberius  who  was  in  command  a 
Apollonia  when  that  town  surrendered  t 
Caesar  in  48  (Caes.  B.C.  iii.  12).  Ai 
early  inscription  of  au  A.  Staberius  wa 
found  at  Capua,  as  is  supposed  (C.  I.  L 
x.  4351). 

Bruti~]  Brutus  had  drawn  up  an  abridg 
mentof  the  annals  of  L.  Coelius  Antipat€ 
(flor.  123  K.C.).  Possibly  Cicero  wante 
these  hooks  for  the  De  Natura  Deorutn 
cp.  N.D.  ii.  8.  He  certainly  used  Panae 
tius  in  that  treatise. 

a  Philoxeno]  governed  by  mittas.  I 
is  the  same  a  as  appears  in  phrases  lik 
dum  a  Faberio  .  .  .  repraesentabimut 
561.  1 :  a  Caecilio  nummum  movere,  All 
.  12.  1  (17).  We  should  say  '  from  th 
library  of  Philoxenus.'  Dr.  Reid  quotes 
other  elliptical  expressions  with  a,  aa 
leg  are  ab  aliquo  (i.e.  to  leave  money  to 
be  paid  by  a  person,  cp.  663.  3) ;  qu 
amant  a  lenone,  Plaut.  Pseud.  203.  We 
may  perhaps  add  as  somewhat  simila 
632.  4,  se  a  te  quintum  '  De  Finibut 
librum  descripsisse,  where  see  note. 


EPP.  619,  620  (ATT.  XIII.  7,  §§  1,  2}.  115 

619.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xui.  7,  §  i). 

TUSCULUM  ;    JUNE  9  J    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;  AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Caesare  quae  e  Sestio  et  Theopoinpo  audierit,  de  Lentuli  divortio  cum  Metella, 
4e  litteris  ab  Attico  exspectatis. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Sestius  apud  me  fuit  et  Theoporapus  pridie  :  venisse  a  Caesare 
narrabat  litteras ;  hoc  scribere,  sibi  cerium  esse  Romae  man  ere 
rcausamque  earn  ascribere  quae  erat  in  epistula  nostra,  ne  se 
absente  leges  suae  neglegerentur,  sicut  esset  neglecta  sumptuaria, 
(est  twAoyot/,  idque  eram  suspicatus.  Sed  istis  mos  gereudus  est, 
; nisi  placet  hanc  ipsam  sententiam  nos  persequi);  et  Lentulum 
cum  Metella  certe  fecisse  divortium.  Haec  omnia  tu  melius. 
Rescribes  igitur,  quidquid  voles,  dum  modo  #/«'quid.  lam  enim 
non  reperio  quid  te  rescripturum  putem,  nisi  forte  de  Mustela  aut 
nS?  Silium  videris. 


620.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  7,  §  2). 

TUSCULUM  ;    JUNE    10  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 
De  adventu  Bruti  in  Tusculanum. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

2.  Brutus  heri  venit  in  Tusculanum  post  horam  deciinam. 
Hodie  igitur  me  videbit,  ac  vellem  turn  tu  adesses.  lussi  equidem 
ei  nuutiari  te,  quoad  potuisses,  exspectasse  eius  adventum  ventu- 
rumque  si  audisses,  meque,  ut  facio,  continue  te  certiorem  esse 
facturum. 

1.  Theopompus]     Of  Cnidus,  a   friend  treatment  in  the  former  letter  Cic.  does 

of  Caesiir's,  see  Strabo  xiv.  2,  15  ;  Plut.  not  say. 

Caes.  48  (Moot).  fecisse]     sc.     narrabat     Sestius.     This 

w  epistula  nostra~\  The  projected  letter  same  Lentulus  is  referred  to  by  his  cog- 
to  Caesar,  of  which  Bulbus  and  Oppius  nomen  Spinther  in  599.  2.  It  is  to  be 
disapproved  :  cp.  607.  3.  noticed  that  whereas  we  say  '  divorce 

sumptuaria']     On   Caesar's    sumptuary  from,'  the  Latin  has  it '  divorce  with.' 

law  of  46  cp.  especially  Suet.  Caes.  43 :  tu  melius~\    sc.  nosti :  cp.  Alt.  vii.  3.  5 

and  also  note  to  Fam.  ix.  26.  4  (479)  :  (294) ;  Fam.  iv.  13.  7  (483)  ;  alsoix.  2.  5 

15.5(481).  (461). 

istis]     Balbus  and   Oppius   and  other  aliquid]     So  Lamb,  for  ne  quid  of  M. 
Caesarians:  cp.  602:  603.  1. 

hanc  ipsam   sententiain]     '  to    develop  2.  in  Tusculanum]     His  own  villa  at 

that  very  line  of  argument,'  that  is  to  Tusculum.     He  does  not  appear  to  have 

advocate   Caesar's   remaining  in    Rome,  come  on  a  visit  to  Cicero, 

whether  in  a  new  letter  or  to  expand  the  vellem  turn  tu  adesses]     cp.  614.  1. 

H2 


116 


EP.  621  (ATT.  XII.  5,  §  3). 


621.     CICEKO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  5,  §  3). 

TUSCULUM  J    JUNE  11  OR  12  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AKT.  CIC.  61. 

De  ratione  temporis    magistratuuai  aliquot   Romanorum    et    de   Bruti  epil 

Fannianorum. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

3.  Tubulum  praetorem  video  L.  Metello  Q.  Maximo  consulibi 
Nunc  velim  P.  Scaevola  pontifex  maximus  quibus  consulibi 
tribunus  pi.  Equidern  puto  proximis,  Caepione  et  Pompeio:  praetol 
enira  L.  FurioSex.  Atilio.  Dabis  igitur  tribunatum  et,  si  poteril 
Tubulus  quo  crimine.  Et  vide,  quaeso,  L.  Libo,  ille  qui  de  ber. 
Galba,  Censorinone  et  Manilio  an  T.  Quinotio  M'.  Acilioconsulibiisl 
tribunus  pi.  fuerit.  Conturbabat  enim  me  [epitome  Bruti  FaJ 
niana,]  in  Bruti  epitoma  Fannianorum  [soripsi]  quod  erat  ini 


3.  Tubulum}  The  information  about 
Tubulus  Cicero  used  in  Fin.  ii.  54. 

L.  Metello  Q.  Maximo']     612  (142). 

velim~\     sc.  scire  :  cp.  656.  1. 

Caepione  et  Pompeio}  613  (141)  :  proxi- 
mis is  found  in  2  and  Z,  but  not  in  M. 

L.  Furio  Sex.  Atilio']  In  the  consul- 
ship of  L.  Furius  and  Sex.  Atilius,  618 
(136). 

quo  crimine']  '  on  what  charge  was  he 
tried  ;  '  sc.  accusatus  sit — a  strong  ellipse. 
From  Fin.  ii.  54,  we  find  that  it  was  on 
the  charge  of  a  corrupt  judicial  decision. 
But  he  was  a  notorious  vilhdn.  Cicero 
(Scaur.  5  ap.  Ascon.  p.  20  KS.  =  p.  23, 
ed.  Clark)  says  of  him  unum  ex  omni 
memoria  sceleratissimum  et  audacissimum 
fuisse  acce/>imus.  Gellius  (ii.  7.  20)  put 
him  on  a  level  with  Catiline  and  Clodius  : 
cp.  Cic.  Fin.  v.  62.  cui  Tubuli  nomen  odio 
non  est  ? 

de  Ser.  Galla]  Sc.  rogationem  tulit,  a 
daring  ellipse  only  to  be  defended  by  the 
consideration  that  Cicero  was  dealing  with 
a  matter  very  i'amiliar  to  Atticus.  It  is 
even  stronger  than  that  of  accusatus  sit, 
above.  The  bill  (cp.  Cic.  Brut.  89)  was 
to  restore  to  liberty  certain  Lusitanian 
prisoners  who  had  surrendered  to  Galba, 
and  had  been  sold  as  slaves  by  him 
(Liv.Epit.  49).  Another  story  of  Galba's 
treachery  stated  that  he  had  massacred 
these  Lusitanians  (Suet.  Galb.  3).  Cicero 
desires  to  know  whether  he  was  tribune 


in  the  consulate  of  Censorinus  and  Mani-JI 
lius  in  605  (149),  or  of  Quinctius  andj 
Acilius  in  604  (150). 

Conturbfib'tt  enim]  'I  was  confused  topi 
by  a  remark  at  the  end  of  Brutus'  abrMgJ 
ment  of  the  history  of  Fannius,  following! 
which  I  made  Fannius,  the  historian,  thej 
son-in-law  of  Laelius.  But  you  prove* 
me  wrong  to  demonstration  ;  now  Brutiul 
and  Fannius  convict  you  of  error.'  Boot! 
would  wish  to  read  brutus  ex  Funnio,  re-l 
marking,  that  if  Fannius  had  <lescrii>a(fl 
himself  as  son-in-law  of  Laelius  then! 
could  have  been  no  question  about  then 
matter.  A  view  of  this  passage,  upheld! 
by  Schmidt  (p.  315),  supposes  that  epitonA 
Bruti  Fanniana  were  the  words  that  Cicerfll 
wrote,  and  that  a  copyist  or  reader  of  ibel 
Veronen>is  ndded  a  learned  note  in  the! 
margin  in  Bruti  epitoma  Fannintiorunu 
scripsi,  perhaps  from  a  recollection'  jfl 
Epitomen  Bruti  Coelianorum  in  618,  which! 
would  appear  to  be  the  correct  title  oil 
this  kind  of  abridgment.  "We  confeJ 
to  a  certain  disbelief  in  such  learnedf 
glosses,  and  in  the  present  case  do  not, 
feel  sure  that  we  know  what  the  glossaton 
meant  to  convey.  Accordingly  we  inJ 
cline  to  the  emendation  of  Bosius  (whichj 
as  often,  he  supports  by  an  appeal  to  thai 
mythical  Decurtatus),  Conturbat  enim  MM! 
epitome  Bruti  Fanniana  AN  '  Bruti  epi-i 
toma  Fannianorum  *  ?  scripsi  quod  erat  ml 
extremo  idque,  &c.  "  I  am  somewhat! 


EP.  622  (FAM.   VI.  11). 


117 


>xtremo,  idque  ego  secutus  huno  Fannium,  qui  scripsit  historiani, 

renerum  esse  scripserarn  Laeli,  sed  tu  me  ye^fierpiKw^  refelleras: 

autem  mine  Brutus  et  Fannius.     Ego  tamen  de  bono  auctore, 

[ortensio,  sic  acceperam  ut  apud  Brutum  est.    Hunc  igitur  locum 

»xpedies. 


622.     CICERO  TO  TREBIANUS  (FAM.  vi.  11). 
ROME;  JUNE  (MIDDLE)  ;  A.  u.  c.  709  ;  B.  c.  45;   AET.  cic.  61. 

M.  Cicero  Trebiano  de  restitutione  quam  Dolabellae  beneficio  illi  a  C,  Caesare 
jpetraverat  gratulatur  hortaturque  ut  aequo  animo  iacturam  fortunarum  suarum 
rat. 

CICERO  S.  D.  TREBIANO. 

1.  Dolabellamantea  tantummodo  diligebam;  obligatus  ei  nihil 
ram — nee  enim  acciderat  mihi  opus  esse — et  ille  mild  debebat 
[uod  non  defuerum  eius  periculis :  nuiic  tanto  sum  devinctus  eius 


lisquieted  by  tbe  Fannian  epitome  of 
rutus  (or  is  it  '  Brutus's  epitome  of  the 
iistory  of  Fannius '  ?  I  wrote  what  I 
tund  at  the  end  of  the  work),  and  fol- 
lowing this,"  &c.  That  is  — at  the  end 
>f  the  abridgment  was  something  like 
\JSxplicit  epitome  Bruti  Fanttiana,  which 
says  he  has  written  because  he 
found  it  at  the  end  of  the  work ;  but  he 
[thinks  thiit  such  a  title  is  not  in  }ic«-or- 
ce  with  correct  usage,  and  asks,  should 
it  not  be  Bruti  epituma  Fannianorum  ? 
Epitomn  Bruti  Fanniana  might  l>e  a  mar- 
ginal entry  which  crept  into  the  text  :  but 
it  is  difficult  to  suppose  that  scripsi  is  not 
sound.  Cicero  had  stated,  in  Rep.  i.  18. 
Brut  100,  thdt  Fannius  was  son-in-law 
of  Laelius:  this  statement  Aiticus  had 
(as  Cicero  thought)  demonstrated  to  be 
erroneous:  but  Brutus,  in  a  conversation 
with  Cicero  at  this  time,  had  satisfied 
him  i  hat  the  error  had  been  made  hy 
Attii  us.  Perhaps  he  did  this  by  adducing 
passives  from  tin- larger  work  of  Fannius, 
and  thus  both  Brutus  and  Fannius  may 
be  said  to  have  co-operated  in  settling  the 
question. 


For  Trebianus,  cp.  note  to  Fam.  vi.  10 
(49.). 

1.  diligebam]  '  I  had  only  a  regard  for,' 
weaker  than  amare,  cp.  ad  Brut.  i.  1,  1 


(-873),  L.  Clodius  valde  me  diliyit  vel,  ut 
(/u.<j>a.TiKu>Tepov  dicam,  valde  me  amat. 

acci'ierat  mihi  opus  esse"]  '  for  it  never 
happened  to  be  necessary  '  (that  I  should 
receive  a  favour  from  him).  The  ace.  and 
inf.  is  rare  alter  accidere,  yet  cp.  Fam. 
iii.  10,  5  (261),  illud  vero  mihi  permirum 
aecidit  tantam  temeritatem  fuisse  in  eo 
adulcscente.  Caec.  8  Videie  igitur  quam 
inique  accid'tt,  quia  res  indignu  sit,  ideo 
tv-rpem  existimationem  sequi.  Accordingly 
there  is  no  need  to  add  ut  with  Wesen- 
berg  and  rend  esttet  with.G,  or  to  alter  esse 
to  eius  with  R  and  Streicher — a  construc- 
tion like  5e?  jtoi  rivos  which  is  found  in 
Liv.  xxii.  51,  3;  xxiii.  21,  5.  Translate 
'for  it  never  happened  that  I  had  need' 
(sc.  to  put  myself  under  a  compliment  to 
him).  Lehmann  (pp.  126,  127)  proposes 
nee  enim  acciderat  mihi  <.operam  eius> 
opus  esse,  which  would  be  an  allowable 
renv'dy  if  the  case  really  demanded  one  : 
cp.  636.  6  ;  697.  2. 

periculi*]  cp.  Fam.  iii.  10,  5  (261) 
adulexcente  (sc.  Dolabella]  cuiusegosalutem 
duobux  capi.tin  iitdidis  summa  contentione 
defendi.  What  these  trials  were  is  not 
known.  It  has  been  conjectured  from 
Phil.  xi.  9  that  they  were  for  murder  and 
grave  immorality.  Tnat  Uolahella  was 
twice  tiled  on  a  capital  charge  before  he 
was  twenty  showed  him  to  be  of  a  most 
violent  nature. 


118 


EP. 


(ATT.  XIII.  9}. 


benefioio,  quod  et  antea  in  re  et  hoc  tempore  in  salute  tua  cumul 
tissirae  mihi  satis  fecit  ut  nemini  plus  debeam.     Qua  in  re  til 
gratulor  ita  vebementer  ut  te  quoque  mihi  gratulari  quam  gratis 
agere  malim ;  alterum  ornnino  non  desidero,  alterum  vere  facei 
poteris.     2.  Quod  reliquum  est,  quoniam  tibi  virtus  et  dignil 
tua  reditum  ad  tuos  aperuit,  est  tuae  sapientiae  magnitudinisqiu 
animi  quid  amiseris  oblivisci,  quid  reciperaris  cogitare  :  vives  cum 
tuis,  vives  nobiscura,  plus  adquisisti  dignitatis  quam  amisisti  rei 
familiaris;  quae  ipsa  turn  esset  iucundior,  si  ulla  res  esset  publica. 
Vestorius,  noster  familiaris,  ad  me  scripsit  te  mihi  maximas  gratia&i 
agere :  haec  praedicatio  tua  mihi  valde  grata  est  eaque  te  uti  facile 
patior,  cum  apud  alios,  turn  mehercule  apud  Sironem,  nostrum 
amicum;   quae  enim  facimus,  ea  prudentissimo  cuique  maxime 
probata  esse  volumus.     Te  cupio  videre  quam  primum. 


623.    CICEKO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  9). 

TUSCULUM  ;   JUNE  17  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Trebatii,  Curtii,  Dolabellae,  Torquati  ad  se  adventu  et  de  sermonibus  cum  illi» 
habitis,  de  Bmto,  de  itinere  Arpinum  suscipiendo  et  de  adventu  Caesaris  exspectato. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Commodum  discesseras  heri  cum  Trebatius  venit,  paullo 
post  Curtius,  hie  salutandi  causa,  sed  mansit  invitatus.  Trebatium 
nobiscum  habemus.  Hodie  mane  Dolabella.  Multus  sermo  ad 
multum  diem.  Nihii  possum  dicere  eicravcorf/ooi/,  uihil 

in  re]  'in  the  matter  of  your  estate.' 
Dolibellaand  Cicero,  doubtless,  succeeded 
in  saving  some  portion  of  the  property  of 
Trebianus  from  confiscation  or  plunder. 

salute']  '  your  restoration '  =  incolumi- 
tas,  '  your  civil  position.' 

cuniulatissime]     '  most  abundantly.' 

2.  turn]  so  MG ;  for  turn  .  .  .  si 
cp.  Verr.  ii.  164 ;  Rep.  i.  62.  As  R  has 
tarn,  it  has  been  proposed  to  read  tamen, 
which  had  been  already  conjectured  by 
Lambinus. 

Ventorius']  the  banker  of  Puteoli,  667.  2. 

facile  patior]  '  I  am  glad  that  you 
make  it*  (sc.  tnis  acknowledgment)  :  cp. 
634,  1;  praedicatio;  lit.  'proclamation,' 
as  if  of  a  crier. 

Sironem]  An  Epicurean  philosopher, 
Acad.  ii.  106  ;  Fin.  ii.  119.  According  to 


Vergil,  Catal.  5  (7),  9  ;  8  (10),  1 ;  Donat. 
Vit.  Verg.  79;  Serv.  on  Eel.  vi.  13,  he 
•was  the  teacher  of  Vergil.  The  name  is 
variously  spelled  Siro  (so  MGR  Madvig, 
Baelirens,  Reid),  Si/ro  (inferior  M*S), 
Sciro,  Scyro  :  cp.  Zeller,  Stoics,  &c.r 
p.  414,  note  1,  Eng.  Tr. 

1.   Trebatiui]     637.  3. 

Curtius]     597.  1. 

Dolabella']  sc.  venit :  for  the  ellipse 
cp.  Att.  ii.  12.  2  (37)  ibidem  ilico  ('  at 
that  very  moment')  puer  abs  te  cum 
epistulis:  and  often. 

ad  multum  diem~]  'prolonged  till  the 
day  M- as  far  spent.' 

4KT£V€ffTfpov^    '  more  empress^.' 

<]>i\offTopy6Tfpov]  '  more  affection- 
ate.' 


EP.  623  (ATT.  XIII.  9). 


119 


.  Ventum  est  tamen  ad  Quintum.  Multa  a^ara, 
lied  unum  eius  modi,  quod,  nisi  exercitus  sciret,  non  modo  Tironi 
Iliotare  sed  ne  ipse  quidem  auderem  scribere  .  .  .  Sed  hactenus. 
i  |vicat/uct>c  ad  me  venifc  cum  haberem  Dolabellam  Torquatus, 
liumanissimeque  Dolabella  quibus  verbis  secum  egissem  exposuit. 
pommodiim  enim  egeramdiligentissirae  :  quae  diligentia  grata  est 
7isa  Torquato.  2.  A  te  exspecto,  si  quid  de  Bruto.  Quamquam 
Niicias  confectum  putabat,  sed  divortium  non  probari.  Quo  etiam 
imagis  laboro  idem  quod  tu.  Si  quid  est  enim  offensionis,  haec 
res  mederi  potest.  Mild  Arpinum  eundum  est.  Nam  et  opus  est 
constitui  a  nobis  ilia  praediola  et  vereor  ne  exeundi  potestas  non 
sit  cum  Caesar  venerit,  de  cuius  adventu  earn  opinionem  Dolabella 
habet  quam  tu  coniecturam  faciebas  ex  litteris  Messallae.  Cum 
illuc  venero  intellexeroque  quid  negoti  sit,  turn  ad  quos  dies 
rediturus  sim  scribam  ad  te. 


Quintum]  the  son  of  Q.  Cicero.  He 
was  now  in  the  camp  of  Caesar. 

Multa  &^)ara]  'he  said  many  things 
which  were  too  bad  to  mention  or  report, 
'but  one  thing  which  I  should  not  dare  to 
dictate  to  Tiro,  or  even  to  write  down 
myself,  were  it  not  that  the  whole  camp 
knows  it.' 

scribere  .  .  .]  Lehmann  (Wochen- 
schrift,  1896,  p.  56)  supposes  there  is  a 
lacuna  here,  made  by  the  editor  in  order 
to  spare  the  scandal  to  the  members  of 
the  family  then  living.  He  compares 
Fam.  iii.  10.  11  (261),  where  there  is  a 
similar  lacuna,  which  may  have  been 
caused  by  an  omission  due  to  the  in- 
fluence of  the  Claudian  family. 

E  UK ai pws]     '  in  the  nick  of  time.' 

Torqnatnd]  Torquatus  had  apparently 
been  permitted  to  return  from  exile 
(cp.  572.  2,  a  quibus  reciperis)  ;  otherwise 
he  could  not  have  been  at  Tusculum ;  but 
probably,  though  he  was  allowed  to 
return  to  Italy,  he  was  not  allowed  to 
return  to  Rome.  Cicero  seems  to  have 
been  urging  DoLibella  to  do  what  he 
could  to  bring  Torquatus  again  into  full 
favour  with  Caesar,  and  thus  perhaps 
save  some  of  his  property. 

egeratn}  Cicero  had  spoken  to  Dola- 
bella about  Torquatus,  and  had  begged 
him  to  recommend  the  latter  to  Caesar, 
(cp.  652.  2  ;  662.  2).  The  words  from 
Doltibella  lo  diligetttissime  are  not  in  M, 
having  fallen  out  through  the  homoto- 
teleuton  in  humanissime  and  diligentisxime. 
The  words  are  found  in  Lehmanu's  MSS. 


ORP,  (i.e.  in  5),  the  editio  lensoniana, 
and  the  edition  of 'Cratander. 

2.  de  Bruto]  *  I  expect  to  hear  from 
you,  if  there  is  any  news  about  Brutus.' 
Brutus  had  divorced  Claudia,  the  daugh- 
ter of  Appius  Claudius  Pulcher,  and 
proposed  to  marry  his  cousin  Porcia,  the 
daughter  of  Cato. 

Nicias~\     cp.  604  [29].  1. 

confectum]  '  that  the  matter  is  settled,' 
i.e.  that  Brutus  is  going  to  marry  Porcia. 

laboro  idem]  *  J  am  all  the  more 
anxious  for  the  same  thing  as  you  :  for 
if  there  has  been  any  offence  taken  (by 
the  public  at  the  divorce  of  Claudia),  this 
step  (i.  e.  his  marriage  with  Porcia")  may 
remedy  it,'  For  laboro  with  ace.  cp.  610. 1. 

constitui  .  .  ilia  praediola]     625.  1. 

quam  tu  coniecturam~]  Lamb,  added 
cum  before  coniecturam,  which  we  accepted 
in  ed.  1.  But  M  tiller  has  shown  that  it 
is  not  necessary,  and  that  Latin  writers 
often  use  a  different  word,  though  of  a 
somewhat  similar  meaning,  in  the  relative 
clause  from  that  which  they  use  in  the 
principal  clause.  He  quotes  Verr.  v. 
146,  non  providerant  eas  ipsas  sibi 
causas  esse  perictili,  quibus  arguments  se 
ad  salutem  uli  «rbitrabantur  :  Balb.  18  in 
qua  furtuna  .  .  .  hunc  v>tae  statum  : 
Div.  in  Caecil.  41,  cum  illius  temporis 
mihi  venit  in  mentem  quo  die  citato  reo 
mihi  dicendum  sit:  Ca.es.  B.  C  i.  44.  3, 
quibus  in  locis  .  .  .  earum  regionum. 

ad  quos  dies']  '  about  what  days.' 
Dr.  Reid  thinks  we  should  read  quo  die, 
omitting  ad. 


120 


EP.  624  (ATT.  XIII.  10). 


624    CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  10). 

TUSCULUM  J    JUNE  18-20  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.    61. 

De  morte  Marcelli,  de  Dolabella,  de  Bruto,  de  Magii  amentia. 
CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Minirae  miror  te  efc  graviter  ferre  de  Marcello  et  plm 
vereri  periculi  genera.  Quis  enim  hoc  timeret,  quod  neque 
derat  antea  nee  videbatur  natura  ferre  ut  accidere  posset  ?  OmniJ 
igitur  metuenda.  Sed  illud  jrapa  TTJV  ieropiav,  tu  praesertim  1 
*  rae  reliquum  consularem.'  Quid?  tibi  Servius  quid  videturl 
Q.uamquam  hoe  nullam  ad  partem  valet  scilicet,  mihi  praesertim, 
qui  non  minus  bene  actum  cum  illis  putem.  Quid  enim  sumusl 
aut  quid  esse  possumus  ?  domin  an  foris  ?  Quod  nisi  mini  hoc 
venisset  in  mentem,  scribere  ista  nesoio  quae,  quo  verterem  met 
non  baberem.  2.  Ad  Dolabellam,  ut  scribis,  ita  puto  faciendum, 
Koivorspa  quaedam  et  TroAmtfwrc/oa.  Faciendum  certe  aliquid  est : 
valde  enim  desiderat.  3.  Brutus  si  quid  egerit,  curabis  ut  sciam,  cuij 
quidem  quam  primum  agendum  puto,  praesertim  si  statuiq 


I.  De  Marcello']  who  Mras  murdered  by 
P.  Magius  Chilo  :  cp.  Ep.  613. 

Sed  illud]  «  but  to  think  that  you  of  all 
men  should  have  made  such  a  historical 
lapsus  as  to  call  me  the  only  surviving 
consular.  Why,  what  do  you  make  of 
Servius  Sulpicius  (who  was  consul  with 
M.  Marcellus)  ?'  Atticus  seems  to  have 
said  that  when  Marcellus  was  slain, 
Cicero  was  the  only  surviving  consular. 
This  is  explained  by  the  ediiors  to  mean 
that  Cicero  was  the  only  consular  worthy 
of  the  name — which  cannot  be  defended  by 
non  consulare  dictum,  Att.  ii.  1.  5  (27) — 
a  distinction  to  a  share  in  which  Cicero 
then  desires  to  admit  Servius  Sulpicius. 
But  this  could  not  be  called  '  a  slip  in 
history.'  It  would  be  merely  a  matter  of 
opinion.  Atticus  must  have  in  ^ome  way 
qualified  his  remark.  Dr.  Reid  thinks 
Att.  may  have  meant  one  who  was  a 
constitutionalist,  and  one  of  sufficient 
importance  that  the  country  might  expect 
something  from  him.  He  notes  that 
quid  tibi  videtur  ?  points  to  quality:  itis 
virtually  qualia  tibi  videtur :  see  his  note 
on  Acad.  ii,  76,  89,  where  he  compares 
Fam.  ix.  21.  1  (497),  quid  tibi  ego  videor 


in  epistulisl :  Hor.  Epp.  i.  11.  1,  QuiM 
tibi  vi*a  Chios.  Cicero  corrects  him  bjl 
observing  that  Servius  Sulpicius  can  claimjf 
the  same  distinction. 

nullam']  '  yet  this  (the  fact  that  I 
a  consular)  has  no  importance  at  all  fronri 
any  point  of  view,  you  may  be  sure,] 
especially  for  me  who  think  that  thosw 
who  aro  gone  have  the  best  of  it.'  (Cp»j 
Horace's  ab  omni  parte.) 

Quod  nisi"]  '  But  had  it  cot  occurn 
to  me  to  write  these  works,  such  as  they] 
are  (cp.  uote  to  599.  3),  I  do  not  knowl 
what  I  should  do  with  myself.' 

2.  KotvArepa]  '  I  should  write  some- 
thing of  more  general  and  public  interest '; 
than  those  philosophical  works  in  whichl 
he  was  engaged,  possibly  something  of  a 
political  nature.     But    Cicero   could    not! 
make  up  his  mind  what  to  write  (627.  2).  j 

3.  egerit]     This   word  is  in  all  the  MSS 
except  A  :  cp.  625.  2. 

cui  quidetn\  '  I  think  he  should  takel 
the  stei>  at  once  (of  marrying  Portia), 
especially  if  he  has  made  up  his  mind.  It 
will  either  stop,  or  at  all  events  mitigate, 
any  chit-chat  (which  the  divorce  may 
have  caused).' 


EP.  625  (ATT.  XIII.  11). 


121 


Sermunoulura  enim  oranem  ant  restinxerit  aut  sedarit.  Sunt  enim 
qui  loquuntur  etiam  'meourn.  Sed  haec  ipse  optime,  praesertim 
si  etiam  tecum  loquetur.  Mihi  est  in  anitno  proficisci  XL  Kal. 
Hie  enim  niliil  habeo  quod  again,  ne  heroule  illic  quidern  nee 
usquam,  sed  tamen  aliquid  illic.  Hodie  Spiutherem  exspecto.  Misit 
enim  Brutus  ad  me:  per  litteras  purgat  Cuesarem  de  interitu 
Marcelli,  in  quern,  ne  si  insidiis  quidern  ille  interfectus  esset, 
caderet  ulla  suspicio.  Nunc  vero,  cum  de  Magio  constet,  nonne 
furor  eius  causum  omnem  sustinet  ?  Plane  quid  sit  non  intellego  ; 
explanabis  igitur.  Quamquam  nihil  babeo  quod  dubitem  nisi 
ipsi  M'»gio  quae  fuerit  causa  amentiae,  pro  quo  quidem  etiam 
sponsor  sum  factus.  Et  nirnirum  id  fuit :  solvendo  enim  non  erat. 
Credo  eum  petisse  a  Marcello  aliquid  et  ilium,  ut  erat,  constautius 
respondisse. 


625.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  n). 

ARPINUM  ;    JUNE  22  J    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

Quo  animo  versetur  in  Arpinati  significat  et  quibus  de  rebus  ad  se  seribi  velit. 
CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Ou    ravrov   t?§o£.  Credebam  esse  facile.    Totum  est  aliud, 
;tea   quam    sum    a   te    diiunctior.     Sed   fuit   faciendum  ut  et 


Sermunculum~]  cp.  oflvnsionis,  623.  2. 
""or  the  word,  cp.  Deiot.  33. 

haec  ipse  optime]     so.  faciet,  a  common 

lipse :  cp.  e.g.  725.  6. 

illic]     at  Arpinum  (623.  21). 

Misit]     'sent  word.'    Hoot  thinks  that 

trulus  has  got  out  of  place,  and  should 

follow   after   the   full   stop.     Misit   (sc. 

Spinther)  enim  ad  me.    Brutus  per  litteras 

purgat. 

purgat]  '  he  defends  Caesar  in  the 
matter  of  the  murder  of  Marcellus.  But 
not  even  if  his  death  had  been  due  to 
treachery,  could  any  suspicion  fall  on  him. 
And  now  tiiat  it  is  clear  that  Magius  was 
mad,  does  not  that  fully  account  for  every- 
thing?' 

quid  sit"]  What  Brutus  means  by  under- 
taking Caesar's  defence. 

sponsor  sum  foetus  :  et]  So  Zh  and  Crat. 
2A  \\ti\Qsp6nxornin  factus  et  :  Bo?iusconj. 
sponsor  Sunii  ('  at  Sunium  ')  factns  est. 
Magius  was  in  money  difficulties :  even 


Cic.  had  been  security  for  him.  He  pro- 
bably begged  money  from  Marcellus,  who 
gave  him  '  a  somewhat  decided  answer.' 
Boot  observes  tbat  respondisse  would  rather 
imply  that  Marcellus  had  complied  with, 
the  request  of  Magius.  Hence  lieier  con- 
jectures cunctantius  respondisse.  Caelius 
in  Fam.  viii.  10,  3  (226),  calls  Marcellus 
tardum  et  parttm  efficacem.  But  when 
Marcellus  did  act,  he  a<  ted  with  deter- 
mination, e.g.  iu  the  case  of  scourging  the 
citizen  of  C'.murn,  Att.  v.  11.  2  (200). 

ut  erat~\  '  as  was  his  way  '  :  cp.  Fam. 
xii.  20  (930)  Quod  si,  ut  es,  cessabis,  and 
note  there. 

1.  ou  TO.VTOV  elSos]  The  couplet  is 
from  Eur.  Ion  585 — 

oil  ravrov  elSos  <f>aCverai.  rStv  irpa.ynd.Ttav 
7TpO(ru>0ei>  OI/TWI/  l-yyvfleV  ff  opw/Ae'i/wi/. 

Cicero  means  that  he  had  not  realized 
until  he  tried  it  how  disagreeable  it  would 


122 


EP.  626  (ATT.  XIII. 


constituerem  mercedulas  praediorura  et  ne  magnum  onus  observan- 
tiae  Bruto  nostro  imponerem.   Posthacenim  poterimus  commodiui 
colere  inter  nos  in  Tusoulano.     Hoc  autem  tempore,  cum  ille  me 
cotidie  videre  vellet,  ego  ad  ilium  ire  non  possem,  privabatur  omni 
delectatione  Tusculani.     2.  Tu  igitur,  si  Servilia  venerit,  si  Brutu& 
quid  egerit,  etiam  si  constituent  quando  ob  viam,  quidquid  denique 
erit  quod  scire  me  oporteat,  scribes.    Pisonem,  si  poteris,  convenies 
vides  quam  maturum  sit.     Sed  tamen,  quod  commodo  tuo  fiat. 


626.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  12). 
ARPINUM;  JUNE  23  ;  A.  u.  c.  709  ;  B.  c.  45;  AET.  cic.  61. 

De  valetudine  Atticae,  de  oratione  Ligariana,  de  Academicorum  libris  ad  Varronera 
scribendis,  de  Brinniana  auctione,  de  rebus  domesticis. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Yalde  rae  momorderunt  epistulae  tuae  de  Attica  nostra  : 
eaedem  tamen  sanaverunt.  Quod  enim  te  ipse  consolabare  eisdem 
litteris,  id  mihi  erat  satis  firm um  ad  leniendam  aegritudinem. 
2.  '  Ligarianam '  praeclare  vendidisti.  Posthac  quidquid  scripsero, 


be  to  move  further  away  from  bis  friend 
and  correspondent. 

mercedulas  praediorum]     Cp.  623.2. 

magnum  onus  .  .  .  imponereni]  This 
was  the  euphemistic  way  of  saying  that 
he  did  not  feel  comfortable  in  the  com- 
pany of  Brutus,  cp.  637.  1.  Cicero 
represents  this  avoidance  of  the  company 
of  Brutus  as  an  act  of  consideration 
towards  him  (privabatnr  .  .  .  Tusculani}. 

colere  inter  nos]  '  to  cultivate  each 
other's  society.' 

ego  ad  ilium  ire  non  possem"]  It  is  not 
easy  to  see  the  reason.  Cic.  may  mean 
that  Brutus  would  be  constantly  expecting 
Cic.  to  drop  in,  and  ?ts  really  lie  (Cic.) 
could  not  l>e  constantly  visiting  him  (i.e., 
to  speak  frankly,  could  not  see  his  way  to 
pay  perpetual  visits  to  an  ungracious  man 
whose  company  he  did  not  like),  he  thought 
the  best  ttdng  was  to  go  away,  and  thus 
Brutus  would  not  be  offended. 

2.  Servilia']     The  mother  of  Brutus. 

quando  ob  viam]  sc.  ituru*  sit,  '  when 
he  is  leaving  fur  the  meeting,'  i.e.  with 
Caesar,  who  was  now  on  his  return  from 
Spain.  Ellipse  of  a  verb  of  motion 


is  common  :  see  Index.  For  an  ellipse  of 
esse  or  dari  with  ob  viam  cp.  Ter.  Phorm. 
196,  Ipsest  quern  volui  ob  viam. 

Pisonem]     Cp.  614.  2. 

matuium~]  '  that  it  is  now  high  time,* 
as  the  day  of  the  sale  of  Scapula's  pro- 
perty was  approaching,  and  money  was- 
needed. 

1.  Quod  .  .  .  aegritudinem"]     '  For  the 
fact  that  you  consoled  yourself  in  the  same 
letter  (as  you  wrote  me  the  alarming  news 
about  Attica)  was  a  sufficient  assurance  f 
me  to  alleviate  my  grief.' 

2.  vendidisti}      '  you   have   given   the 
speech  for  Ligarius  a  splendid  send-off.' 

Vendere  is  used  in  this  sense  by  Cicero  in 
Pro  Quinctio  19,  and  by  Hor.  Epp.  ii.  11 
75.  Juv.  vii.  136  says  of  a  cauaidicu* 
that  his  amethyst  robes  bring  him  custom, 
vendunt  amethystina.  Atticus  had  been 
praising  the  oratiuncula,  as  Cicero  call* 
the  speech  in  631.  2,  and  had  thus  secured 
for  it  a  large  measure  of  public  notice. 
He  had  '  given  it  a  great  vogue,'  as  per- 
haps vendidisti  might  better  be  rendered* 
On  Sull.  31,  Dr.  Reid  has  this  interesting 


EP.  626  (ATT.  XIII.  12). 


123 


tibi  praeconium  deferam.  3.  Quod  ad  me  de  Varrone  scribis,  scis 
me  antea  orationes  aut  aliquid  id  genus  soliturn  scribere,  ut  Var- 
ronem  nusquam  possem  intexere.  Postea  autem  quum  haec  coepi 
<f>t\o\oya)Ttpa,  iarn  Varro  mini  denuntiaverat  magnam  sane  et 
gravem  7r/oo<T</>wi'rjo-<v.  Bieunium  praeteriit,  cum  ille  KaAA«7r7n'S»je 
adsiduo  cursu  cubitum  nullum  processerit.  Ego  autem  me  para- 
bam  ad  id  quod  ille  mihi  mississet  ut  avrtf  T*JJ  /mtrp^  Kal 
si  modo  potuissem  :  nam  boo  etiarn  Hesiodus  ascribit,  at  ice 
Nunc  illam  irtpl  TZ\MV  avvra^iv  sane  mibi  probatam  Bruto,  ut  tibi 
placuit,  despoudimus,  idque  tu  eum  non  nolle  mibi  scripsisti. 
Ergo  illam  'A/caS^tK^y,  in  qua  bomines  nobiles  illi  quidem  sed 


note — "It  is  doubtful  whether  venders  se 
Ginliquam  rem  alicni  can  be  said  iorvendi- 
taie:  in  Att.  xiii.  12.2  we  probably  have 
a  jest :  '  You  have  sold  my  speech  for 
Ligarius  in  excellent  fashion  :  for  the 
future  whenever  I  write  anything  1  will 
make  you  my  auctioneer.'  There  is  a 
curious  jest  in  Har.  resp.  1  :  cum  is 
(Clodius)  P.  Tul/ioni  Syro  navaret  operam 
atqiie  ei  se  cui  totus  venierat  etiam  vobis 
inspectantibus  venditaret." 

praeconiuw']  «  the  advertising  of  it.' 
For  praeconium  cp.  Apul.  Met.  vi.  7  of 
Mercury  as  a  public  crier.  Dr.  Reid  com- 
pares 786.  2  te  bncinatorem  fore  existi- 
mntioniis  meae.  It  is  worth  noticing  that 
Cicero  appears  from  this  passage  (cp.  635, 
3)  to  have  at  times  sent  his  writings  to 
other  publishers  than  Atticus.  The 
works  published  by  Atticus  (especially 
those  of  Demosthenes  and  Aeschines)  had 
a  high  reputation  for  accuracy,  and  were 
noted  as  'ArriKtavd,  as  we  might  speak  of 
an  Elzevir  or  a  Teubner.  Lucian  (Adv. 
indoctum  2)  speaks  of  6  aoiStnos  'ATTIKOS. 

3.  aliquid  id  genus]  For  the  accus.  id 
genus  cp.  accusatives  like  Varro  It.  R.  iii. 
5.  11  avikus  omne  genus:  Cluent.  141  id 
aetatisfilio. 

intexere']  '  introduce  '  as  a  speaker  or 
character  in  a  dialogue. 

irpoff<f>u>vr)(Tiv']  Cicero  had  already 
commenced  those  'more  literary'  works, 
as  he  calls  ihe  philosophical  treatises  in 
contradistinction  to  his  speeches, &c., when 
Varro  promised  to  dedicate  to  him  his 
J)e  Lingua  Latina.  Now,  after  two  years, 
Yarro  has  made  no  progress  with  the 
work.  In  allusion  to  this  dilatorim  ss, 
Ci.-ero  ironically  calls  Varro  Ku\\nriri8r)s, 
M'hich  is  apparently  a  proverbial  name 
for  a  'slow -coach.'  It  is  not  probable 


that  there  is  any  allusion  to  a  certain 
tragic  actor  mentioned  by  Aristotle  in  his 
Poetics,  ch.  26  (1461,  b.  36),  whose  act- 
ing was  marred  by  an  excess  of  gesture. 
Suet.  Tib.  38  tells  us  that  this  sobriquet 
was  applied  to  the  Emperor  Tiberius. 
ut  vulgo  iam  per  iocum  Cullipides  voearetur 
quern  cursitare  ac  ne  cubiti  quidem  men- 
suram  progredi  proverbio  Graeco  notatum 
eat.  Otto  (p.  66)  thinks  Callipides  was 
perhaps  a  runner,  who  often  competed  but 
never  was  successful.  He  quotes  Mantiss. 
Proverb.  1,  87  (vol.  ii.  p.  957,  ed. 
Leutsch)  :  Kd\\nriros  rpe'xet  '•  «T&  T&V 
TroAAa  fj.e\€TwvTcav  irotTjcrat,  oAfya  Se 


T<f  fjifrpcf']  Hesiod,  Op.  350. 
epl  re\wv  ovvra^iv'}.  'The  De 
Finibus,  which  I  think  very  well  of,  I 
design  tor  Brutus  by  your  advice,  and  I 
learn  from  jou  that  he  is  pleased  with  the 
attention.'  He  means  that  he  has  dedicated 
the  work  to  Brutus.  He  did  not  make 
him  an  interlocutor  in  the  dialogue.  He 
kept  the  principal  part  for  himself  (631.  4). 

tu~]  This  word  occurs  in  v.  c.  L  (marg.) 
and  the  codices  of  Bosius.  Dr.  Reid 
(D.  337)  believes  it  is  a  deliberate  inser- 
tion, put  in  when  ttt  tibi  placuit  got  out  of 
position  :  he  thinks  these  words  originally 
followed  despondimus.  We  think  this 
subilety  beyond  the  capacity  of  copyists. 

'AKaS-n/jitK-fiv].  See  next  ep.  The 
Academica  had  consisted  of  two  books, 
in  one  of  which  Catulus  was  the  chief 
character,  and  in  the  otlier  Lucullus.  The 
new  edition  here  spoken  of  consists  of 
four  books,  in  all  of  which  Varro  has  the 
chief  part.  This,  he  says,  wiil  be  more 
suitable  ;  for  Catulus  and  Lucullus, 
though  great  nobles,  were  not  at  all  literary 
men,  and  so  the  arguments  assigned  to 


124          EP.  627  (ATT.  XIII.  13  AND- 14,  §§  1,  2). 

nullo  modo  pliilologi  nimis  acute  loquuntur,  ad  Varronem  trans- 
feraraus.    Etenirn  sunt  Antiochia,  quae  iste  valde  probat.    Catulo 
et  Lucullo  alibi  reponeraus,  ita  tamen  si  tu  hoc  probas,  deque  eo 
mihi  rescribas  velim.     4.  De  Brinniana  auctione  accepi  a  Yestorio 
litteras.     Ait  sine   ulla  controversia  rem  ad  me  esse  collatara — 
Romae  videlicet  aut  in  Tusculano  me  fore  putaverunt — a.  d.  nx 
Kal.  Qtiinct.     Dices  igitur  vel  amico  tuo,  S.  Vettio,  cobereiU  meo 
vel   Labeoni  nostro,    paullum   proferant    auotionem,  me  circker 
Nonas  in  Tusculano  fore.     Tu  cum  Pisone :  Erotem  babes.     De 
Scapulanis  hortis  toto  pectore  cogiternus.     Dies  adest. 


627.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  13  AND  u,  §§  i,  2). 

ARP1NUM  J    JUNE  25  ;     A.  U.  C.  709  ;   B.  C.  45  ',    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Academicis  ad  Varronem  translatis,  de  scripto  ad  Dolabellam  mittendo,  de  vale 
tudine  Atticae,  de  Brinniana  auctione  et  coheredibus. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Comraotus  tuis  litteris,  quod  ad  me  de  Varrone  scripseras 
totarn  Academiam  ab  hominibus  nobilissimis  abstuli  transtuliqu( 

them   are  too  subtle   for  such  speakers.  4.  rem  .  .  .  collatam~]    'that  it  has  been 

Now  Varro  will  be  quite  suitable,  for  he  put  into  my  hands,'  that  is,  that  Cicerc 

is  known  to  hold  the  views  of  Antiochus  has  been  made  magister  auctionis,  witl 

(cp.  629.  1  and  note  on  641.  1),  which  power  to  decide  for  himself  and  his  co 

are  expounded   in   the   Academica.     Dr.  heirs  all  questions  appertaining  to  the  sale 

lleid  (Introd.  to  Acad.,  p.  35)  says  :  '  It  e.g.  reserve  prices  and  such  matters, 

seems  strange  that  Cicero  should  not  have  nx]   =  viii. 

entered    into   correspondence  with  Varro  S,     Vettio}     A   freedman  of    Brinniu 

himself.     But    the   literary  etiquette  of  and    Albius  Sabinus  were  also  co-heirs 

the  day  seems  to  have  required  that  the  627  [14].  1. 

recipient     of    a    dedication    should     be  Tu   cum    Pisone~]      sc.    transiges,    cp 

assumed   to   be   ignorant  of  the  donor's  629.   2.     'You   will  kindly   settle    wit! 

intentions  till  they  were  on  the  very  point  Piso  (614).     You  have  Eros  to  help  yoi 

of   being   carried    out.     Thus,    although  at  Rome.'     The  insertion  of  .Tu,  whicl 

Cicero   saw  Brutus    frequently  while  at  would  easily  have  fallen  out  before  cu  ( 

Tusculum,  he  apparently  did  not  speak  to  and    c   being  almost    indistinguishable} 

him  about  the  JJ*  finibus,  but  employed  and  the  right  punctuation  of  the  passag 

Atticus  to  ascertain  his  feeling  about  the  are  due  to  Wesenberg. 

dedication.'  Erotem~\     For   Eros    cp.    557.    4.     H 

refjonemm~\     'I  will  make  it  up  to  (or  was  an  accountant  of  Atticus  who  wa£ 

'  repay ')  Catulus  and  Lucullus  in  some  acquainted  with  Cicero's  financial  affairs 

other  work'   by  giving  them  a   leading  Ities]     sc.  auctionis;  cp.  625.  2  note, 
part   in   some  other   dialogue,     for   re- 

ponere  in  the  general  sense  of  'repaying,'  Academiam']      So  the  MSS.      Cic.  doe 

'  returning  as  good  as  he  got,'  cp.  Fam.  i.  not   appi-ar    to    use  this  form  elsewher 

9»  19  (153)  ne  tibi  ego  idem  reponum.     See  for  his  tr«atise.     He  speaks  of  it  as  hoe 

Mayor  on  Juv.  i.  1  for  other  examples.  Academica  (631.  5)  or  Academica  quaesti 


EP.  627  (ATT.  XIII.  13  AND  U,  §§  7,  2). 


125 


ad  nostrum  sodalera  et  ex  duobus  libris  contuli  in  quattuor.  Grran- 
diores  sunt  omnino  quam  erant  illi,  sed  tamen  multa  detracta. 
Tu  aufeni  mihi  pervelim  scribas  qui  intellexeris  ilium  velle.  Illud 
vero  utique  scire  cupio  quern  intellexeris  ab  eo  ZriXorvTreiaOai,  nisi 
forte  Bnttum.  Id  bercle  restabat !  Sed  tamen  scire  pervelim. 
Libri  quidein  ita  exierunt,  nisi  forte  mecornrnunis  0tAaim'adecipit, 
ut  in  tali  genere  ne  apud  Graecos  quidem  simile  quidquam.  Tu 
illam  iacturam  feres  aequo  anirno,  quod  ilia  quae  babes  de  Acade- 
mic's frustra  descripta  sunt.  Multo  tarnen  haec  erunt  splendidiora, 
breviora,  meliora.  2.  Nunc  autem  aTropw  quo  me  vertam.  Volo 
Dolabellae  valde  desideranti :  non  reperio  quid,  et  simul  al^ojuiat 
,  neque,  si  aliquid,  potero  nip^iv  effugere.  Aut  cessandum 
igitur  aut  aliquid  excogitandum.  3.  Sed  quid  baec  levia 
curamus  ?  Attica  mea,  obsecro  te,  quid  agit  ?  quae  me  valde  angit. 
Sed  crebro  regusto  tuas  litteras  :  in  bis  acquiesce.  Tamen  exspecto 

communis  <f>i\avria]  'the  usual 
author's  self-love'  (Shuckburgh). 

iacturam  .  .  .jrustni]  The  '  loss'  which 
Atticus  sustained  was  his  having  copied 
out,  'to  no  purpose,'  the  first  edition  of 
the  Academica,  which  was  now  superseded 
hy  the  second.  Possibly  de  Academicis  is 
a  marginal  annotation  which  has  crept 
into  the  text,  as  Dr.  Reid  suggests. 

tamen]  The  change  to  enim,  advocated 
by  Boot,  is  not  necessary.  Cicero  is  think- 
ing not  of  the  words  feres  aequo  animo, 
but  of  frustra  descripta  sunt ;  '  the  first 
edition  is  indeed  superseded,  but  think 
of  the  superiority  of  the  work  in  its  present 
form.' 

2.  quo  me  vertam]    where  I  shall  turn, 
to  find  a  subject  for  another  work. 

Volo  Dolabellae]  sc.  facere  aliquid : 
see  624,  2. 

ai'Se'o/ucu  Tpwas]  cp.  640.  2  note. 
He  fears  that  he  might  be  condemned  if 
he  should  write  anything  to  meet  the 
views  of  Dolabella,  who  was  a  Caesarian. 

neque  si  aliquid']  '  even  if  I  do  find  out 
a  subject  (suitable  for  Dolabella),  I  shall 
not  be  able  to  escape  censure  rash.' 

aliquid  excogitandutri]  Cicero  had  said 
'  I  cannot  hit  on  anything :  and  if  1  do- 
think  of  a  subject,  I  cannot  avoid  censure. 
I  must  then  do  nothing,  or  I  must  think 
of  something '  —  the  latter  word  is 
emphatic,  something,  that  will  be  suitable 
and  not  too  open  to  censure.  It  is  hardly 
necessary  to  add  aliud. 

3.  regusto']  cp.   656.    2   '  to   enjoy  by 
reading  again,'  lit.  '  to    taste  again,'  as 


(631.  3),  or  'AKaSr/yUt/cV  crvvra^iv  (629.  1)  : 
cp.  note  to  643.  3. 

Qrandiorei]  We  may  take  this  word 
as  meaning  '  finer,'  *  more  imposing  '  : 
or  perhaps  even  '  longer '  (the  natural 
meaning),  though  he  left  out  certain 
portions  of  the  original  edition :  for  he 
may  have  added  much  to  this  edition. 
Then  breviora  at  the  end  of  §  1  will  be 
more  concise,'  '  more  terse.'  As  Dr.  Reid 
(Acad.  p.  35,  note  6)  says,  £rmora  applies 
to  the  mode  in  which  each  point  is  put; 
grandiores  to  the  compass  of  the  whole 
work.  Birt  (Antike  IJttckwesen,  p.  354) 
has  ingeniously  suggested  grandior  est 
sunt<axis>,  i.e.  crwral-is  ;  cp.  629.  1 


qui]  =  quo  modo  :  cp.  599.  3. 

^TjAoTUTreto-floi]  '  to  be  the  object  of 
his  jealousy,'  as  having  secured  a  place 
in  some  work  of  Cicero's. 

Id  hercle  restabat]  See  Reid  (Her- 
mathena  338),  'indeed  that's  just  like 
him  to  do,'  lit.  'indeed  that  was  left 
to  him  to  do  ' — a  petulant  expression.  He 
compares  Pro  Quinctio  33  illud  etiam 
restiterat  .  .  .  ut  te  in  ius  educerent :  Phil, 
xi.  22 :  Alt.  viii.  7.  1  (338).  Add  Ovid. 
Met.  ii.  471.  Shuckburgh  translates  '  By 
heaven,  that's  the  last  straw ! '  Varro  was 
such  a  cross-grained  person  (642.  3)  that 
Cicero's  petulance  is  excusable. 

exierunt']  '  have  turned  out ' :  cp.  cur- 
rente  rota  cur  urceus  exit,  Hor.  A.  P.  22. 
The  far  more  common  use  of  exire  in  the 
letters  is  '  to  be  published,  '  to  come  into 
the  hands  of  readers'  (632.  5). 


EP.  628  (ATT.  XIII.  U,  §5,  AND  15). 

novas.  [14]  1.  Brinni  libertus,  colieres  noster,  scripsit  ad  me  velle, 
m  milii  placeret,  coheredes  se  et  Sabinura  Albium  ad  me  venire.    Id! 
ego  plane  nolo  :  hereditas  tanti  non  est.    Et  taraen  obire  auctionis 
diem   facile  poterunt — est  enirn  in.  Idus — si  me  in    Tusculanoj 
postridie  Nonas  mane  convenerint.     Quod  si  laxius  volent  proferrJ 
diem,  poterunt  vel  biduum  vel  triduum  vel  ut  videbitur :  niliil 
enim  interest.     Qua  re,  nisi  iam  profecti  aunt,  retiuebis  homines! 
2.  De  Bruto,  si  quid   e^rit,  de  Caesare,  si  quid  scies,  si   qui< 
erit  praeterea,  scribes. 


628.     CICEEO  TO  ATTICUS  (AiT.  xm.  u,  §  3,  AND  15). 

ARPINUM  :   JUNK  26;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    ART.  CIC.  61. 

De  Academicis  ad  Varronem  mittendis,  de  valetudine  Atticae  et  litterarum  com- 
mercio. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

[14]  3.  Illud  etiam  atque  etiam  consideres  velim,  placeatne  tibij 
mitti  ad  Varronem  quod  scripsimus.  Etsi  etiam  ad  te  aliquidi 
pertinet  :  nam  scito  te  ei  dialogo  adiunotum  esse  tertium.  Opinori 
igitur  consideremus  ;  etsi  nomina  iam  facta  sunt  ;  sed  vel  inducij 
vel  mutari  possunt.  [15]  Quid  agit,  obsecro  te,  Attica  nostra  ? 
Nam  triduo  abs  te  nullas  acceperam,  nee  mirum  :  nemo  enim 

in    Att.    iv.    19.     1    (158)    ille  Latinus      purposely  uses  a  word  implying  a  certainj 
s  ex  intervallo  regustandus.  contract  or  obligation  on  his  part  to  kee; 

~ 


[14].  1.  coheres    .  .  .    Sabinum~]      See  faith   with  Varro  and  Atticus,  to  whom 

Adn.  Crit.     M  has  only  comheres  et  [ait  also   he    had    assigned    a    part    in    the 

M2]  Stibinum.  The  intervening  words  are  dialogues.  The  metaphor  is  taken  from  the 

in  Crat  and  I.     There  is  no  reason  for  obligutio  litteris.      For  nomen  facere  '  to 

interpolation;      and     the      omission     is  make  an  entry,'  hence  «  to  make  a  loan, 

explained  ex  homoeoteleuto.  cp.  note  to  Fam.  vii.  23.  1  (126). 

coheredes]  cp.  626.  4  :  632.  6.  induct"]    '  cancelled.'     The  writing  on 

obire  auctionis  diem]    '  to    appear   on  wax-tablets  was  erased   by  filling  it  ii 

the  day  of  the  auction.'     obire  diem  (cp.  with  wax,  which  was  effected  by  '  draw 

Lael.  7)  can  be  thus  used  when  the  day  ing  '  the  broad  end  of  the  stilus  '  over 

is  specified.     We  have  found  in  613.  2  it.    For  inducere=  'to  cancel,'  cp.  Att.  i 

diem  mum  obisse  =  'to  die.'  20.  4  (26),  and  probably  iv.  17.  2  (149) 

laxius  proferre~]  '  to  postpone  to  a  later  Cic.  means  that  the  names  can  be  can- 

date.'  celled,  and  what  other  names  are  to  be 

vel  biduum]    sc.  proferre  diem.  inserted  left  open   for  future  considera 

2.  De  Bruto~\     His  marriage,  no  doubt.  tion,  or  they  can  be  changed  at  once.  J 
de  Caesare']    His  return  from  Spain.  [!«>]•  acceperam~]     This    and     all     the 

tenses  that  follow  are  so-called  epistolary 

[14],  3.  quod  8cripsimus~\  The  four  books  tenses.     'I    have  received  nothing:    n< 

of  the  Academica.  one  has  come  :    perhaps    there  was    no 

nomina  iam  facta  sunt]  '  the  entries  are  reason.     Accordingly  1  have  nothing  to 

already   made  '   (or    '  booked  ').      Cicero  write  about.     But  to-day,  when  1  am 


EP.  629  (ATT.  XIII.  16).  127 

enerat :  nee  fortasse  causa  fuerat.  Itaque  ipse  quod  scriberem 
Qon  habebam.  Quo  autem  die  has  Valerio  dabam,  exspectabam 
iliquem  meorum :  qui  si  venisset  et  a  te  quid  attulisset,  videbam 
aon  defuturum  quod  scriberem. 


629.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  ie). 

ARPINUM  ;    JUNK  27  ',    A.  U.  C.    709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AKT.    CIC.  61. 

De  vita  sua  in  Arpinati,  de  libris  Academicis  ad  Varronem  traductis.     Quaerit  d 
ervilia,  de  Bruto,  de  Caesare. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Nos,  cum  flumina  et  solitudinem  sequeremur,  quo  facilius 
ustentare  nos  possemtis,  pedem  e  villa  adhuc  egressi  non  sumus  : 
ta  magnos  et  adsiduos  imbris  habebamus.  Illam  'A»caS^tici)v 

ra^iv  totam  ad  Varronem  traduximus.  Primo  fuit  Catuli 
juculli,  Hortensi.  Deinde,  quia  irapa  TO  irpiirov  videbatur, 
[uod  erat  hominibus  nota  non  ilia  quidem  airaiSevata  sed  in  iis 
ebus  ar/o£^«'a,  simul  ac  veni  ad  villam,  eosdem  illos  sermones 
id  Catonem  Brutumque  transtuli.  Ecce  tuae  litterae  de  Varrone. 
Gemini  visa  est  aptior  Antiochia  ratio.  2.  Sed  tamen  velim  scribas 
ad  me,  primum  placeatne  tibi  aliquid  ad  ilium,  deinde,  si  placebit, 
locne  potissimum.  Quid  Servilia  ?  iamne  venit  ?  Brutus  etiam 
ecquid  agit  et  quando  ?  De  Caesare  quid  auditur  ?  Ego  ad 
tfonas,  quern  ad  modum  dixi.  Tu  cum  Pisoue,  si  quid  poteris. 

giving    this    letter    to   Valerius,    1    am  illiterate— but  at  all  events  unversed  in 

expecting  one  of  my  own  messengers.'  these  (philosophical)  questions.'  Perhaps 

illiteracy  and   amateurishness    would   go 

1.  solitudinem]    See  Adn.  Grit.     This  nearer  to  the  character  of  the  Greek  ex- 

s  the  reading  of  2A :    the  Transalpine  pressions.     Or,    '  I   will  not  call    them 

amily  have  here  solitudines,  cp.  559.  1.  ignoramuses,  but    at    least   amateurs    in 

l"ust   below  Primo  is  the  reading  of  the  these  matters.' 

same  family,  while  2A  have  mod&.  Owing  ad  Catonem  Brutumque  transtuli]   This 

to  deinde,  primo  is  to  be  preferred.  was  an  intermediate  form  of  theAcademica 

pedem]  ace.  of  measure,  cp.  Deiot.  42  :  in  which  Cato  must  have  taken  the  part 

also  traversum  unguem  discedere  (634.  4),  of  Hortensius,  while  Brutus  took  that  of 

and  see  Roby  1086.  Lucullus :  cp.  Eeid,  Acad.  pp.  46,  48. 

Primo]     See  Adn.  Grit,  and  preceding  Antiochia  ratio]  626.  3.  For  Antiochus 

nbte  on  aolitudines.  cp.  641.  1. 

irapa    TO    irpfirov]    'not    comme    il  2.  ad  Nonas]  cp.  627  [14].  1.    Under- 

faut,  because  Catulus,  Lucullus,  and  Hor-  stand  adero. 

tensius  were  known  to  be — I  will  not  say  cum  Pisone]  626.  4. 


128 


EP.  630  (ATT.  XIII.  17,  18). 


630.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  XIIT.  17,  is). 
AKPINUM;  JUNE  28  ;  A.  u.  c.  709;  B.  c.  45;  AET.  cic.  ei. 

Quaerit  de  rebus  urbanis,  de  Bruto,  de  Caesare,  de  val«tudine  Atticae,  de  commoddj 
propinquitatis  quo  nunc  careat,  de  libris  Academicis  ad  Varronem  mittendis. 

CICERO  ATTICO   SAL. 

[17]  v.  Kalend.  exspectabam  Koma  aliquid,  non  quo  imper-j 
assem  tuis:  igitur  nunc  eadem  ilia:  quid  Brutus  cogitet,  aut,  si 
aliquid  egit,  ecquid  a  Caesare.  Sed  quid  isla,  quae  minus  euro  9 
Attica  nostra  quid  agat  scire  cupio  :  etsi  tuae  litterae — sed  iam 
nimis  veteres  sunt — recte  sperare  iubent,  tarn  en  exspecto  recens  i 
aliquid.  [18]  Vides  propiuquitas  quid  liabeat.  Nos  vero  - 
conficiamus  hortos.  Colloqui  videbamur  in  Tuseulano  cum  essem  d 
tanta  erat  crebritas  litterarum.  Sed  id  quidem  iam  erit.  Ego. 
interea  admonitutuo  perfeei  sane  argutulos  libros  ad  Yarronem  : 
sed  tamen  exspecto  quid  ad  ea  quae  scrips!  ad  te :  primum  qui  | 
intellexeris  eum  desiderare  a  me,  cum  ipse  homo  TroAvypa^w 
numquam  me  lacessisset,  deinde  quern  %r)\oTVTrtiv,  nisi  forte*, 
Brutum,  quern  si  non  £r/Aoru7re7,  multo  Hortensium  minus  aut  eos< 


[17]  non  quo  imperassem  aliquid  tuis: 
igitur}  '  not  that  I  gave  your  messengers 
any  commands.'  See  Adn.  Ciit.  Here 
again  the  Transalpine  family  have  quo, 
M'hich  is  omitted  by  2A.  The  rending  of 
M  is  non  imperassem  igitur  aliquid  tuis. 
Miiller  reads  novi.  Imperassem  (i.e.  '  if 
any  news  had  arrived  ')  igitur  aliquid  tuis, 
i.e.  to  Atticus'  messengers  \vho  bad 
brought  the  letter  mentioned  in  629.  1  fin, 
and  whom  he  was  now  sending  back  to 
Rome.  Novi  might  readily  have  been 
corrupted  into  non  before  imperassem : 
but  it  is  more  probable  that  quo  was 
omitted  than  that  it  should  have  been 
interpolated. 

nunc  eadem  illa~\  i.e.  I  have  to  ask  the 
same  questions. 

ecquid  a  Caesare}  'whether  there  is  any 
intimation  from  Caesar '  as  to  how  he 
regards  the  action  of  Brutus  :  cp.  627 
fin. 

[18]  Vides  propinquitas  quid  habeat~\ 
M  n&shaket,  altered  by  Lamb,  to  habeat : 
op.  note  to  565.  4. 

conficiamus  hortos]  '  secure  the  gardens,' 


cp.  Att.  i.  7  (3)  quern  ad  modum  bibliothe- 
cam  11  obis  conjicere  pnssiis.  Cicero  intended] 
to  live  in  the  villa  attacbed  to  the 
Sciipulan  horti,  and  lays  stress  elsewhere! 
on  the  advantage  of  its  proximity  to  the.] 
city  (580.  2).  These  words  come  inj 
almost  parenthetically,  and  represent  a] 
thought  that  suddenly  occurred  toCicero.j 

sane  argutulos}  'really  quite  smart.' 
This  word  expresses  the  ideas  of  acumen\ 
and  nitor,  cp.  631.  5  quae  diliaenter  a 
erpressa  acumen  habent  Jntiochi,  nif.orem( 
orationis  nontrum.  Cp.  next  letter,  §  3. 

quid  ad  ea~]     sc.  rescrihas. 

qui  intellexeris'}    'how  you  perceived'! 
cp.  599.  3. 

iro\vypa<t><t>Ta.Tos}   'a    most    volu-J 
minous  author.' 

lacessisset}  '  challenged'  me  to  a  repris 
by  dedicating  one  of  his  works  to  me. 

quern  £TJ AorvTretv]  sc.  intellexeris. 

nisi  .  .  .  ^XoTuireT]   an   addition  o 
Bosius.     See  Adn.  Grit. 

multo  Hortensium  minus}  sc. 
cp.  627.   1.     Cicero   is   referring   to   bit 
Hortensius  and  to  his  De  Republica. 


EP.  6S1   (ATT.  XI1L  19).  129 

ini  de  re  publica  loquuntur.  Plane  hoc  mild  explices  velim:  in 
>rimis  maneasne  in  sententia  ut  mittam  ad  eum  quae  scripsi,  an 
lihil  necesse  putes.  Sed  haec  coram. 


631.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  19). 

ARPINUM  ;    JUNK  29  J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  C1C.   61. 

De  Atticae  valetudine.  de  oratione  Ligariana,  de  ratione  Academicorum  librorum  a 
e  ad  Varronem  translatorum  et  aliorum  librorum  a  se  scriptorum. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Commodum  discesserat  Hilarus  librarius  iv.  Kal.,  cui  dede- 
am  litteras  ad  te,  quoin  venit  tabellarius  cum  tuis  litteris  pridie 
atis  :  in  quibus  illud  mihi  gratissimum  fuit,  quod  Attica  uostra 
ogat  te  ne  tristis  sis,  quodque  tu  aKivSwa  esse  scribis.  2.  Liga- 
ianam,  ut  video,  praeclare  auctoritas  tua  commendavit.  Scripsit 
nim  ad  me  Balbus  et  Oppius  mirifice  se  probare,  ob  eamque 
ausam  ad  Caesarem  earn  se  oratiunculam  misisse.  Hoc  igitur  idem 
u  mihi  anfcea  scripseras.  3.  In  Yarrone  ista  causa  me  non  moveret, 
le  viderer  ^cAli/So^oc — sic  enim  constitueram  neminem  includere 
n  dialogos  eorum  qui  viverent — sed  quia  scribis  et  desiderari  a 

Sed  haec  coram'}  593  fin.  and     Lucullus)    in     the    Academica,     I 

should  not  be  influenced   by  a  desire  to 

1.  pridie  datis]    Arpinum  was  about  65  avoid  seeming  a  tuft-hunter  ($i\4v$o£os)  in 

liles  from  Rome.  the  choice  of   my  characters.     No  :  for 

aKivftwa}  For   Greek   used  in  deal-  my  principle  has   always   been  never  to 

Qg  with  medical   matters,    see    I3  p.  86  introduce    living     personages     into    my 

ote.  dialogues.     My  reason    for    introducing 

et  Oppius}     Et  is  omitted  by  the  MSS.  Varro  is  that  you  tell  me  he  desires  it 

t  is  possible  that  Oppiti*  WHS  inserted  by  a  and  appreciates  the  compliment.'     Cicero 

>pyist  who  had  observed  how  frequently  uses    constitueram,    not    constituebam   or 

lese  names  are  found  together.     Hut  we  constitui,  because,  in  the  case  of  Varro, 

link  that  it  is  more  probable  that  the  he    was    about   to   violate   the   principle 

^tter  in  question  was  a  joint  letter  from  which  he  had  hitherto  observed.     So  ibis 

lalbus  and  Oppius  like  Att.  ix.  7A  (351).  is  an  old  and  necessary  addition.     There 

'he  singular  (scripsif)  is  quite  allowable  :  is  a  slight  irregularity  in  eos.    Cicero  had 

p.   Drager  i.   176,  who  quotes  Verr.  iv,  libros  hovering  before  his  mind,  and  he 

2  dixit  hoc  Zosippus  et  Ismenias,  homines  spoke  of  '  these,'  meaning  '  these  books,' 

obilissimi :  also  Lebreton,  pp.  17  f.  though  he  had   not  expressed   the  idea 

igitur}     We  do   not   feel  sure  of  the  before,    except  incidentally  in   dialogos. 

leaning  of  igitur.     Is  it,   '  so  this  was  Not  quite,  but  somewhat,  similar  is  632.  4 

3e  meaning  of  (lit.  '  the  same  thing  as ')  istos  ipsos  '  De  Finibus  '  habet.    Dr.  Reid 

our  former  statement '  about  the  popu-  wishes  to  omit  eos,  which  he  thinks  may 

irity  achieved  by  the  Ligariana  ?  have  come  from  eis  below  (Hermathena- 

3.  In    Varrone~\     '  as   to   the   question  340). 
f  putting  Vario  (in  the  place  of  Catulus 

VOL.  v.  I 


130 


EP.  631  (ATT.  X1I1.  19). 


Varrone  et  magni  ilium  aestimare,  eos  confeci  et  absolvi  nescio  quam 
bene,  sed  ita  accurate  ut  nihil  posset  supra,  '  Academicam'  oranera 
'  quaestionem  '  libris  quattuor.  In  eis,  quae  erant  contra  aicar  J 
\il\fstav  praeclare  collecta  ab  Antiocho  Yarroni  dedi,  ad  ea  ipse 
respondeo,  tu  est  tertius  in  serraone  nostro.  Si  Gottain  et  Yarronem 
fecissem  inter  se  disputantis,  ut  a  te  proximis  litteris  admoneoil 
meum  icw^ov  irpoawirov  esset.  4.  Hoc  in  antiquis  person  is  suaviter 
fit,  ut  et  Heraclides  in  multis  et  nos  in  sex  'de  Re  Publica'  libris1 
feciraus.  Sic  etiam  '  de  Oratore  '  nostri  tres,  mihi  vehementer  pro! 
bati.  In  eis  quoque  eae  personae  sunt  ut  mihi  tacendum  fuerita 
Crassus  enim  loquitur,  Antonius,  Catulus  senex,  C.  Julius,  fratel 
Catuli,  Gotta,  Sulpicius.  Puero  me  bic  sermo  iuducitur,  ut  iiullae- 
esse  possent  partes  meae.  Quae  autem  bis  temporibus  scripsi  '  A/>«rl 
roTfAaov  morem  habent,  in  quo  ita  sermo  inducitur  ceterorum  ut 
penes  ipsum  sit  principatus.  Ita  confeci  quinque  libros 
reXwv,  ut  Epicurea  L.  Torquato,  Stoica  M.  Gatoni,  TreptiraT 
M.  Pisoni  darem.  ' A^\OTVTTTITOV  id  fore  putaram,  quod  omnes  ill 
decesserant.  5.  Haec  '  Academica/  ut  scis,  cum  Catulo,  Lucullo, 


accurate]     cp.  §  5  and  630  [18]. 

contra  a.KaTa\ijtyiav~]  In  the  lan- 
guage of  the  Stoics  and  Academics  <f>av- 
raffia  KaTa\r)iTTiK^  was  an  impression 
which  carried  irresistible  conviction  that 
the  object  causing  the  impression  had 
been  rightly  apprehended  :  cp.  Acad.  i.  41. 
Against  this  view  the  Sceptics,  and  the 
New  Academics,  under  Arcesilaus  and 
Carneades,  directed  an  attack,  maintain- 
ing that  there  were  no  such  irresistible 
impressions,  that  there  was  a  general 
a.Ka.Ta\-r)tyia,  inability  to  attain  to  cer- 
tain convictions.  Antiochus  opposed  this 
sceptical  tendency  so  effectively  that  the 
Academy  never  returned  to  it ;  hence 
Antiochus  is  called  the  founder  of  the 
Fifth  Academy :  cp.  Zeller,  Eclectics, 
p.  87,  Eng.  Trans. 

Cottam~]  C.  Gotta  expounds  the  Aca- 
demic doctrine  in  the  De  Natura  Deorum, 
where  Balbus  is  the  other  interlocutor. 

Koxpbv  irp6ff(i)irov~\  Used  by  Cicero, 
just  as  we  use  muta  persona  ;  see  I3,  p.  87. 

4.  Heraclides']  Ponticus,  a  pupil  of 
Plato  and  Speusippus,  who  wrote  on  all 
kinds  of  subjects;  vir  doctus  in  primis 
Cicero  calls  him,  Tusc.  v.  8,  and  quotes 
from  him  De  Div.  i.  46  and  130.  See  a 
valuable  treatise  [in  Pauly-Wissowa  viii, 
472  ff,  s.v.  Herakleides  No.  45.  He 


wrote  some  theoretical  works  on  politici 
(cp.  Ep.  155.  1),  and  it  was  these  thai 
Cicero  is  thinking  of  here.  See  also  Index] 

eae  .  .  .  ut~\  '  such  are  the  perso4 
nages  introduced  that  I  am  bound  to 
maintain  silence,'  by  reason  of  theis 
eminence  and  their  seniority. 

Antonius]  Before  this  word  "Wes.i 
would  add  Scaevola,  so  as  to  give  all  thf 
interlocutors  of  the  dialogue. 

sermo  inducitur']  '  the  dialogue  is 
supposed  to  occur  in  my  boyhood.'  In 
ducitur  literally  means  '  is  put  on  th 
stage.' 

'A.pio~ TOTeA.etoi']  '  my  present  works 
follow  the  Aristotelian  usage,  the  dialogue 
being  so  represented  as  to  give  him  th« 
chief  part.' 

Ita  confeci]  '  I  arranged  the  De  Fini- 
bus  on  the  principle  of  giving  the  Epi 
curean  arguments  to  Torquatus,  the  Stoic 
to  Cato,  the  Peripatetic  to  Piso.  f 
thought  that  could  provoke  no  jealousy 
as  all  the  characters  belong  to  the  past.' 

5.  Haec  '  Academica  ']  «  my  present 
work,  the  Academica,  I  had,  as  you  know, 
originally  shared  between  Catul 
Lucullus,  and  Hortensius.  But  the  dis- 
cussion did  not  suit  the  characters.  It  waa 
too  technical  for  them  to  be  supposed  even 
to  have  drea*med  of  such  things.'  The 


EP.  632  (ATT.  XIII.  81,  §§4-7). 


131 


[ortensio  contuleram.  Sane  in  personas  non  cadebant :  erant 
mini  XoyiKioTfpa  quam  ut  illi  de  iis  somniasse  umquam  viderentur, 
[taque,  ut  legi  tuas  de  Van-one,  taraquam  spjuaiov  adripui.  Aptius 

jse  nihil  potuit  ad  id  philosophiae  genus,  quo  ille  maxime  mihi 
lelectari  videtur,  easque  partis  ut  non  sim  consecutus  ut  superior 
nea  causa  videatur.  Sunt  enim  vehementer  iriOava  Autiochia : 
[uae  diligenter  a  me  expressa  acumen  liabent  Antiochi,  nitorem 
>rationis  nostrum,  si  modo  is  est  aliquis  in  nobis.  Sed  tu  dandosne 
>utes  hos  libros  Yarroni  etiam  atque  etiam  videbis.  Mihi  quaedara 

jourrunt,  sed  ea  coram. 


632.     CICERO  TO  ATTIC  QS  (ATT.  xm.  21,  §§  4-7). 

ARPINUM  ;    JUNK  30  OR  JULY  1  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;   B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  quinto  De  Finibus  libro  ab  Attico  iniussu  suo  edito,  turn  brevius  de  aliis  rebus 
[et  de  consiliis  quibusdam  suis. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

4.  Die  mihi,  placetne  tibi  primum  edere  iniussu  meo  ?     Hoc 
lie  Hermodorus  quidem   faciebat,   is   qui   Platonis  libros   solitus 


meaning  of  these  words  seems  fairly  cer- 
tain. But  conferre  sermones  cum  aliquo 
usually  means  *  to  have  a  conversation  with 
a  person.'  We  do  not  know  any  exact 
parallel  to  the  meaning  in  our  passage. 
In  Att.  iv.  16.  2  (144)  he  says  hanc  ego 
de  republica  disputationem  IN  Africani 
personam  .  .  .  contuli. 

illi  de  us]     cp.  629.  1. 

ep/matov]     'a  godsend .' 

Aptius]  '  nothing  could  have  been  more 
suitable  than  the  character  of  Varro  for 
the  expounding  of  a  school  of  thought  in 
which  he  appears  to  have  been  specially 
interested,  and  for  the  introduction  of 
a  part  which  would  take  away  from  me  the 
appearance  of  having  arranged  matters 
so  as  to  give  my  own  part  (that  of  Philo) 
the  victory.'  The  sentence,  which  is 
awkwardly  expressed,  can  only  be  ex- 
plained, as  above,  by  taking  eas  ut  non 
closely  together  as  in  eae  ut  tacendum 
fuerit,  above  (§4).  Boot  approves  of  the 
theory  of  Wesenberg  that  some  such 
words  as  ego  mihi  sumpsi  fell  out  after 
partis.  Perhaps  Cicero  ought  to  have 


so  constructed  his  sentence,  but  there  is 
not  any  evidence  that  he  did  so.  Dr.  Reid 
wishes  to  read  eaeque  sunt  partes. 

acumen  .  .  .  nitorem]  cp.  630  [18]  sane 
argutulos. 

occurrunt]  '  some  objections  occur  to 
me'  :  635.1. 

ea  coram]     cp.  593  fin.  :  630  fin. 


1.  edere  iniussu  meo]  Cicero  reproaches 
Atticus  for  allowing  certain  portions  of 
the  De  Finibus  to  come  into  the  hands  of 
others  before  they  were  presented  to 
Brutus,  to  whom  they  were  dedicated. 
Primum  would  naturally  have  been  fol- 
lowed by  deinde,  for  which  Cicero  substi- 
tutes Quid  illud  ?  *  and  what  do  you  say 
to  this?' 

Hermodorus]  The  whole  verse  is  \6- 
yoiffiv  eEp/m.6Sa>pos  €/u.irop6V€Tai,  '  H. 
traffics  in  philosophical  dialogues.'  He 
was  a  Syracusan,  and  was  accused  of 
selling,  for  his  own  behoof,  the  dialogues 
of  his  master,  Plato.  '  But,'  says  Cicero, 
'  even  he  did  not  give  publicity  to  the 

I  2 


132  EP.  632  (ATT.  XIIL  21,  §§  4 -7). 


est  divulgare,  ex  quo  Xoyotatv  'E/ojuo&u^o?.     Quid  illud  ?   rec 
tumne   existimas    cuiquam    ante    quam   Bruto  ?    cui   te   auctor 
7r/oo(T</)(ui/a>.     Scripsit  enim  Balbus  ad  me  se  a  te    quiutum  *  D 
Finibus '    librum    descripsisse,   in   quo  non  sane  multa   mutavi 
sed  tamen   quaedam.     Tu   autem   commode   feceris,    si   reliquo 
eontinueris,  ne  et  a^topBfjjra  habeat  Balbus  et  %w\a  Brutus.     Se( 
haec  hactenus,  ne  videar  irtpi  /miKpa  awovSaZtiv.  Etsi  nunc  quiden 
maxima  milii  suut  haec.     Quid  est  enim  aliud  ?     Varroni  quiden 
quae  scripsi  te  auctore  ita  propero  mittere  ut  iam  Romam  miserin 
describenda.     Ea  si  voles,  statim  habebis.     Scripsi  enim  ad  libra- 
ries ut  fieret  tuis,  si  tu  velles,  describendi  potestas.     Ea  vero  con- 
tiuebis  quoad  ipse  te  videam,   quod    diligeutissime  facere   sole* 
cum  a  me  tibi  dictum  est.     5.  Quo  modo  autem  fugit  me  tibi 
dicere?     Mirifice  Caerellia  studio  videlicet  philosophiae  flagrans 
describit  a  tuis  :  istos  ipsos  '  De  Finibus  '  habet.     Ego  autem  tibi 
confirmo — possum  falli  ut  homo — a  meis  earn  non  habere  :  num- 
quam  enim  ab  oculis  meis  afuerunt.  Tantum  porro  aberat  ut  binog 
scriberent,  vix  singulos  coufecerunt.     Tuorum  tamen  ego  nullum 
delictum  arbitror,  itemque  te  volo  existimare.  A  me  enim  praeter- 

dialogues  without  the  permission  of  the  than  those  of  Atticus.  In  635.  3  he  says  : 

author.'  Scripta  nostra  nusquam  main  esse  quam 

cuiquam]  sc.  dare.  The  necessary  apud  te,  sed  ea  turn  for  as  dari  cum  utriqut 

words  ante  quam  were  added  by  Victorius.  nostrum  videbitur. 

itf)  o  a  <t>(avui\  often  used  for  '  to  dedi-  5.  Quo  modo  autem]  '  But  how  did  it 

cate  '  a  book  :  cp.  Att.  xv.  13A  6  (795)  ;  escape  me  to  tell  you  ? '  See  Adn.  Grit., 

xvi.  11.  4  (799).  Qu.  Quodammodo  autem. 

a  te  .  .  .  descripsisse]  '  has  copied  from  Caerellia]  635.  2.  '  Caerellia,  inflamed 

your  manuscript'  :  cp.  Acad.  ii  11,  et  ab  no  doubt  with  a  wonderful  enthusiasm 

eo  ipso  (Philone)  illos  duos  libros-  de-  for  philosophy,  is  taking  copies  from 

scripsisse  ;  Hor.  Sat.  ii  3.  34 ;  Liv.  i.  yours.  She  has  the  De  Minibus.  [It  would 

32.  5.  seem  that  we  must  understand  libros :  cp. 

eontinueris]  '  you  will  oblige  me  by  §  4,  above.]  I  undertake  to  say,  though 

keeping  back  the  other  book,  so  that  of  course  being  but  human  I  may  be 

Balbus  may  not  have  the  treatise  unre-  wrong,  that  she  has  not  got  her  copy  from 

vised,  or  Brutus  have  it  stale  '  (when  mine.  It  was  never  out  of  my  sight, 

others  have  read  it).  See  635.  3,  where  And  so  far  were  my  scribes  from  making 

these  Greek  words  are  expressed  in  excel-  a  duplicate  copy,  they  had  great  difficulty 

lent  Latin.  It  would  appear  that  conti-  in  completing  one.'  A  ineis  and  a  fitis 

nere  is  the  regular  term  for  '  keeping  refer  most  probably  (as  tuorum  does)  to 

back '  a  book  from  publication  :  cp.  Plin.  the  copyists  of  Cicero  and  Atticus,  re^ 

Ep.  i.  8,  3,  Eritenim  et  post  emendationem  spectively.  But  the  use  of  binos  and 

liberum  nobis  vel  publicare  vel  continere.  singulos,  instead  of  duos  and  unum,  might 

Quid  est  enim  aliud  '?]  '  for  what  serious  possibly  show  that  meis  and  tuis  refer  to 

work  are  we  permitted  to  do  ?  ' ;  therefore,  the  De  Finibus,  which,  being  a  designation! 

trifles  must  engage  our  attention.  of  a  single  work,  but  plural  in  form, 

quae  scripsi]  The  Academica.  takes,  according  to  rule,  the  distributive, 

Scripsi.  ..  potestas]  Note  that  Cic.  was  not  the  cardinal,  numbers.  If  meis  if 

getting  his  book  copied  by  other  librarii  taken  for  '  my  copyists,'  the  meaning  i» 


EP.  632  (ATT.  XIII.  81,  §§  4-7). 


nissum  est  ut  dicerem  me  eos  exire  nondum  velle.  Hui,  quam 
Jiu  denugis  !  De  re  enim  iiihil  habeo  quod  loquar.  6.  De  Dola- 
>ella  tibi  adsentior.  Coheredes,  ut  scribis,  in  Tusculano.  De 
Jaesaris  adventu  scripsit  ad  me  Balbus,  BOH  ante  Kal.  Sextilis. 
)e  Attica  optime,  quod  levins  ac  lenius  et  quod  fert  cuicoAcoc* 
'.  Quod  autem  de  ilia  nostra  cogitatione  scribis,  in  qua  niliil  tibi 
edo,  ea  quae  novi  valde  probo,'  hominem,  domum,  facultates. 
3,uod  caput  est,  ipsum  non  novi,  sed  audio  laudabilia,  de  Scrofa 
tiam  proximo.  Accedit,  si  quid  hoc  ad  rem  :  evytviarspos  est 
tiara  quam  pater.  Coram  igitur  et  quidem  propenso  ammo  ad 
robandum.  Accedit  enim,  quod  patrem,  ut  scire  te  puto,  plus 
tiam  quam  non  modo  tu  sed  quam  ipse  scit,  amo,  idque  et  merito 
t  iam  diu. 


so  far  from  their  making  two  copies 
ach,  they  scarcely  made  one  each.'  We 
uppose  the  word  understood  is  libros. 

ote  that  Cicero  seems  to  have  had 
opyists  of  his  own.  In  58  B.C.  Quintus 
sked  Marcus  to  correct  and  publish  his 
nnals:  cp.  Att.  ii,  16.  4  (43). 

exire~]  f  to  get  into  the  hands  of  the 
ublic,'  the  almost  invariable  meaning  in 
he  letters  :  cp.  note  to  627.  1. 

6.  De  Dolabella]  i.e.  about  dedicating 
>me  work  to  him  :  cp.  624.  2. 

Coheredes]  626  fin. ;  627  [14].  1 ;  635.  4. 

in  Tusculano}  sc.  me  convenient  (627 
14]  1). 

UKO'AOJS]  '  she  takes  it  easily.'  After 
viun  et  lenius  must  be  supplied  esl,  as  in 
cte  est  and  such  phrases.  For  levius  et 
niu*  Dr.  Reid  compares  Catull.  84.  8, 
idibant  eadem  haec  leniter  ac  leviter : 
ell.  xviii.  9.  7. 

4.  de  ilia  nostra  cogitatione']  "What  this 
as  we  cannot  be  sure.  It  is  conjectured 
lat  it  refers  to  a  proposed  suit  or  for 
ttica,  who  was  at  this  time  six  years  old. 


We  have  read  in  604.  1  of  a  suitor 
named  Thalna.  Attica  was  afterwards 
married  to  M.  Vipsanius  Agrippa. 

homtnem~]  *  his  person' ;  such  is  thought 
by  some  to  be  the  meaning  here,  as  the 
word  is  opposed  to  ipsum.  But  we  know 
of  no  place  where  homo  means  the  '  per- 
sonal appearance  '  as  distinguished  from 
*  the  real  nature  and  character'  of  a  man. 
Sch.  reads  nomen.  We  prefer  to  take 
hominem  in  a  very  general  sense ;  *  the 
man  '  as  opposed  to  what  belongs  to  him 
and  his  family.  To  join  quad  capnt  est 
with  facultates  would  perhaps  attribute 
to  Cicero  too  sordid  a  consideration. 

de  Scrota]  '  I  have  quite  recently  had 
a  very  good  account  of  him  also  from 
Scrofa.' 

Accedit]  '  There  is  this  further  con- 
sideration.' 

evyeveffrepo?  quam  pater']  because 
his  mother  belonged  to  a  better  family. 

Cornm  igitur]  cp.  593  tin.,  and  note. 

propenso  .  .  .  ad  probandum~] 
to  approbation.' 


134 


KP.  633  (FAM.  IX. 


633.     CICERO  TO  L.  PAPIRIUS  PAETUS  (PAM.  ix.  22). 

ROME  ;    JULY  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.    CIC.  61. 

M.  Cicero  L.  Paeto  obscenum  quo  in  epistula  per  iocum  usus  est  vocabulum  (f  or  J 
tasse  '  mentula ')  exprobat,  damnata  Stoicorum  in  loquendo  licentia  et  laudato! 
Platonis  verecundia. 

CICERO  PAETO. 

1.  Amo  verecundiamf  vel  potius  libertatem  loquendi ;  atqui  hooj 
Zenoni  placuit,  homini  mehercule  acuto,  etsi  Academiae  nostrael 
cum  eo  magna  rixa  est.  Sed,  ut  dico,  placet  Stoicis  suo  quaraquej 
rem  nomine  appellare.  Sic  euim  disseruut :  nihil  esse  obscenumj 


As  an  introduction  to  this  letter,  which 
gives  important  evidence  as  to  the  prudish- 
ness  of  the  Romans,  we  quote  Quintilian 
viii.  3,  44-47  :  Sed  quoniam  vitia  prius  de- 
monstrare  aggressi  sumus,  vel  hoc  vitium 
sit,  quod  KaKfpQarov  vocalnr :  sive  mala 
eonsuetudine  in  obscenum  intdlectum  sermo 
detortus  est,(iit  ductare  exercitus  et 
pair  are  bellum,  apud  Sallustium  dicta 
sanctc  et  antique,  ridentibus,  si  dis  placet  ; 
qnam  culpam  non  scribentium  quidem  iudico 
*edlegentium  :  45.  tamenvitand«,quatenus 
i-erbn  honesta  moribus  perdidiimis,  et  vin- 
t'entibus  etiam  vitiis  cedendum  est)  sive 
iunctura  deformiter  sonat,  ut,  si  ctim 
hominibus  notis  In  qui  non  dicimus,nisi 
hoc  ip&um  horn  im  bus  medium  sit,  in 
praefanda  videmus  incidere ;  quia  ultima 
priori*  syllabae  littera,  quae  exprimi  nisi 
labris  coeuntibus  non  potest,  aut  intersistere 
nos  indecentissime  cogit  aut  continuata  cum 
insequente  in  naturam  eius  corrumfiitur . 
46.  Aliaeque  coniunctiones  aliquid  simile 
faciunt,  quas  persequi  longum  est,  in  eo 
vitio,  quod  vitandumdicimus,  commoratites. 
Sed  divisio  quoque  nffe>t  eandem  iniurinm 
pudori,  utsi  intercapedinis  nominativo 
casu  quis  utatur.  47.  Nee  scripto  modo  id 
accidit,  sed  etiam  sensu  plerique  obscene 
intelleyere,  nisi  caveris,  cupiunt  (nt  apud 
Ovidium  Quaeque  latent  meliorapu- 
tant)  et  ex  vtrbis,  quae  longissime  ab 
obscenitate  absnnt,  occa*ionem  turpitudinis 
rapere.  Siquidem  Celsus  KaKf/jL^arov  apud 
Veryilium  putat : 

I+icipiunt   agttata    tumescere, 
Quod  si  reciptas,  nihil  loqui  tutum  est. 

There  is  a  good  article  on  the  subject 
by  F.  Ritter  in  liheinisches  Museum,  iii. 
669-580,  'Uebertriebene  Scheu  der  Romer 


vor  gewissen  Ausdriicken  und  Wortver-J 
bindungen.'  He  lays  just  emphasis  on 
the  corruption  of  mind  which  is  disJ 
played  by  this  unnatural  readiness  lo  sea 
indecency  in  the  most  casual  combination 
of  syllables.  This  prudery  went  BO  far 
that  even  Celsus,  in  a  medical  treatisJ 
(De  Med.  vi.  18,  1),  fears  to  use  the  plain 
terms  for  many  parts  of  the  body. 

1.  Amo  .  .  .  loquendi~\  Various  suggesJ 
tions  have  been  made  with  a  view  to 
obtain  the  necessary  antithesis.  Lehmana 
(p.  60)  adds  odi  after  loquendi.  Manutiujl 
changes  vel  to  alii,  Rutilius  to.  tu.\ 
Wesenberg  adds  tu  impudentiam  beforJ 
vel.  Perhaps  tu  inverecundiam  would  be 
a  better  addition,  or  petulantiam,  Off.  i. 
127.  The  abstract  noun  inverecundia  isj 
not  indeed  found  in  cla>sical  writers,  but 
inverecundus  is.  Certainly  some  stronj 
word  of  that  nature  is  required  in  order 
that  the  qualification  introduced  by  vel\ 
potius  may  be  apposite. 

Zenoni']     Of   Ciiium,   founder    of    thJ 
Stoic  School.     For  the  Cynicism  of  the 
Stoics,    cp.    Juv.    xiii.    121,   nee    Stoiim 
dogmata  legit  a  Cynicis  tunica  distantieA 
and   Mayor  ad  loc. ;  also   Zeller,  Stoictm 
pp.  308  ff.  (E.  T.).    Of  this  kind  of 
spejiking  Cicero  (Off.  i.  128)  says  necveim 
audiendi  sunt  Cynici  aut   si   qui  fnerunn 
Stoici  paene   Cynici,  qui  reprehenduni 
inrident  quod  ea  quae  re  turpia  non  sit 
verbixfoigitiosa  ducamus  :  ilia  aut  em  qi 
turpia   sint    nominibus    appellemus 
See  the  whole  passage,  §§  127,  128.     Tl 
Stoic  definition  of  alS^fioffvyrj  (verecundu 
is  ^ir*<TTT7/ti7  fv\a/3r)TiK$i  opSov  tyoyo v. 

suo  quamque  rem  nomine  appelluri] 
§  5,  6  <ro<t>bs  cv6vi)pr)fj.ovf)<rei- 

nihil  esse  obscenum  .  .  .  tertiuin} 


JSP.  633  (FAM.  IX. 


135 


nibil  turpe  diotu  ;  nam,  si  quod  sit  in  obscenitate  flagitium,  id  aut 
in  re  esse  aut  in  verbo ;  nibil  esse  tertium.  In  re  non  est.  Itaque 
non  raodo  in  comoediis  res  ipsa  narratur,  ut  ille  in  l  Demiurgo ' : 

modo  forte 
— nosti  canticum  :  meministi  Roscium — 

ita  me  destituit  nudum  .  .  . 
— totus   est   sermo  verbis  tectus,   re   inpudentior, — sed   etiam  in 
tragoediis :  quid  est  enim  illud  ? 

Quae  mulier  una 
quid,  inquarn,  est  ? 

Usurpat  duplex  cubile. 

Quid? 

Hums,  fferei, 
hie  cubile  inire  est  ausus. 


Stoical  argument  which  Cicero  controverts 
in  this  letter  appears  to  be  as  follows  : — 
If  in  what  is  called  impure  language  there 
is  anything  impure,  it  must  he  in  the 
thing  or  the  word.  It  is  not  in  the  thing 
(§  1),  for  we  have  allusions  to  subjects 
usually  considered  impure  in  unexception- 
able passages  from  the  dramatists.  Nor 
in  the  word  (§§  2-4)  :  for  if  the  impurity 
is  not  in  the  thing,  a  fortiori  it  cannot  be 
in  the  word.  The  prudishness  of  the 
day  is  ail  nonsense.  Therefore,  there  is 
nothing  impure  ;  therefore  the  Wise  Man 
will  call  a  spade  a  spade.  Cicero  devotes 
the  whole  of  the  remainder  of  the  letter 
to  a  refutation  of  this  syllogism.  The 
second  half  of  the  minor  proposition  is  in 
§  2  (multo  minus  in  verbis  .  .  .  non  potent). 
He  felt  justly  that  the  Stoical  idea,— that 
if  the  fact  narrated  is  impure  it  makes  no 
difference  in  what  words  the  fact  is  ex- 
pressed,— forgets  that  we  are  civilized 
human  beings,  and  to  civilized  human 
beings  even  '  vice  itself  loses  half  its  evil 
by  losing  all  its  grossness '  :  cp.  Off.  i. 
127. 

*  Demiurgo ']  The  'Demiurgus'  was 
by  Sextus  Turpilius  :  cp.  Ribheck,  Com. 
p.  90.  Ribheck  supposes  that  the  sub- 
ject of  the  canticum  was  the  soliloquy  of 
a  young  man  who  had  been  '  fleeced '  by 
a  courtesan.  A  canticum  (monologue 
more  or  less  lyrii  al)  was  opposed  to 
diverbium  (dialogue)  :  cp.  Palmer  on 
Plant.  Amph.,  p.  xlvi. 


ita  me  destituit  nudum~\  '  she  stripped 
me  so  bare.' 

Quae  mulier  una\  Ribbeck  arranges 
the  verses  as  fragments  of  troch.  tetr. 
acat.  (lucert.  Trag.  11.  128-9)— 

quae  mulier  una 
Usurpat  duplex  cubile; 

Bergk  (Philologus,  xxxiii.  307)  restores 
the  lines  thus  (troch.  tetr.  cat.)  [cp. 
Ribbeck,  'Attius'  656  J— 

,      quae  mulier  una  d&um  virum 
Usurpat  duplex  cubile  ; 

and  thinks  that  they  may  be  the  words  of 
Electra  reproaching  her  mother  in  the 
'  Clytaemnestra '  of  Attius :  cp.  Cic.  Orat. 
156.  We  may,  perhaps,  translate  quid 
est  enim  illud  ?  '  For  look  at  this  '—then 
quid,  inquam,  est,  'look,  I  say.'  Quid? 
'this.'  Quid  eat  7  '  and  this.' 

Huius,  Phere~\  The  MSS.  have  ferei  or 
Jeret.  Era.  reads  Pheraei,  supposing  an 
allusion  to  Alexander  of  Pherae,  and  his 
wile  Thebe  (ep.  Grote  xi.  7-9,  ed.  1869)  ; 
but  this  is  a  most  unlikely  allusion  in  a 
Roman  tragedy.  It  is  simpler  to  read  and 
arrange  the  words,  after  Ribbeck,  as 
troch.  tetr.  cat.  (Trag.,  p.  254).  The 
reading  is  very  doubtful :  M  has  Ferei, 
H  D  feret.  A  Pheres  appears  in  Horn. 
Od.  xi.  259,  as  the  son  of  Cretheus  and 
Tyro,  and  also  as  the  father  of  Admetus 
in  the  Alcestis. 


136 


EP.  633  (FAM.  IX. 


Quid  est  ? 

Virginem  me  quondam  invitam  per  vim  violat  luppiter. 

Bene  *  violat ' :  atqui  idem  significat,  sed  alterum  nemo  tulisset 
2.  Videsigitur,  cum  eadem  res  sit,  quia  verba  non  siut,  nihil  viden 
turpe.  Ergo  in  re  non  est :  multo  minus  in  verbis.  Si  enirn,  quoc 
verbo  significatur,  id  turpe  non  est,  verbum,  quod  signifioat,  turp( 
esse  non  potest.  '  Anum '  appellas  alieno  nomine :  cur  non  suo 
potius?  si  turpe  est,ne  alieno  quidem ;  si  non  est,  suo  potius.  Caudam 
antiqui  '  penem  '  vocabant,  ex  quo  est  propter  similitudinem  *  peni- 
cillus.'  At  hodie  *  penis '  est  in  obscenis.  *  At  vero  Piso  ille 
Frugi  in  Annalibus  suis  queritur,  adulesceutis  peni  deditos  esse. 
Quod  tu  in  epistula  appellas  suo  nomine,  ille  tectius  *  penem.'  Sec 
quia  multi,  factum  est  tarn  obscenum  quam  id  verbum  quo  tu 
usus  es.  Quid,  quod  volgo  dicitur,  '  cum  nos  te  voluimus  con- 
venire,'  num  obscenum  est  ?  memini,  in  senatu  disertum  oonsu- 
larem  ita  eloqui :  'hanc  culpam  maiorem  an  illam  dicam?'  Potui1 


Virgineni]  A  troch.  tetr.  cat.,  perhaps 
from  the  'Antiope'  of  Pacuvius.  violat 
'does  despite  to,'  'dishonours':  alterum 
i.e.  'stuprat.'  Dr.  Jleid  has  suggested 
to  us  that  alterum  seems  out  of  place,  and 
should  be  transposed  to  precede  significat, 
of  \vhich  it  would  be  subject.  Perhaps 
this  is  hardly  necessary.  '  Violat  is  good  : 
yet  it  has  the  same  sense  (sc.  as  stuprat], 
but  no  one  would  have  tolerated  that 
other  (sc.  stuprat).'' 

2.  quia  verba  non  sint]  '  So,  you  see, 
although  the  thing  indicated  [by  cubile 
inire  and  violare,  on  the  one  hand,  and 
stttprare,  on  the  other]  is  the  same,  yet, 
because  the  words  used  are  free  from 
impropriety  (non  xint  =  non  sint  turpia], 
no  impropriety  is  felt  to  be  present ;  and 
therefore  does  not  exist  in  the  thing.' 

alieno']  Simply  'unusual,'  'not  its 
own,'  used  as  the  regular  antithesis  to 
suo,  which  would  be  culus. 

ne  alieno  quidem~]     sc.  appellare  debes. 

Caudam']  The  ancients  called  a  tail 
'  penis,'  and  hence,  from  its  likeness  to 
a  tail,  the  word  for  a  painter's  brush 
is  called  pemcillun  (whence  comes  our 
word  '  pencil')  :  cp.  Fest.  p.  230  (Miiller), 
Penem  antiqui  codam  vocabant'.  a  qua, 
antiqnitatc  etiam  tittnc  offa  porcina  cum 
caud*  inceni*  puris  offa  peni t a  voca- 
tur  :  et  peniculi  quis  caldamenta  ter- 


gentur  quod  e  codis  extremis  facieban 
antiqui  qui  tergerent  ea.  iJictus  est  for 
sitan  ex  pendendo.  Naevius  in  '  Tunicularia 

Theodotuni  appellas  qui  aras  compitalibus 
Sedens  in  cella  circumlectus  tegettbtis 
Lares  ludentis  peni piuxii  bubulo. 

Signiftcat  peniculo  grandi,  id  ext  coda. 

At  vero  Piso  ille  Frngi]  This  clause  is 
a  supposed  objection  of  Paetus.  Piso  waa 
trib.  pi.  in  149,  and  introduced  a  law 
which  established  a  quaestio  perpetua 
to  try  provincial  governors  guilty  o 
repetundae  :  cp.  Holden  on  Off.  ii.  76 
His  Annals  wtre  written  in  a  very  bal< 
style  (Brut.  106).  The  fragments  of  hi 
works  are  collected  by  Peter,  Hist.  Rom 
Fragmenta,  pp.  77-86,  ed.  1883. 

appellas  suo  nomine]  This  letter  waa 
apparently  suggested  by  Paetus  having 
used  the  word  mentula.  With  multi 
supply  appellant. 

cum  nos]  cp.  Orat.  154,  '  Cum  '  autem 
'  nobis  '  non  dicitur,  sed  '  nobi»cum, '  quia 
si  ita  diceretur  obscenius  concurreren 
litterae  [i.e.  would  suggest  cunnus],  u 
etiam  modo,  nisi  '  autem  '  interposuisxetn 
concurrixsent :  cp.  Quintil.,  quoted  above 
and  §  3  Connus.  Before  w,  cum  was  pro- 
bably pronounced  con,  as  the  compound, 
show. 

'  hanc  .  .  .  dicam  ']    Similarly  here  the 


EP.  633  (FAM.  IX. 


137 


obscenius  ?  non,  iriquis  ;  non  euim  ita  sensit.  Non  ergo  in  verbo 
est ;  docui  autem  in  re  non  esse  :  nusquam  igitur  est.  3.  '  Liberis 
dare  operam  '  quam  houeste  dicitur!  etiam  patres  rogant  filios  : 
eius  operae  nomeu  non  audent  dicere.  Socraten  fidibus  docuit 
nobilissimus  fidicen ;  is  'Connus'  vocitatus  est:  num  id  obscenum 
iputas?  cum  loquimur  '  terni,'  nibil  flagiti  dicimus ;  at  cum  *  bini,' 
obscenum  est.  *  Graeois  quidem '  inquies.  Nibii  est  ergo  in  verbo  ; 
quoniam  et  ego  Gruece  scio  et  tamen  tibi  dico  '  bini ' ;  idque  tu 
facis,  quasi  ego  Graece,  non  Latine,  dixerim.  'Buta'  et  'menta,' 
recte  utrumque  :  volo  mentam  pusillam  ita  appellare,  ut  *  rutulam': 
luoii  licet.  Belle  *  tectoriola ' :  die  ergo  etiam  '  pavimenta  '  isto 
modo  ;  non  potes.  Yiden  igitur  nibil  esse  nisi  ineptias  ?  turpitti- 
dinem  nee  in  verbo  esse  nee  in  re  ;  itaque  nusquam  esse.  4.  Igitur 
in  verbis  bonestis  obsceua  ponimus.  Quid  enim  ?  non  houestum 


\m  of  illam  was  pronounced  as  n  (cp. 
jBiicheler,  Latein.  Declin.,  ed.  2,  p.  51, 
quoted  by  Mendelssohn),  and  il  —  being 
hardly  heard,  as  we  know  was  the  case 
from  its  scansion  in  the  Comedies  (cp. 
Pluygers  in  Mnemosyne,  1873,  pp.  64-5), 
the  sentence  suggested  hanc  culpam 
maiorem  an  landicam  (=  the  female  /cAet- 
ITO/JIS). 

|  3.  '  Liberis  dare  operam ']  sc.  pro- 
\creatidis  (reKvoiroie'tv),  '  make  an  effort  to 
have  children.  It  is  a  most  honourable 
ithing  ;  even  fathers  urge  their  sons  to  it; 
but  they  do  not  venture  to  mention  the 
(name  of  the  particular  kind  of  effort '  : 
pp.  Off.  i.  128,  liberis  dare  operam  re 
\honextum  eat,  nomine  obscenum.  We  do  not 
know  what  word  Cicero  had  in  mind  : 
possibly  patratio,  for  which  see  Diet. 

Socraten  fidibus  docuit]  sc.  canere 
\  (which  means  to  '  play  '  as  well  as  to 

sing  ' ).  Dr.  Reid  on  Se'nect.  26  (discebant 
fidibus)  shows  that  fidibus  is  abl.  of  the 
means  or  instrument,  canere  being  under- 
i  stood,  and  compares  Ter.  Eun.  113,  scire 
Qdibm. 

Connus]  He  is  said  to  have  taught 
Socrates  nusic  (Plat.  Euthyd.  272  C, 
Menex,  235  E)  ;  but  it  is  very  ques>tion- 

ible  if  this  is  not  a  reference  to  the 
|  3omic  poet  Ameipsias,  who  wrote  a 
1  >lay  called  '  Connus,'  directed  against 

Socrates  and  acted  at  the  same  time  as 

:h«  'Clouds':  cp.  Kock,  i.  671  if.  esp. 
I  frag.  9,  and  Zeller,  Socrates,  p.  57 

E.T.). 

0tvel=futuit. 


idque  tu  facis  quasi]  '  and  you  regard  it 
(make  it  out)  as  if  I  was  speaking  Greek 
and  not  Latin.'  Facio  is  often  used  in  the 
sense  of  '  pretend,'  'assume,'  especially 
in  the  imperative  fac.  For  quaxi  used 
after  a  verb  of  pretence,  cp.  a*simulabo 
quasi  nunc  exeam,  Ter.  Eun.  461. 

Ituta  et  menta~\  4  rue  and  mint ' :  men- 
tarn  pusillam,  i.e.  mentulam.  In  a  com- 
mentary on  Isaiah,  xlvii.  3,  St.  Jerome 
(Migne,  iv.  450)  alludes  to  this  sentence, 
as  Mendelssohn  points  out:  Disputant 
Stoici  multa  re  turpia  prava  hominum 
consuetudine  verbis  honesta  ease  ut  par- 
ricidium,  adulterium,  homicidium,  inces- 
tum  et  cetera  his  similia.  Rursumque 
re  honesta  nominibus  videri  turpia  ut 
liberos  procreare,  iujlationem  ventris  crepitu 
diyerere,  alvum  relevare  stercore,  vesicant 
urinae  effusione  laxare  :  denique  non  posse 
nos  ut  dicimus  a  ruta  rutulam  sic  UTTOKO- 
piffriKov  tnentae  facere. 

tectoriola]  plur.  of  the  dimin.  of  tec- 
torium  '  stucco,'  'plaster  for  walls  '  :  cp. 
Att.  i.  10,  3  (6).  Translate  « the  diminu- 
tive tectoriolum  is  all  right ;  therefore 
make  a  diminutive  also  of  pavimentum  ; 
you  cannot  '  :  for  pavimentula  would 
suggest  mentnla. 

Viden  igitur]  Cicero  talks  ironically  as 
a  Stoic  would.  *  Don't  you  see  that  the 
whole  thing  is  rubbish?  ':  cp.  §  4  nos  autem 
ridicule  sc.  J 'admits ;  ridiculous,  no  doubt, 
as  many  fashions  are,  '  sed  vincentilms 
etiam  vitiis  cedendum  est,'  as  Quiutil. 
(I.e.)  says. 


138 


EP.  633  (FAM.  IX. 


verbum  est  '  divisio  '  ?  at  inest  obscenum,  cui  respondet  *  interca- 
pedo.'  Nurn  haec  ergo  obscena  snnt  ?  nos  autem  ridicule ;  si 
dicimus  'ille  patrem  strangulavit,'  honorem  non  praefamur,  siii 
de  Aurelia  aliquid  aut  Lollia,  honos  praefandus  est.  Et  quideu 
iam  etiam  non  obscena  verba  pro  obscenis  sunt.  '  Battuit/  inquit 
inpudenter ;  *  depsit '  raulto  inpudentius :  atqui  neutrum  esl 
obscenum.  Stultorum  plena  sunt  orania.  *  Testes '  verbum  hones- 
tissimum  in  iudicio  ;  alio  loco  non  minis.  At  honesti  '  coleiLantt 
vini ' ;  *  Cliternini '  non  honesti.  Quid  ?  ipsa  res  modo  honesta 
modo  turpis.  Suppedet,  flagitium  est ;  iam  erit  nudus  in  balneo 
non  reprehendes.  Habes  scholam  Stoicam :  6  <ro$6e  tuflu/o/oijj 
vrjafi.  5.  Quam  multa  ex  uno  verbo  tuo  !  te  adversus  me  omnii 
audere  gratum  est.  Ego  servo  et  servabo — sic  enim  adsuevi— 
Platonis  verecundiam ;  itaque  tectis  verbis  ea  ad  te  scripsi  qua* 
apertissimis  agunt  Stoici ;  sed  illi  etiam  crepitus  aiuut  aequj 
liberos  ac  ructus  esse  oportere.  Honorem  igitur  Kalendis  Martiial 
Tu  me  diliges  et  valebis. 


4.  divisio']  suggests  visio  =  flatum  ven- 
tr  is  emit  to,  just  winter cupedo  in  the  nomi- 
native suggests  pedo.  See  Quintil.  I.e. 

strangulavit]  the  word  means  both 
'to  choke'  and  *  to  embrace  carnally.' 
Aurelia  and  Lollia  are  simply  names  of 
women  taken  at  random. 

honorem  non  praefamur]  *  We  do  not 
say  "  saving  your  presence"  '  or  '  we  do 
not  apologize  for'  :  cp.  Fin.  ii.  29,  cetera 
addit  quae  si  appelles  honos  praefandus  sit : 
Arnob.  v.  27,  sine  honoribits  appellare 
praefatis.  Hence  Quintilian  uses  prae- 
fanda  for  *  expressions  demanding  apology,' 
'  unmentionable '  :  cp.  Plin.  H.  N.  vii. 
171,  praefandi  hwnoris  e  cor  pore  efflu- 
vium. A  somewhat  similar  Plautine 
phrase  is  pra^fiscini  dixerim. 

Battuit]  '  grind  '  or  '  pound  '  :  depsit, 
'  knead.'  Hence,  as  similar  words  (e.g. 
molere)  in  all  languages,  these  terms  are 
vulgarly  used  in  an  obscene  sense. 

Stultorum]  Ironical  again :  cp.  ridicule 
(§  3^).  Cicero  is  speaking  as  if  he  were  a 
Stoic.  The  population  of  the  world  is 
many  millions,  mo-tly  fools  :  they  will 
persist  in  seeing  indecency  in  the  most 
respectable  words. 

colet]  probably  a  provincial  form  of 
cullei,  '  sacks,'  which  appear  to  have  been 
made  at  Lanuvium.  Accordingly  colei 
Lanuvini  can  be  spoken  of  properly  ;  but 


not  so  colei  Cliternini  (Cliternum,  a  towm 
in  the  territory   of   the  Aequiculi,  near 
Reate,  used   for   any  town) ;    for    colei, 
would   then   be   taken   in   the    sense   <• 
4  testicles  ' :  cp.  Petr.  39.     Manutius  half 
a    different    interpretation.      He 
there    was     a    distinguished    family 
Lanuvium  called  Colei,  for  which,  how 
ever,  there  is  no  evidence. 

scholam']  'disquisition,'  'dissertation' 
cp.  Tusc.  iii.  81,  separatim  certae  scholt 
sunt  de  exsilio,  de  interitu  patriae,  de  serv\ 
tute,  de  debilitate,  de  caecitate,  de  omt 
casu  in  quo  nomen  poni  solet  calamitati 
Haec  Graeci  in  singulas  scholas  et  i 
singulos  libros  disperliunt. 

€udvppt)/uLov^ffft]  'will  speak  out 
plainly,'  '  use  plain  words' :  cp.  §  1,  sum 
quamgne  rem  nomine  appellare. 

5.  ex  uno  verbo  tun]    sc.  mentula  (§  2). 

Platonis  verecundiam]  vix.  that  incul« 
cated  by  the  Aoidemicians.  ('icero  waft 
probably  not  thinking  of  any  definittf 
passage  in  Plato.  To  take  one  out  <• 
many,  cp.  Rep.  iii.  401  C. 

illi .  .  .  oportere"]  See  the  curious  stofl 
of  the  Emperor  Claudius :  Suet.  Clau« 
32  fin. 

honorem  igitur  Kal.  Martiis]  sc.  redd&.\ 
mus,  'let  us  p  iy  respect  to  our  nmtronsfij 
(Kul.  Mart,  being  the  Matronalia}.  Wti 
must  suppose  Cicero  to  mean — let  ouTj 


EP.  634  (ATT.  XIIL  20). 


139 


634.     CICERO  TO  ATTIOTJS  (ATT.  xm.  20). 

ARP1NUM  J   JULY  2  OR  3  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  litteris  consolatoriis  a  Caesare  acceptis,  de  urbe  augenda,  de  Torquato,  de  uxore 
Tuberonis  et  privigna  in  Ligarianam  non  addendis,  de  Attico  conveniendo,  de  fratre 
ab  Attico  convento  et  de  rebus  suis. 

C1CEEO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  A  Caesare  litteras  accepi  consolatorias,  datas  pridie  Kal. 
Maias  Hispali.  De  urbe  augenda  quid  sit  promulgatum  non  Intel- 
lexi :  id  scire  sane  velim.  Torquato  nostra  officia  grata  esse  facile 
patior,  eaque  augere  non  desinam.  2.  Ad  Ligarianam  de  uxore 
Tuberonis  et  privigna  neque  possum  iam  addere — est  euim  pervul- 
gata — neque  Tuberonem  volo  offendere:  mirifice  est  enim  ^tAamoc. 
Theatrum  quidem  sane  bellum  habuisti.  3.  Ego,  etsi  hoc  loco 


language  be  free  from  coarseness,  as  it  is 
right  tbat  all  language  should  be  which 
is  addressed  to  women.  If  for  no  other 
reason,  at  least  out  of  respect  for  our 
matrons,  let  our  language  be  decent. 
iyitur  seems  to  refer  back  to  tectis  verbis 
ea  ad  te  scripsi.  Lambinus  held  that 
Eal.  Mart,  was  the  date  of  the  letter, 
and  thai  some  words  (perhaps  non  prae- 
fantur,  '  the  Stoics  make  no  apology  for 
their  language')  were  lost  after  iyitur. 
The  exceeding  uncertainty  of  the  dale  of 
this  letter  renders  this  view  not  unten- 
able. We  have,  however  (though  with 
some  hesitation),  followed  Schmidt,  who 
considers  (p.  364)  that  this  letter  is  a 
separate  disquisition,  very  similar  to 
others  in  the  Acad.  and  Fin.  (works 
composed  about  this  time),  in  which 
moderate  Academic  views  are  maintained 
against  the  extravagances  of  the  Stoical 
school. 

1.  De  urbe   augenda]     see   636,    4,    a 
letter  written  about  a  week   alter  this, 
in  \\  hich  lie  clearly  explains  the  proposed 
improvements  in  the  city. 

Torquato']     Toiquatus  is  referred  to  in 
623,   1  and  652.  2   as  being  desirous  of 
obtaining   Dolabella's  good   offices   with 
Caesar. 
facile  patior']     cp.  note  to  622.  2. 

2.  Ad  Ligarianam  .   .   .  addere}     The 


more  appropriate  preposition  in  the  pre- 
sent case  would  have  been  in,  as  in  Att. 
i.  13,  5  (19)  in  orationem  Metellinam 
addidi  quaedam,  as  the  insertion  was, 
doubtless,  in  the  speech,  not  at  the 
beginning  or  end.  But  addere  ad  is  an 
allowable  construction,  and  found  in  good 
classical  writers. 

de  uxore  Tuberonis}  Gronovius  suggests 
that  his  wife  and  step-daughter  may  have 
urged  young  Tubero  to  attack  Ligarius  ; 
but  we  cannot  be  certain.  Cicero  was 
somehow  connected  with  the  family  of 
Tubero  :  cp.  Lig.  1  propinquus  meus,  also 
§  8  prop'mquam  cognationem :  21  adjines. 
It  has  been  supposed  that  L.  Tubero, 
young  Tubero' s  father,  married  a  Tullia : 
and  Att.  may  have  suggested  that  the 
relationship  might  be  more  fully  ex- 
pounded in  the  speech.  Cicero  is  rather 
patronizing  to  young  Tubero  in  the 
speech  (§  8) :  and  to  dwell  on  the  con- 
nexion of  Tubero  with  the  Tullii,  as  if 
that  was  a  great  thing,  may  have  natu- 
rally offended  Cicero's  defeated  opponent. 

4>iAcuTtos]  'huffy,'  'prone  to  take 
offence.' 

T/ieatrum~]  '  You  certainly  have  had  a 
good  audience.'  Att.  seems  to  have  had  an 
opportunity  of  rending  the  Pro  Lignrio 
before  some  cultivated  and  distinguished 
audience.  Cic.  often  compares  the  public 
delivery  of  speeches  to  the  performances 


140 


EP.  63b  (ATT.  XIII.  20). 


facillime  sustentor,  tamen  te  videre  cupio.  Itaque,  ut  constitui, 
adero.  Fratrem  credo  a  te  esse  conventum.  Scire  igitur  studeo 
quid  egeris.  4.  De  faraa  nihil  sane  laboro,  etsi  scripseram  ad  te 
tune  stulte  '  nihil  melius/  Curandum  enim  non  est.  Atque  hoc 
*  in  omni  vita  sua  queraque  a  recta  conscientia  traversum  nnguem 
non  oportet  discedere,'  viden  quam  ^tAomfywe  ?  An  tu  nos  frustra 
existimas  haec  in  manibus  habere  ?  St&ixQui  te  eo  nollem,  quod 
nihil  erat.  Eedeo  enim  rursns  eodem.  Quidquamne  me  putas 


on  the  stage :  cp.  De  Orat.  ii.  388,  quia 
maxima  quasi  oratori  scena  videatur  con- 
tionis:  Lael.  97;  ad  Brut.  i.  9,  2  (902), 
nunc  populo  et  scenae,  ut  dicitur,  servien- 
dum  est:  cp.  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  1.  71.  He 
also  uses  it  as  a  sphere  for  the  exhibi- 
tion of  a  quality  :  Tusc.  ii.  64,  nullum 
theatrum  virtuti  conscientia  mains  est. 
Note  theatrum  used  for  the  audience,  as 
we  use  '  house.' 

3.  sustentor]     '  I  can  get  along  in  this 
place  quite  cheerfully.' 

4.  De  Jama']     The    meaning    of    this 
strange  and  somewhat  dreamy  paragraph 
is   very    doubtful.      We   think   the    key 
to   it  may,  perhaps,  be  in  the  sentence 
Id  ago  scilicet   ut    indicia  videar   tener-e, 
<  My  aim,  ot    course,    is  to  retain    com- 
mand  of    the    courts, '    to    be    still    the 
head    of   the   Roman    Bar.     Cicero    had 
recently  delivered  and  published  the  Pro 
Liqnrio,  and  may  have  in  the  exuberance 
caused    by  its    great   success  (cp.    Plut. 
Cic.    39)    said    in    a    letter    to    Atticus 
that  there  was  nothing  better  than  fame. 
Atticus   appears  to   have    thought    that 
Cicero  was  trying  too  much  to  ingratiate 
himself  with  Caesar   (cp.   669,    I),   and 
may   have    criticized  Cicero's    doing    so 
as  Wing   to  some   extent   untrue   to  his 
constitutional    and    optimate   principles. 
Atticus  on  other  occasions  seems  to  have 
been  solicitous   that  Cic.  should  act  the 
honourable    rather    than   the    expedient 
part :  cp.  783.  3  ;  also  in  49  B.C.  Att.  ix. 
18. 1  (376).    He  did  not  think  Cic.  should 
from  a  desire   for  fame  be  too  effusive 
towards  Caesar.     Cic.  answers   his   own 
remark  about  fame  by  quoting,  in  a  light 
vein  of  irony,  another  from  one  of  his 
philosophical    works — which  is  not,    in- 
deed, to  be   found  in  any  extant  work, 
though  there  is  something  very  similar  in 
Att.  vii.  3.  11  (294) — about  conscience — 
that  one  should  never  deviate  from  its 
admonitions   a   hair's    breadth.     Atticus 
must  not  think  that  he  had  any  interest 


in  the  whole  case,  except  the  support  of 
his  client  Ligarius  (nisi  ut  ei  ne  desim). 
Of  course  it  is  not  permitted  to  elpress 
one's  exact  sentiments  in  such  a  case  as 
that  of  Ligarius,  tried  before  Caesar;  but, 
on  the  whole,  lie  approves  of  what  he 
did,  and  can  endure  readily  any  criticism 
which  is  passed  on  his  conduct  or  on 
the  literary  qualities  of  the  speech.  The 
whole  passage  might  then  be  translated 
thus: — 'As  to  fame,  I  do  not  indeed 
trouble  myself,  though  then  I  wrote  to 
you  foolishly  that  "  nothing  was  better." 
That  remark  you  need  not  mind.  And 
then  this  statement  "that  in  all  one's 
life  one  should  not  swerve  a  nail's  breadth 
from  one's  conscience" — is  not  that  a 
truly  moral  sentiment :  Can  you  suppose 
that  I  am  writing  these  moral  treatises 
of  mine  to  no  purpose  ?  I  would  not  have 
you  perturbed  at  what  I  said,  which  was 
a  mere  nothing  ;  for  I  am  returning  to 
the  same  point  figain.  Do  you  think  I 
cared  for  anything  in  the  whole  business 
except  to  do  rny  best  for  him  (Ligarius)  ? 
Forsooth,  my  whole  object  was  to  be 
thought  still  to  control  the  courts. 
Heaven  forbid  that  I  be  attracted  by 
them  !  I  would  fain  that  I  could  bear 
my  domestic  troubles  as  easily  as  I  can 
scorn  all  such  considerations.  But  do 
you  think  I  ever  wished  anything  that 
would  not  be  strictly  light?  One's  exact 
sentiments,  of  course,  one  cannot  express  : 
yet  I  cannot  but  approve  of  what  has 
been  done,  and  for  all  that  I  can  be 
supremely  indifferent  with  regard  to  it, 
as  I  am.  But  enough  of  trifles.' 

Atque~\  For  this  adversative  sense  of 
atque  c|>.  note  to  607.  3. 

a  recta  conscientia  .  .  .  discedere]  cp. 
Att.  vii.  3.  11  (294),  mihi  cerium  est  ab 
honestissima  sententia  diyitnm  nusquam. 

traversum  unguetn]  a  provertrial  ex- 
pression :  cp.  Fam.  vii.  25.  2  (668),  nee 
transversum  unquem,  ut  aiuttt,  a  stilo : 
Acad.  ii.  58:  Plaut.  Aul.  57. 


EP.  634  (ATT.  XIIP  20). 


141 


curare  fin  toto  nisi  ut  ei  ne  desim  ?  Id  ago  scilicet  ut  indicia 
[dear  tenere.  Mr]  yap  avrolg.  Yellem  tarn  doraestica  ferre 
ossem  quara  ista  contemnere  !  Putas  autem  me  voluisse  aliquid 
uod  perfectum  non  sit  ?  Non  licet  scilicet  sententiam  suam ; 
ed  tamen  quae  turn  acta  sunt  non  possum  non  probare,  et 
amen  non  curare  pulcre  possum,  sicuti  facio.  Sed  nimium  multa 
e  nugis. 


in  toto]     The  meaning  seems  to  be  in 
to  negotio  or  in  tota  orntione,    but  the 
xact   emendation   has   not   been  found. 
re  cannot  agree  with  those  scholars  who 
e  in   the   word   a   corruption   of  some 
roper   name  as  in  Bruto  (Schmidt),  in 
into    (Klotz),    in    Torquato   (MiilL-r)  : 
ei  is  easily  explicable  as  referring  to 
jignrius,  if  the  whole   passage  refers  to 
i(-ero's   speech   on   his   behalf.     0.    E. 
chinidt   (pp.    323-4)    thinks  we  should 
-ad  in  Bruto  for  in  toto,  '  do  you  think 
care   for   anything   in   the    matter   of 
rutus  save  that  I  may  not  fail  to  support 
im?'     Schmidt  supposes  (as  we  under- 
and  him)  that  the  whole  passage  refers 
the   marriage   of  Brutus   and   Gate's 
aughter  Porcia,  which  was  regarded  at 
time  as  having  a  political  significance, 
and  as  evidence  that  Brutus  was  drawing 
ver  to  the  Republicans,  and  away  from 
sar.     The  fama  then  was  the  adverse 
riticism    which    was    directed    against 
ieero  for  his  apparent  apathy  in  failing 
show   interest  in   the    marriage    and 
;o  support   Brutus   in   the  bold    step  he 
was   taking.     We  cannot  pretend  to   be 
ble  to  read  between  the  lines  so  much  as 
his. 

indicia  .  .  .  tenere]     It  seems  to  us  that 
is  can  only  mean  'to  hold  a  command- 
ng  position  in  the    law  courts.'     The 
metaphor  is  probably  taken  from  holding 
position   in   military  operations.     For 
ne   meaning    cp.    1    Verr.    20,    nos   non 
enebimus  indicia  diutius,  though  the  con- 
trol there  mentioned  is  not  the  control  of 


an  individual,  but  of  the  whole  body  of 
senators :  cp.  also  dominatio  regnumque 
iwiiciorum,  1  Verr.  35.  Indicia  tenere 
could  hardly  mean  '  to  gain  the  approval 
of  my  fellows'  (though  Schmidt  seeks 
to  defend  the  expression  by  the  analogy 
of  causam  tenere,  « to  gain  one's  suit'), 
and,  if  it  could,  this  sentiment  would  not 
suit  the  context  without  corrections.  The 
latter  remark  applies  also  to  Boot's  con- 
jecture, indicia  tiinere. 

MT?  yap  aurois]  What  word  is  under- 
stood is,  of  course,  uncertain,  hut  cer- 
tainly it  is  not  detector,  or  concedo,  or  any 
verb  in  the  indicative.  The  JUT?  shows 
that  the  verb  to  be  supplied  must  be  in 
the  imperative,  subjunctive,  or  optative, 
such  as  Tcp<j)dir)Ti,  Tepirca/jiat,  or  TepTrot/zrji'. 

ista]     forensic  distinction. 

quod  perfectum  non  sit]  ( which  is 
not  perfect,'  i.e.  strictly  morally  right. 
When  the  word  perfectu*  is  used,  the 
exact  respect  in  which  the  perfection 
appears  is  to  be  judged  from  the  context. 
Boot  suggests  per  se  rectum,  which  is 
ingenious. 

sententiam  suam]  Understand  dicer  e  : 
cp.  Heidemann,  p.  76. 

pulcre]  cp.  Planuus  Fam.  x.  23.  1 
(895),  Lepidum  enini  pulcre  noratn, 
*  thoroughly.' 

nugis]  Dr.  Reid  points  out  that  Cicero 
sometimes  uses  this  word  of  matters  con- 
nected witii  his  literary  works,  e.g.  632.  5, 
hui  qnaindiu  de  nugis !  Politics  are 
serious  things  (o-Troi/Scua)  :  cp.  679.  2  and 
note. 


142 


EP.  635  (ATT.  XIII. 


635.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  22). 
ARPINUM;  JULY  4;  A.  u.  c.  709;  B.C.  45;  AET.  cic.  ei. 

Quaerit  rursusde  Academicis  ad  Varronem  mittendis,  de  litteris  Cassii  et  Servii,  del 
morte  Marcelli,  de  scriptis  suis  non  temere  foras  dandis,  de  praedio  Oviae,  de  BrutoJ 
de  Tullio  scriba  ab  Attico  appellate  et  de  fano  aedificando,  de  Attici  adventu  in] 
Tusculanum  a  se  exspectato,  de  Atticae  valetudine. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  De  Varrone  non  sine  causa  quid  tibi  placeat  tarn  diligenterj 
exquiro.  Occurrunt  milii  quaedam,  sed  ea  coram.  Te  autem 
acrjutvairara  intexui,  faciamque  id  crebrius.  Proximis  enim  tuis 
litteris  primum  te  id  non  nolle  cognovi.  2.  DeMarcello  scripserati 
ad  me  Cassius  autea,  ra  Kara  fiipog  Servius.  O  rem  acerbam ! 
Ad  prima  redeo.  3.  Scripta  nostra  nusquam  malo  esse  quam 
apud  te,  sed  ea  turn  foras  dari  cum  utrique  nostrum  videbitur. 
Ego  et  libraries  tuos  culpa  libero  neque  te  accuse,  et  tamen  aliud 
quiddam  ad  te  scripseram,  Caerelliam  quaedam  babere  quae  nisi  a  te( 
habere  non  potuerit.  Balbo  quidem  intellegebam  sat  faciendumi 
fuisse,  tantum  nolebam  aut  obsoletum  Bruto  aut  Balbo  inchoatumi 
dari.  Yarroni,  simul  ac  te  videro,  si  tibi  videbitur,  mittam.  Quid 
autem  dubitarim,  cum  videro  te,  scies.  4.  Attributes  quodJ 


1.  Occurrunt  miki  quaedam]  i.e.  against 
the  project  of  transferring  to  Varro  from 
Catulus  and  Lucullus  the  chief  part  in 
the  Academica.  For  occurrunt  cp.  631  fin. 

sed  ea  coram']  593  fin. 

oo-jwej/aiTttTo]  '  I  introduced  you  in 
the  dialogue  de  tout  mon  coeur.'  M2  gives 
o.fjLfv4ffrara.  Observe  that  ao-fj-eviffrbs, 
above,  Att.  ix.  2a,  2  (356),  is  not  another 
form  of  the  superlative,  but  a  verbal 
adjective  from  aoyiej/ifw,  and  so  should 
be  accented  oxytone. 

2.  De  Marcello]  murdered  by  Magius 
Chilo  :     Ep.  613  is  the  detailed  letter  of 
Servius  Sulpicius. 

Cassius]      cp.     note    to    613.     1.     He 
was  probably  at   Brundisium,  where  he 
certainly  was   at   the  beginning  of   the 
year  :  cp.  Fam.  xv.  7.  4  (541). 
TO  Kara,  pfpos]     '  the  details.' 
0  rem  acerbam']     For   the   interjection 


0  see  Adn.  Crit.  and  note  to  617.  4. 
Here  we  think  it  should  be  inserted,  les 
rem  acerbam  should  be  taken  as  the  direc 
accus.  to  scripserat. 

3.  Scripta  nostra']     cp.  note  to  632.  4 
Caerelliam']     632.  5. 

quae  nisi  a  te  habere~]  The  MSS.  omi 
these  words :  but  they  are  found  in  th< 
ed.  lensoniana  (I).  They  are  essential 
and  the  reason  for  their  omission  i 
homoeoteleuton. 

sat]     cp.  note  to  665.  2. 

obsoletum  .  .  .  inchoatwn]  It  is  to  be 
observed  that  Cicero  here  uses  Latin 
words,  for  which,  in  a  previous  lette 
(632.  4),  he  had  recourse  to  the  Greek 
<fwA.cc  and  aSiopdwra.  It  is  not  always 
want  of  a  suitable  Latin  word,  but  some- 
times mere  caprice,  which  brings  Greet 
expressions  into  the  letters. 

4.  Attributes']     These     were     persons 


JSP.  635  (ATT.  XIII. 


143 


appellas,  valde  probe.  Te  de  praedio  Oviae  exerceri  moleste  fero. 
De  Bruto  nostro  perodiosum,  sed  vita  fert.  Mulieres  autem  vix 
satis  humane  quae  iniraico  animo  se  ferant,  cum  utraque  officio 
pareat.  Tullium  scribarn  nihil  fuit  quod  appellares :  uam  tibi 
mandassem,  si  fuisset.  Nihil  enim  est  apud  eum  positum  nomine 
voti,  sed  est  quiddarn  apud  ilium  meum.  Id  ego  in  hanc  rem  statui 
conferre.  Itaque  et  ego  recte  tibi  dixi  ubi  esset  et  tibi  ille  recte 
negavit.  Sed  hoc  quoque  ipsum  continue  adoriamur.  Lucum 
bominibus  non  sane  probo  quod  est  desertior  :  sed  habet  gu 


whose  debts  to  other  creditors  had  been 
made  over  (assigned)  to  Cicero,  in  pay- 
ment of  money  owed  to  him  (cp.  606.  1). 
Cicero  commends  Atticus  for  calling  on 
them  for  payment.  We  should  say,  '  you 
are  quite  right  in  insisting  on  those  bills 
being  taken  up.' 

valde  probe]  sc.fecistis.  Possibly  we 
should  read  probo,  with  Wolfflin :  cp. 
626.  1  ;  632.  7. 

Oviae]  the  wife  of  Lollius  before  re- 
ferred to  (557.  4). 

perodiosum,  sed  vita  fert]  '  a  horrid 
bore,  but  such  is  life,'  '  the  ordinary 
course  of  life  brings  it.'  To  add  ita  with 
Wes.  would  give  an  ill-sounding  colloca- 
tion. For  ferre  used  thus  absolutely  cp. 
Ter.  Andr.  188,  dum  tcmpns  ad  earn  rem 
tulit,  sivi  animum  ut  expleret  suum,  and 
phrases  like  si  occasio  tulerit  (Fam.  x. 
21.  6,  Ep.  861),  si  vestra  voluntas  feret 
(Leg.  Manil.  70). 

Mulieres']  Servilia,  the  mother,  and 
Porcia,  the  wife,  of  Brutus. 

?<?  ferant]  We  have  added  se,  as  we 
believe  the  meaning  to  be  '  The  ladies  are 
scarcely  acting  reasonably  in  their  hostile 
feelings  towards  one  another,  though 
both  behave  quite  correctly.'  Their  be- 
ta viour  is  quite  as  ordinary  good  society 
requires,  but  their  inner  feelings  towards 
teach  other  are  unnaturally  hostile — 
tfeline  amenities  were  no  doubt  inter- 
changed. For  inimico  animo  se  ferant, 
cp.  Verg.  Aen.  v.  372,  immani  corpore  qui 
se  Bebrycia  veniens  d.myci  de  genteferebat, 
and  Conington's  note.  Orelli  adds  in 
before  utraque,  making  Brutus  the  subject 
to  pareat.  But  it  is  unlikely  that  the 
women,  especially  Porcia,  could  be  hos- 
tile to  Brutus.  Servilia,  owing  to  her 
close  relations  with  Caesar,  naturally 
disapproved  of  the  marriage  of  Brutus 
with  Porcia. 


Tullium]  cp.  Fam.  v.  20. 1,  8,  9  (302). 
For  ilium,  referring  to  the  same  person  as 
eum,  cp.  Dr.  Reid  on  Lael.  59,  non  est  amid 
talem  esse  in  eum  qualis  ille  in  se  est,  who 
quotes  Sest.  7  :  Prov.  Cons.  1  ;  we  may 
addSull.  19:  Acad.  i.  1. 

nomine  voti]  '  earmarked  for  carrying- 
out  my  vow.'  The  term  is  perhaps  a 
business  one. 

Itaque]  '  Accordingly  I  was  right  in 
telling  you  where  the  money  was,  and  he 
was  quite  right  in  denying  the  fact  to 
you  ' :  for  Tullius  rightly  denied  that  he 
had  any  money  specially  earmarked  for 
the  fulfilment  of  a  vow  :  he  did  not  deny 
that  he  had  in  hands  money  of  Cicero's. 

adoriamur]  *  let  us  make  a  raid  on 
(pounce  on)  this  very  sum.' 

hominibm]  '  for  (the  commemoration  of) 
mortals,'  as  distinguished  from  gods.  But 
the  sentence  is  oddly  expressed.  Schiitz 
suggests  Lucum  quod  est  desertior  ab 
hominibus  non  sane  probo.  Fr.  Schmidt 
(Wiirzburg  Programm  (1892).  p.  27)  sug- 
gests Othonis  for  hominibus ;  and  Dr.  Reid 
(Hermathena,  p.  346),  omnino.  No  doubt 
the  Sca'pulan  gardens  are  referred  to. 
In  605.  2  (written  in  May)  Cicero  says 
lucus  celebritatem  nullam  turn  habebat,  nunc 
audio  maximum.  He  does  not  speak 
definitely  :  and  he  plainly  at  that  time  had 
no  certain  information  about  the  place. 

Sed  habet  fvKoyiav]  (  but  it  has  some- 
thing to  say  for  itself  (Shuckburgh),  like 
cv\oyov  (615.  1  :  619.  1).  Or  perhaps  'it 
is  well  spoken  of.'  Lid  dell  and  Scott 
refer  to  Romans  xvi.  18.  Schiitz  suggests 
fvwviav,  *  cheapness,'  which  would  be  very 
good  if  it  were  nearer  to  the  MS.  For  the 
latter  quality  we  might  suggest  evayiav, 
'  sanctity,'  '  solemnity.'  Its  retired 
position  and  unfrequented  site  would 
enhance  the  solemn  and  religious  associa- 
tions which  such  a  shrine  should  awaken. 


144  EP.  636  (ATT.  XIII.  33,  §§  4,  5}. 

Verum  hoc  quoque  lit  censueris,  quippe  qui  omnia.  Ego  nt  conl 
stitui  adero  :  atque  u  tin  am  111  quoque  eodem  die!  Sin  quid — multJ 
enim — utique  postridie.  Etenim  coheredes :  a  quibus  sine  tua 
opprimi  malitia !  5.  Est  alteris  iam  Htteris  nihil  ad  me  de  Attical 
Sed  id  quidem  in  optima  spe  pono.  Illud  accuso  non  te,  sed  illamj 
no  salutem  quidem.  At  tu  et  illi  et  Piliae  pi  u  rim  am,  nee  me  tame™ 
irasci  indicaris.  Epistulam  Caesaris  misi,  si  minus  legisses. 


636.     CICERO  TO  ATTICU8  (ATT.  xin.  33,  §§  4,  5). 

TUSCULUM  ;    JULY  9  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Varronis  adventu  et  C.  Capitonis  et  T.  Carrinatis,  de  C.  Caesaris  consilio  urbia 
augendae,  de  negotiis,  de  Bruto. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

4.  De  Varrone  loquebamur :  lupus  in  fabula.  Venit  enim  ad 
me,  et  quidem  id  temporis  ut  retinendus  esset.  Sed  ego  ita  egi 
ut  non  scinderem  paenulam  ;  memini  enim  tuum.  l&ienim  multl 
erant  nosque  imparati.  Quid  refer t  ?  Paullo  post  C.  Capito  cum 
'\\  Carrinate.  Horum  ego  vix  attigi  paenulam,  tamen  remanse- 

hoc   quoque"]    sc.  fades.     After   omnia  accusatives  is  rare,  but  the  fact  of  one 

understand   also  facias  ;    after  tu  quoque  of  them  being   a   neut.   pronoun  lessen! 

understand  adsis ;  after  sin  quid  under-  the  strangeness  of  the  construction, 

stand  sit   (=  '  happen  '    to   hinder  you) :  ne  salutem  quidem"]    sc.  dicere,  expresseJ 

after  multa  enim  understand  sunt  ('  many  in  Att.  vi.  4.  3  (268),  and  often  :  equallj 

such  do   occur) ;    after  po*tridie   under-  often  omitted,  550  fin.,  562  fin.,  &c. 

stand  nderis  :  and  after  coheredes  (632.  6)  si  minus']     '  in    case   you   should   not 

aderunt.     All  these  ellipses  are  normal.  have  read  it.' 

malitia]      'Just    think   of  my    being 

pounced  on  by  the  co-heirs  without  your  4.  lupus  in  fabula]    'talk  of  the  devil.l 

shrewdness  to  aid  me ! '     So  we  believe  cp.  Terence  Ad.  537,  and  Otto,  p.  200.   I 

should  run  a  passage  which  has  been  varie  id  temporis  lit]     l  so  late  that  he  had  to 

vexatus  (see  Adn.    Grit.).     For   malitia,  be  kept.'     Cp.  Koby,  §  1092. 

'  shrewdness,'  cp.  763.4,  si  mihi  imposu-  scinderem  paenulam]     '  I  did  not  quit* 

isset   aliquid,    quod  paene  fecit,  nisi  tua  tear  his  cloak  '  in  the  effort  to  keep  him| 

malitia  adfuisset  (a  very  similar  passage  from  going.      Otto    (p.   262)   quotes    nojl 

to  the  one  now  under  consideration)  ;  also  exact  parallel.      For  a  similar  raetaphoj 

Plancus  says  ego  non  mains  homo  hoc  suspi-  he  refers   to    De  Orat.  iii,  110,  obtineim 

cabar,  Fam.  x.  21.  3  (861).  atque    id  ipsum    lacinia,    and   comparei 

5.  in   optima   spe  pono~]     cp.   598.    3,  Plaut.  Asin.  587. 

alterum  in  metu  non  ponere.     Leg.  Agr.  tuwn]       '  your   phrase,'    i.e.    scindef^ 

ii  22  fructus  qui  in  spe  legis  huius  positi  paenulam  :    so    Dr.    Reid   interprets    m 

sunt  i  Q.  Fr.  iii  8.  1  (159)  Plura  ponuntur  Hermathena,  352,  where  he  also  suggestl 

in  spe.  etenim  for  et.    Generally  tuum  is  referred 

Illud  accuso']  '   My  accusation  is  this —  to  the  words  that  follow  as  being  a  fre« 

and  it  is  not  you  I  accuse,  but  her — that  quent  excuse  of  Atticus. 

she  never  sent  her  love ';  accuso  with  two  Quid  refertf]     '  what  good  is   that  to 


EP.  636  (ATT.  XIII.  33,  §§  4,  5). 


145 


•unt,  ceoiditque  belle.  Sed  casu  sermo  a  Capitone  de  urbe  augenda: 
i  ponte  Mulvio  Tiberim  duel  secundum  montis  Vaticanos,  campum 
Martium  coaedificari,  ilium  autem  campum  Vaticanum  fieri  quasi 
Martium  campum.  'Quid  ais?'  inquam  ;  'at  ego  ad  tabulam, 
jt,  si  recte  possem,  Scapulanos  hortos/  '  Cave  facias '  inquit, 

nam  ista  lex  perferetur.  Vult  euim  Caesar.'  Audire  me  facile 
)assus  sum,  fieri  autem  moleste  fero.  Sed  tu  quid  ais  ?  Quam- 
juam  quid  quaere-  ?  Nosti  diligentiam  Capitonis  in  rebus  novis 
3erquirendis  :  nou  concedit  Camillo.  Facies  me  igitur  certiorem 
Je  Idibus.  Ista  enim  me  res  adducebat.  Eo  adiunxeram  ceteras 
juas  consequi  tamen  biduo  aut  triduo  post  facile  potero.  Te  tamen 

n  via  confici  minime  volo  :  quin  etiam  Dionysio  ignosco.  5.  De 
Bruto  quod  scribis,  feci  ut  ei  liberum  esset  quod  a  me  attineret. 
Scripsi  enim  ad  eum  heri,  Idibus  eius  opera  mild  nihil  opus  esse. 


?  Capito  and  Carrinas  turned  up  anon, 
md,  though  I  hardly  laid  a  finger  on  their 
cloaks,  they  stayed.' 

ceciditque  belle]  '  it  turned  out  nicely,' 
jp.  Balbus  ap.  Att.  viii.  15«.  3  (346), 
wmmodius  cadere  non  posse. 

Sed]  This  is  much  as  our  '  well,'  a 
find  of  transition  from  less  important  to 
nore  important  matters.  It  has  been 
suggested  that  we  should  punctuate  ceci- 
iitque  belle  (sed  casu}  sermo,  which  is 
.ngenious  :  but  this  personal  use  of 
tadere  seems  to  be  for  the  most  part 
ontined  in  prose  to  very  general  terms, 
leuter  pronouns  or  general  words  like  res. 

coaedificari~]  '  built  over,'  cp.  Part-it. 
3rat.  36,  celebres  an  deserti,  coaedificati 
in  vasti  (sint  loca). 

Quid  ais?}  <  What?  'said  I;  'why,  I 
Aras  going  to  the  sale  to  buy  Scapula's 
>leasme-ground,  if  I  could  safely  do  so.' 

adtabulam~\  sc.  adero,  as  often.  We  do 
lot  feel  sure  that  the  word  for  '  buying  ' 
>r  '  securing '  can  be  understood  after 
tortos,  and  incline  to  think  that  we  should 
idd  conficiam  (579.  2 :  630.  2)  or  some  such 

ord. 

facile  passus  swn~\  '  I  was  glad  to  hear 
t'  (i.e.  to  learn  that  Caesar  was  going  to 
nake  the  alterations  in  the  city),  '  but  I 


am  vexed  that  the  scheme  is  being  carried 
out.'  For  facile  pati  cp.  622.  2  :  634.  1. 
Cicero  was  glad  to  hear  about  the  scheme, 
because  it  influenced  him  (as  would 
appear)  not  to  buy  the  Scapulan  gardens. 
We  only  hear  one  later  mention  of  the 
gardens,  viz.  647  fin.  Scripsi  enim  ad  te  de 
hortis,  which  may  have  been  a  determina- 
tion not  to  purchase. 

Camillo']     cp.  note  to  283.  3  :  309.  3. 

Idibus}  Possibly  this  was  the  proposed 
date  of  the  sale  at  Rome  of  Scapula's 
hortiy  which  he  refers  to  as  ista  res. 

quas  consequi  tamen]  '  which,  however, 
I  can  do  two  or  three  days  later,'  if 
Caesar's  law,  with  its  alterations,  should 
prevent  me  from  attending  the  Scapulan 
sale. 

Te  tamen]  '  yet  (even  though  I  should 
put  off  my  visit  to  Rome  for  some  days) 
I  don't  want  you  to  kill  yourself  with 
travelling.  And  I  excuse  even  Diouy- 
sius.'  Cicero  had  expressed  a  desire  that 
Atticus  should  come  to  Tusculanum,  but 
he  now  says  he  will  not  ask  him  to 
undertake  the  journey  in  the  middle  of 
July,  even  though  some  days  should 
elapse  before  they  met  in  Rome.  Cicero 
liked  the  society  of  Dionysius,  cp.  609.  3. 

Idibm  .  .  .  esse]  cp.  642.  2. 


VOL.    V. 


K 


146 


KP.  637  (ATT.  XIII. 


637.    CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  23). 
TUSCULIJM  ;  JULY  io;  A.  u.  c.  709  ;  B.  c.  45 ;  AET.  cic.  61. 

De  Bruto,  de  libris  ad  Varronem  absolutis,  item  de  libris  quos  Bruto  mittit,  del 
mandatis  suis  ab  Attico  explicandis,  de  possessiunculis  suis  et  de  re  familiari. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Antemeridianis   tuis    litteris  heri    statim    rescripsi :    nuno- 
respoudeo  vespertinis.     Brutus  mallem  me  arcesseret.    Et  aequius-j 
erat,  cum  illi  iter  instaret  et  subitum   et  longum,  et  mehercule- 
nunc,    cum    ita    simus    adfecti    ut   non    possimus    plane    simul '•: 
vivere — intellegis  enim  profecto    in   quo  maxime  posita  sit  GVJJL- 
jS/wov? — facile    patiebar    nos    potius   Komae  una   esse    quaru   in 
Tusculano.     2.  Libri  ad  Varronem   non  morabantur.     Sunt  enim 
fdeffecti,  ut  vidisti :    tantum    librariorum   menda  tolluntur.     De  j 
quibus  libris  scis  me  dubitasse,  sed  tu  videris.     Item,  quos  Bruto-] 
mittimus,  in  manibus  habent  librarii.     3.  Mea  mandata,  ut  scribis,  I 
explica  :  quamquam  ista  retentione  omnis  ait  uti  Trebatius :  quid 


1.  Antemeridianis  .  .   .  vespertinis]  cp. 
600. 

Briitus]  '  I  had  rather  Brutus  had 
summoned  me  to  Rome,'  than  visited  me 
in  Tusculum. 

Her']  to  meet  Caesar  on  his  return 
from  JSpain. 

<rv/m.fiici)  a  i  s~]  'You  know  what  makes 
a  man  good  company,'  sc.  mutual  sym- 
pathy and  community  of  sentiment,  which 
did  not  exist  between  Cicero  and  Brutus : 
cp.  note  to  625.  1.  Or  possibly  it  may  refer 
to  the  different  states  of  mind  of  the  two 
men  just  at  the  time — Brutus  being 
occupied  with  public  concerns  and  about 
to  be  married  ;  Cicero  in  grief  for  the  loss 
of  Tullia. 

2.  non  morabantur]  '  were  not  being  de- 
layed '    (as  you   complained).     So  Orelli 
interpreted  the   imperfect.     Or   perhaps 
4  were  not  delaying  me '  (from  going  to 
Rome),  as  we  should  say   'were  not  the 
delay';    so   Corradus.     Liineberg   conj. 
morabuntur, '  will  not  be  delayed.' 

deffecti~]  Wes.  and  Birt  (Antike  £nch- 
tcesen,  p.  350)  adopt  the  correction  of 
I,  effecti,  'completed,'  a  strange  use. 


Lamb,  more  ingeniously,  detexti  with  the^ 
same  meaning,  lit.  '  taken  or!  the  loom  ' ' 
('  stocks,'    as  we  might  say),  comparing; 
De  Orat.  ii.    158,  quibus  ante  exorsa    et 
potius  detexta prope  retexantur.  Gronovius  / 
suggests  affecti,  comparing  Gell.  iii.  16 J 
19     '  adfecta  '  enim    sicut    M.    Cicero   ea 
veteruin  elegantissimi  locnti  stint   en  pro- 
prie   dicebanlur  quae  non  ad  finem  ipsum. 
sed  proxime   finem     progressa    deductave* 
want  (see  Prov.  Cons.  19,  29).    Dr.  Reid 
prefers  refecti :   cp.   reficcre  teslainentuin 
(Digest  29.  1.  9),fabtilam  reficere  (Gael. 
71  :  also  refectum  773).    The  most  ingen- 
ious   suggestion    we    know   is   that    of 
Mr.  G.W.  Mooney,  who  would  read  defae- 
catl  '  cleared   of   blemishes,'    comparing- 
Sidonius  Ep.    i.    1.    3  tuae  examination^ 
has  litterulas  non  recensendas   .    .    .   sed 
defaccandus,   ut  aitint,   limandasque  com- 
mini.      The  objection  is  that  works  can, 
hardly  be   called  in  the    past   participle 
'  cleared    of    blemishes,'     from     which 
scribes'  errors  are  being  at  the  time  re- 
moved. 

3.  retentione]    '  rebatement '  :    cp.   640 
(25.  I).    The  Julian  law,  often  referred 


EP.  637  (ATT.  XIII. 


147 


tu  istos  putas  ?  Nosti  domwum.  Quare  confice  tvaywyMz.  Incre- 
dibile  est  quam  ego  ista  non  curem.  Omni  tibi  adseveratione 
adfirmo,  quod  mihi  credas  velim,  milii  maiori  offensioni  esse  quam 
delectation!  possessiunculas  meas.  Magis  enim  doleo  me  non 
habere  cui  tradam  quam  habere  qui  utar.  Atque  illud  Treba- 
tius  se  tibi  dixisse  narrabat.  Tu  autern  veritus  es  fortasse  ne  ego 
invitus  audireni.  Fuit  id  quidem  humanitatis,  sed,  mihi  crede, 
iam  ista  non  euro.  Qua  re  da  te  in  sermonem  et  perseca  et  confice 


to  in  these  letters,  allowed  debtors 
to  pay  their  debts  by  making  over 
property  to  their  creditors  on  the 
valuation  existing  before  the  Civil 
War,  and  with  all  interest  already  paid 
deducted  from  the  amount  of  the  debt, 
qua  condicione  quarto,  pars  fere  crediti 
ieperibat  (Suet.  Jul.  42).  Cicero  appar- 
ently thought  that  people  should  not  avail 
themselves  of  the  rebatement.  He  says, 
when  we  hear  from  Trebatius  (623.  1) 
that  people  are  universally  taking 
idvantage  of  this  rebatement,  what  do 
you  think  those  debtors  of  mine  will 
do  ?  '  He  afterwards  says  that  they  were 
ersons  who  would  be  more  likely  to 
slaini  what  was  not  due,  than  to  remit 
any  portion  of  their  rights. 

dowinum']  Dr.  Eeid  (p.  347)  suggests 
dominum,  i.e.  Caesar,  for  domttm:  'you 
know  their  master  :  like  master,  like  man  ; 
plunderers  all.'  This  is  better  than  to 
attempt  to  explain  domnm  as  if  it  were 
genus  (cp.  de  genere  toto  713.  2)  '  the 
gang.' 

ev  ay  (ay  as]  '  doucement,  in  an  accom- 
modating spirit ;  bono  modo  at  the  end  of 
;he  letter  has  the  same  sense. 

Magis.  .  .  tttar]  Schmidt  would  add 
non  before  habere,  and  interpret  '  I  am 
more  grieved  by  not  having  anyone  to 
.eave  my  property  to  (Tullia  being  dead, 
ind  Marcus  not  very  satisfactory  in  his 
2onduct)  than  by  not  having  command  of 
ready  money  now.'  He  also  suggests 
juam  habere  quin  utar,  '  than  to  hold  my 
property  without  enjoying  it.'  Dr.  Eeid 
|p.  347)  thinks  that  this  is  the  meaning, 
which  he  would  obtain  by  reading  quam 
habere  quo  non  tttar,  which  is  certainly 
better  Latin.  He  also  warns  us  against 
supposing  that  the  first  clause  refers  to 
any  thought  of  disinheriting  young 
Marcus,  though  no  doubt  he  was  not 
quite  satisfied  with  his  son  at  this  time 
[cp.  601. 1 ; 657. 2 ;  664. 2 qualisctmque est}: 


it  expresses  regret  that  he  has  not  a  son 
on  the  spot  to  whom  he  could  devolve  the 
management  of  his  property.  This  seems 
to  us  also  to  be  the  meaning  of  the  first 
clause  :  but  the  second,  quam  habere  qui 
utar,  we  take  to  mean  '  than  rejoice  that 
I  have  sufficient  means.'  Yet  we  would 
not  add  laetor  or  gaudeo,  but  understand 
some  such  verb  by  the  figure  called 
zeugma:  cp.  Att.  x.  4.  4  (382)  Horum 
ego  summorum  imperatorum  non  modo  res 
gestas  non  antepono  meis,  sed  nefortunam 
quidem  ipsam  :  qua  illiflorentissima,  nos 
duriore  conflictati  videmur,  where  we 
should  understand  f elicit er  usi  or  some 
such  word  the  opposite  of  conflictati. 
Prof.  Hotisman  (Class.  Rev.  xv.  404  ff.) 
explains  in  this  way  Hor.  Epod.  xv.  7, 
and  many  other  passages  in  the  poets,  and 
quotes  Att.  x.  4.  4.  This  kind  of  zeugma 
is  most  frequent  in  the  poets,  but  in 
unstudied  prose  it  need  not  surprise  us. 
perseca^  We  meet  rerum  naturas  per- 
secare,  '  to  detect,  lay  bare,  the  secrets  of 
nature'  in  Acad.  ii.  122,  and  the  word 
may  just  possibly  bear  the  same  meaning 
here.  Shuckburgh  racily  translates  '  get 
your  knife  in,'  which  seems  better. 
Dr.  Eeid  would  alter  to  perjlce.  If  we 
believed,  as  many  of  the  commentators 
do,  that  the  words  da  .  .  .  confae  were  a 
quotation  from  some  old  poet,  we  should 
be  disposed  to  read  persece,  as  an  impera- 
tive oiperseco,  or  perse  quo,  an  old  form  of 
persequor,  the  active  form  instead  of  the 
deponent  being  a  characteristic  mark  of 
archaism.  But  there  doesnot  seem  to  be  any 
good  reason  for  regarding  da  . .  .  confice  as 
a  quotation  from  a  play,  or  Scaeva  as  one 
of  the  interlocutors  in  the  scene.  Scaeva 
is  no  doubt  the  favourite  centurion  of 
Caesar,  of  whom  we  read  B.  C.  iii.  53, 
scutoque  ad  eum  relato  Scaevae  centurionis 
inventa  sunt  in  eo  foramina  cxx.  Quem 
Caesar,  ut  erat  de  se  meritus  et  de  rep., 
donatum  milibus  cc  .  .  .  ad  primipilum  se 

K2 


148 


EP.  638  (FAM.  XIII.  77). 


et  ita  cum  Polla  loquere  ut  te  cum  illo  Scaeva  loqui  putes,  n( 
existimes  eos,  qui  non  debita  consectari  soleant,  quod  debeati 
remissuros.  De  die  tantum  videto,  et  ipsum  be-no  modo. 


638.    CICERO  TO  P.  SULPICIUS  EUFUS 
(FAM.  xin.  77). 

ROME  ;    AUTUMN  ;    A.  U.  C.  708  J    B.  C.  46  ;    AET.  C1C.  60. 

M.  Cicero  P.  Sulpicio,  officio  suo  in  supplicatione  decernenda  narrate,  commem 
M.  Bolanum  et  ut  servum  fugitivum  restituendum  curet  rogat. 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  P.  SULPICIO  IMPERATOKI. 

1.  Cum  his  temporibus  non  sane  in  senatum  ventitarem,  tamen,, 
ut  tuas  litteras  legi,  non  existimavi  me  salvo  iure  nostrae  veteri* 
amicitiae  multorumque  inter  nos  officiorum  facere  posse  ut  honori] 
tuo  deessem  ;  itaque  adfui  supplicationemque  tibi  libenter  decrevi, 
nee  reliquo  tempore  ullo  aut  rei  aut  existimationi  aut  dignitatij 


traducere  yronuntiavit.  He  is  again 
spoken  of  as  a  protege  of  Caesar's  in  713.  2. 
The  whole  meaning  of  the  paragraph  is, 
'  remember  that  you  have  to  do  with 
Caesariaus,  who  have  the  upper  hand,  and 
are  determined  to  use  their  advantages.' 
Dr.  Reid  strongly  supports  cum  Balbo  for 
compella.  His  influence  was  important 
for  securing  the  debt  due  by  Faberius  :  cp. 
565.  2;  593.  1;  616.1.  We  read  cum 
Polla  (though  who  is  referred  to  is  not 
known),  as  Polla  is  found  in  v.  c.  and  2. 
See  Adn.  Grit. 

De  die]  sc.  soltitionis,  '  see  that  the 
payment,  whatever  it  is,  he  prompt ;  but 
then  also  see  to  it  quietly,'  lit.  *  see  only 
concerning  the  day  and  (do)  that  quietly.' 

bono  modo~\  A  colloquial  expression  for 
'moderately'  :  cp.  Q.  Fr.  ii.  4.  3  (105) 
a/ji<pi\a<f)iav  illatn  .  .  .  bono  modo  desidero  : 
Acad.  ii.  137  :  Plaut.  Merc.  1022. 

Misled  by  the  writer  of  Bell.  Afr.  10, 
1,  we  thought  that  Sulpicius  was  a  joint 
commander  with  Vatinius  in  the  province 
of  lllyricum  (as  Manutius  holds),  and  ac- 
cordingly postponed  this  letter  to  the  year 
709  (45),  when  Yatinius  was  in  command 
in  lllyricum.  But  the  event  referred  to 
in  Bell.  Afr.  occurred  in  707  (47) ;  and 
the  dual  command  did  not  necessarily  con- 


tinue beyond   that   year,    or  extend 
more  than  the  fleet.     We  now  perceved 
that  Sulpicius  was  commander-in-chief  of  j 
the  forces  in  lllyricum  during  70S  (46), 
and  that  Vatinius  held  the  same  position] 
from  709  (45)  to  711   (43).     Accordingly] 
this  letter  belongs  to   708    (46),    and  it  I 
should  have  appeared  in   the   preceding] 
volume.     This  error  is,  however,  in  soi 
small  degree  compensated  by  the  fact  that 
it  is  thus   brought  into   connexion  wit" 
the  correspondence  between  Cicero  am 
Vatinius  when  the  latter  was  in  lllyricum.{ 

P.  SULPICIO]  This  P.  Sulpicius 
the  son  of  the  eminent  jurist :  cp.  vol.  iv,| 
p.  Ixxviii.  He  was  a  legatus  of  CaesarJ 
in  Gaul  in  699  (55) :  cp.  B.  G.  iv.  22,  6, 
and  in  Spain  in  705  (49),  cp.  B.  C.  i.  74,) 
6.  He  was  praetor  in  706  (48),  anc 
commander  at  Vibo  of  Caesar's  fleet,! 
which  was  attacked  by  C.  Cassius  (B.  C.j 
iii.  101.  1).  There  is  no  reason  whatever 
to  alter  Sulpicio  to  Vatinio,  as  is  done  by] 
Rutilius,  Corradus,  and  others :  see  Manu- 
tius. 

1.  salvo  iure]  '  without  prejudice  to,1, 
cp.  Fam.  i.  2.  4  (96),  ut  ne  quid  agi 
populo  aut  salvis  auspiciis  aut  salvis  legibw 
aut  denique  sine  vi  posset. 

aut  rei  .  .  .  tuae]     *  your  interests,  re- 
putation, or  position.'     This  stipplicatio 


EP.  638  (FAM.  XIII.  77).  149 

jtuae  deero.  Atque,  hoc  ut  tui  necessarii  sciant  hoc  me  anirao  erga 
|e  esse,  velim  facias  eos  per  litteras  certiores,  ut  si  quid  tibi  opus 
pit  lie  dubitent  mihi  iure  suo  denuntiare.  2.  M.  Bolanum,  virum 
ijbonum  et  fortem  et  omnibus  rebus  ornatum  meumque  veterem 
kmicum,  tibi  magno  opere  commendo.  Pergratum  mihi  feceris 
pi  curaris  ut  is  intellegat  hanc  commendationem  sibi  magno 
Hiumento  fuisse,  ipsumque  virum  optimum  gratissimumque  cog- 
joosces :  promitto  tibi  te  ex  eius  amicitia  magnam  voluptatem  esse 
papturum.  3.  Praeterea  a  te  peto  in  maiorem  modum  pro  nostra 
tamicitia  et  pro  tuo  perpetuo  in  me  studio  ut  in  hac  re  etiam 
elabores.  Dionysius,  servus  meus,  qui  meam  bibliothecen  mul- 
jtorum  nummorum  tractavit,  cum  multos  libros  surripuisset  nee  se 
inpune  laturum  putaret,  aufugit.  Is  est  in  provincia  tua  :  eum  et 
M.  Bolanus,  meus  familiaris,  et  multi  alii  Naronae  viderunt,  sed, 
bum  se  a  me  manumissum  esse  diceret,  crediderunt :  hunc  tu  si 
mihi  restituendum  curaris,  non  possum  dicere  quani  mihi  gratum 
[uturum  sit :  res  ipsa  parva,  sed  animi  mei  dolor  magnus  est.  Ubi 
jit  et  quid  fieri  possit  Bolanus  te  docebit.  Ego  si  hominem  per 
[:e  recuperaro,  summo  me  a  te  beneficio  adfectum  arbitrabor. 

vas  no  doubt  granted  to  Sulpicius  before          provincia]      Though     Illyricum     was 

Daesar  left  for  Spain  in  tbe  second  inter-  called  a  provincia  during  the  period  of  the 

salary  month.  Civil  War  (Caes.  B.  G.  v.  1.  5  :  B.  Alex. 

ne  .  .  .  iure  suo  denuntiare]     'that  they  42.  4),  and  mentioned,  by  Dio  Cass.  1.  6, 

mist  not  hesitate  to  intimate  it  to  me,  as  among  the  provinces  which  took  the^ide 

,hey  have  every  right  to  do  so ' :  for  suo  of  Augustus  against  Antony,   yet  it  is 

we,  cp.  Fin.  v.  4,  Pomponius  nosier  iocari  omitted  by   Augustus    himself  in   Mon. 

:idetur  etfortasse  suo  iure.  Ancyr.    5.    5;    5.    35.      Mommsen  (Res 

2.  Bolanwn]  Nothing  further  is  known  gestae    d.    Aug.,    p.    99)   considers   that 

;or  certain   of  this    man.     An  irascible  Illyricum  was  not  strictly  organized  m 

Bolanus    appears   in  Horace    (Sat.  i.  9,  the  form  of  a  province   until  after  the 

11).  Orelli  supposes  he  is  Cicero's  friend.  battle  of  Actium,  as  before  that  date  there 

3.  meam    bibliothecen  multorum    num-  were  constant  wars  with  the  Dalmatians 

norum]      'my    very    valuable    library.'  and  other   tribes.     Those   who  were  m 

For  the  genitive,  cp.  Sail.  Jug.  85,  39,  command  in  that  region,  viz.,  C.  Antomus 

olitris  preti  cocum  :  Verr.  iv.  88,  signum  in  705  (49),  Cornificius  in  706,  707  (48, 

oecuniae  magnae  sustulit.     We  read  the  47),  Sulpicius  in   708  (46),  Vidimus  in 

form  -thecen  with  M.  Pal.,  not  -thecam  of  709-711  (45-43),  and  others,  were  rather 

H.     The  form  -am,  however,  occurs  in  M  generals  of  the  forces  than  regular  gover- 

-n  Fam.  vii.  28.  2  (477) ;  Att.  i.  7.  1  (3) ;  nors  of  a  province. 
10.  4  (6),  cp.  Neue-Wagener  i.3  67.  Naronae']     cp.  639.  2. 


150 


EP.  639  (FAM.   V.  9). 


639.     VATINIUS  TO  CICERO  (FAM.  v.  9). 


NAHONA  ;    JULY  11  I    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AKT.  CIC.  61. 

P.  Yatinius  ex  consulatu  Illyrico  a  C.  Caesare  dictatore  praefectus  M.   Cicei 
dignitatem  suam  contra  invidos  defendendam  commendat. 

YATINIUS  IMP.  CICERONI  SUO  SAL. 

1.  S.  V.  B.  E.  E.  V.      Si  tuam  consuetudinem  in  patrocini 
tuendis  servas,  P.  Vatinius  cliens  advenit,  qui  pro  se  causam  dici 
volt :  non,  puto,  repudiabis  in  honore  quern  in  periculo  recepistl 
Ego  autem   quern  potius  adoptem  aut  invocem  quam  ilium  qui 
defendente  vincere  didici  ?     An  verear  ne,  qui  potentissimoruil 
hominum  conspirationem  neglexerit  pro  mea  salute,  is  pro  hono« 
meo   pusillorum   ac   malevolorum   obtrectationes  et  invidias  noil 
prosternat  atque  obterat  ?     Qua  re  si  me,  sicut  soles,  amas,  suscipeJ 
meme  totum  atque  hoc,  quicquid   est  oneris  ac  muneris,  pro  meal 


For  Vatinius  see  Introduction. 

1.  S.V.  B.  E.  E.  F.]  =  si  vales  bene 
est,  ego  valeo:  cp.  vol.  i3,  pp.  57-58. 

consuetudinem  .  .  .  servas]  '  if  you 
continue  to  observe  your  custom  of  de- 
fending clients,  P.  Yatinius  comes  for- 
ward in  that  capacity  with  a  desire  that  a 
case  do  be  pleaded  in  his  behalf.' 

dicier"]  an  archaic  form  of  the  infini- 
tive passive  which  is  not  used  by  Cicero 
except  in  his  Aratea. 

puto']  This  parenthetic  use  we  find  in 
Att.  xii.  11  (502);  49,  1  (597),  and  often. 

in  honore]  '  in  my  time  of  distinction  '  : 
for  this  use  of  in  cp.  Fam.  iii.  11,  4 
(265),  in  summis  tuis  occupationibus  mi  hi 
tamen  rei  p.  statum  per  te  notum  esse 
voluisti. 

adoptem]  l  choose ' :  cp.  Div.  in 
Caecil.  64,  Sest.  9  :  for  invocare,  cp.  De 
Orat.  ii.  196. 

conspirationem] '  coalition  ' ;  conspirare 
is  not  used  by  Cicero  in  the  bad  sense  of 
'  conspiring ;  '  but  conspiratio  is  found  for 
'  conspiracy '  in  his  contemporaries,  as 
here,  and  in  Dec.  Brut.  ap.  Fam.  xi.  130, 
5  (900),  contra  sceleratixsimam  conspira- 
tionem hostium  conjligamus ;  and  also  in 
bis  own  speeches  :  Scaur.  20.  Deiot.  11  ; 
cp.  Schmalz  Ueber  die  Latinitdt  des  P. 
Vatinius  (Mannheim,  1881),  p.  17. 

pro  mea]  Schmalz  (p.  22)  notices  that 
Cicero  would  have  used,  prae  :  cp.  Fam. 


xiv.  4.  2  (62);  Post  Red.  in  Sen.  38;J 
Mil.  3.  But  it  is  quite  possible  that  prm 
means  '  on  behalf  of,'  not  'in  comparison 
with.'  The  occasion  was  when  Yutini^H 
was  accused  by  Calvus  of  ambitus  a^| 
Cicero  defended  him  :  cp.  Fam.  i.  9, 
(153). 

pusillorum  .   .  .  obterat]      '  cast  do 
and   trample  under  foot  the  detracti 
and  jealousies    of    petty   and   malici 
traducers.'    These  were  men  who  wish 
to   impugn   the  conduct   of  Yatinius 
Illyricum,    and    minimize    his    mill 
exploits. 

obtrectationes    et    invidias]       For   th 
collocation    of     these    words     Schm 
(p.  23)  compares  Brut.   156,  tantum  a 
ab  obtrectatione  et  invidia. 

meme]     M    me  GIL     The   reading 
M  is  acknowledged  by  Priscian  xii,  5.  2 
p.  947  (=  i.  592,  4  Ke'il.),  and  adopted  " 
Becher  in  one  of  the  letters  of  Caeliul 
Fam.   viii.  2.  1  (198),  where   see   not 
It  also  occurs  in  one  MS  in  De  Domo, 
in  Sil.  Ital.  ix.  651,  and  in  M  in  Fa 
xiii.  1.  2  (199):  cp.  Neue  ii3  354.     Tl 
evidence  is  so  evenly  divided,  that  it 
perhaps,  best  to  adhere  to  the  reading 
M,  though  Wes.  (Emend.  59)  points 
that  the  usual  form  is  memet.     Yatini 
as  being  an   uncultivated  writer,  wo 
prefer  the  emphatic  form  of  the  prono 

oneris  ac  muneris]  '  responsibility 


EP.  639  (FAM.   V.  9). 


151 


dignitate  tibi  tuendum  ac  sustinendum  puta.  Scis  nieam  fortuuam 
scio  quo  raodo  facile  obtrectatores  invenire,  non  meo  quidem 
raehercules  merito  ;  sed  quanti  id  refert,  si  tamen  fato  nescio  quo 
accidit  ?  Si  qui  forte  f  uerit  qui  nostrae  dignitati  obesse  velit,  peto 
a  te  ut  tuam  consuetudinem  et  liberalitatem  in  me  absente  defen- 
dendo  mihi  praestes.  Litteras  ad  senatum  de  rebus  nostris  gestis, 
quo  exemplo  miseram,  infra  tibi  perscripsi.  2.  Dicitur  mihi  tuus 
servus  anagnostes  fugitivus  cum  Vardaeis  esse  ;  de  quo  tu  mihi 
niliil  mandasti,  ego  tamen  terra  marique  ut  conquireretur  prae- 
mandavi,  et  profeoto  tibi  ilium  reperiam,  nisi  si  in  Delmatiam 
aufugerit,  et  inde  tamen  aliquando  eruam.  Tu  nos  fac  ames. 
Vale.  A.  d.  Y.  Id  us  Quinotilis,  ex  castris,  Narona. 


duty'  :  cp.  Verr.  iii.  7,  qui  praesertim 
plus  etiain  .  .  .  oneris  ac  muneris  suscipere 
debcam  :  De  Orat.  i.  116. 

.si  tamen~\  '  if  only '  =  -si  modo.  This 
use  is  very  frequent  in  the  silver  age  : 
cp.  Mayor  on  Plin.  Epp.  iii.  6.  6,  where 
he  gives  a  long  list  of  examples :  it  is 
found  twice  in  Ovid  (Met.  iv.  537  :  Trist. 
iii.  14.  24).  The  explanation  of  the 
words  is  '  if  (notwithstanding  that  the 
detraction  is  undeserved)  it  is  all  my 
fate.' 

dignitati}  Vatinius  wished  to  obtain 
at  least  a  supplicatio  as  a  reward  for  his 
exploits.  It  was  granted  to  him  in 
September. 

consuetudinem  et  liberalitateni}  'your 
accustomed  generosity.' 

Litteras]  This  letter  has  been  lost.  '  I 
have  transcribed  below  for  you  an  exact 
copy  of  the  despatch  I  sent  to  the  senate 
about  my  exploits.'  For  exempltim  '  copy,' 
cf.  note  to  Alt.  ix.  6.  3  (360). 

2.  anagnostes}  '  reader.'  His  name 
was  Dionysius  :  cp.  638.  3  :  696.1.  The 
Vardaei  lived  near  Narona. 

praemandavi}  '  I  have  issued  a  warrant.' 
The  force  ofprae  may  be,  as  Holden  points 


out,  that  the  warrant  was  intended  to  reach 
the  place  of  retreat  before  necessity  for 
action  arose:  cp.  Plane.  31,  idem  postea 
pracmandatis  requisitus,  and  Holden's 
note:  cp.  Plant.  True.  403.  We  think 
it  might  also  mean  '  before  any  letter 
should  come  from  you.' 

nisi  si]  This  combination  belongs  to 
the  language  of  every-day  life  :  cp. 
Ter.  Eun.  662,  nisi  si  domum  forte  ad  nos 
rediit:  Fam.  xiv.  2.  1  (79),  nisi  si  quis 
ad  me  plura  scripsit:  viii.  15.  1  (344)  : 
Att.  x.  1.2  (378).  The  nisi  is  to  be  re- 
garded as  an  adverb,  'except'  :  cp. 
et  /^/  e*  occasionally  in  Greek,  e.g.  Plat. 
Rep.  581  D. 

Delmatiam']  Here  and  676.  3  M  has 
the  form  Delm-.  Elsewhere  it  has  Dalm-. 
Gil  always  have  Dalm-.  Mommsen 
(C.  I.  L.  iii.  1,  p.  280)  says  that  there  is 
equally  good  evidence  for  Delmatia  and 
JJalmatia. 

et  inde  .  .  .  eruam~\  '  and  (even  if  he 
gets  there)  yet  I  will  ferret  him  out  of 
that  some  time  or  other' :  cp.  696.  1. 

Narona\  a  town  on  the  coast  of  Illy- 
ria,  about  half-way  between  Histria  and 
Dyrrhachium,  a  little  south  of  Salonae. 


152 


EP.  640  (ATT.  XIII.  24  AND  25,  §  1). 


640.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  24  AND  25,  §  i). 


TUSCULUM  ;    JULY  11  ;    A.  IT.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIO.  61. 

De  Cicerone  ab  Andromene  Corcyrae  viso.     De  libris  Varroni  mittendis. 
CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Quid  est  quod  Hermogenes  mihi  Clodius  Andromenem  sit 
dixisse  se    Ciceronem    vidisse   Corcyrae?     Ego  enim  audita  tib 
putarara.     Nil  igitur  ne  ei  quidem  litterarum  ?     An  non  vidit 
Facies  ergo  ut  sciam. 

2.  Quid  tibi  ego  de  Varrone   rescribam  ?     Quattuor 
sunt  in  tua  potestate  :  quod  egeris,  id  probabo.     Nee  tamen 

fjaL  Tpwa?.     Quid  enim  ?     Sed  ipsi  quam  res  ilia  probaretur  magis 
verebar.     Sed  quoniam  tu  suscipis,  in  alteram  aurem. 

[25.  1.]     De   retentione   rescripsi   ad   tuas   accurate   scripts 
litteras.    Confides   igitur    et    quidem  sine   ulla   dubitatione   aul 
retractatione.    Hoc  fieri  et  oportet  et  opus  est. 


1.  Quid  est  .  .  .  litterartim?]  «  What  is 
this   that  Hermogenes  Clodius  (cp.  note 
to  561.  1)  tells  me,  that  Andromenes  has 
reported  to  him  that  he  saw  my  son  at 
Corcyra  ?     I  made  sure  you  must  have 
heard  of  it  [if  true].     Is  it  possible  that, 
if  my  son   met  Andromenes,  he   should 
have  sent  no  letters  by  him  ?     Or  did  he 
never   see   him  ?  '     Cicero    suspects  the 
whole   statement    to  be    a   canard,  or  a 
mistake.     Atticus,  as  we  learn  from  the 
next  letter  but  one,  confirmed  him  in  this 
opinion — '  About     Andromenes,    I    had 
made  up  my  mind  that  it  was  as  you  say 
in   your  letter,    else    you    would    have 
learned  the  matter,  and  communicated  it 
to  me.' 

2.  8i<t>8epai'](  parchment  rolls.'  This 
is  interesting,  as  showing  that  parchment 
or  vellum  was  used  as  a  writing  material 
even  in  the  time  of  Cicero :  cp.  Sir  E. 
Maunde    Thompson    (Greek    and    Latin 
Palaeography,  p.  29).     It  appears,  how- 
ever, from  Herod,  v.  58  that  the  Ionian 
Greeks    used    to     call    papyrus     sheets 


8t<p0epas  (cp.  ib.  p.  22).  Zifydfpa  is  als<« 
applied  to  the  tnembranu  or  parchment! 
wrapper  in  which  separate  books  wer« 
kept  ;  cp.  Marquaidt-Mau,  frivatlebenm 
p.  818,  note  1. 

cuSe'ojuou  Tp was]    Horn.  II.  vi.  442J 
Hector  to  Andromache,  a  quotation  whicM 
occurs    some    half-dozen    times   in   the 
Letters:  cp.  Att.  ii.  5.  1  (32):  vii.  1.  4 
(284) :   627.  4,  and  Index. 

in  alteram  aurem~\     sc.  dormire  licet,  d 
proverb  for  ease  of  mind  and  absence  of 
concern,  found   in  Ter.  Heaut.  342,  in 
the  form  in  utramvis  aurem  dormire.  Thufl 
usage  of  Cicero's  is  a  variation  of  that 
more    ordinary   form    of    the    proverb! 
Pliny  has  yet  another  form  (Ep.  iv.  29.  1)1 
nihil  est   quod  in  dextram  aurem  fiduciM 
mea  dormias,  as  one  was  supposed  to  sleepl 
more  soundly    on   the  right  ear.     TheJ 
Greeks  appear  to  have  said  lir'  a^orfprn 
[3ro]  KaQfvSeiv  (Menander  ap.  Gell.  ii. 
23.  9). 

[25.  1]  retentione']  *  rebatement '  :  cpJ 
637.  3  :  retractatione  '  demur,'  *  reserve.l 


EP.  641   (FAM.  IX.  8).  153 


641.     CICERO  TO   VARRO  (FAM.  ix.  s). 

TUSCULUM  J    JULY   11  OR  12  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

Promiserat  M.  Varro  ad  M.  Ciceronem  se  librum  aliquem  missurum :  Cicero  eum 
promissi  admonet  missis  quattuor  Academicorum  libris. 

CICERO  VARRONI. 

1.  Etsi  munus  flagitare,  quamvis  quis  ostenderit,  ne  populus 
quidem  solet  nisi  concitatus,  tamen  ego  exspectatione  promissi  tui 
moveor  ut  admoneam  te,  non  ut  flagitem ;  misi  autem  ad  te  quat- 
tuor admonitores  non  nimis  verecundos:  nosti  enim  profecto  os 
illius  adulescentioris  Academiae.  Ex  ea  igitur  media  excitatos 
misi,  qui  metuo  ne  te  forte  flagitent ;  ego  autem  mandavi  ut 
rogarent.  Exspectabam  omnino  iam  diu  meque  sustinebam,  ne  ad 
te  prius  ipse  quid  scriberem  quam  aliquid  accepissem,  ut  possem 
te  remunerari  quam  simillimo  munere  ;  sed,  cum  tu  tardius  faceres, 
id  est,  ut  ego  interpreter,  diligentius,  teneri  non  potui  quin  con- 
iunctionem  studiorum  amorisque  nostri  quo  possem  litterarum 
genere  declararem.  Feci  igitur  sermonem  inter  nos  habitum  in 
Cumano,  cum  esset  una  Pomponius :  tibi  dedi  partis  Antiochinas, 

This  is  the  dedicatory  epistle  sent  with  order  not  to  write  anything  to  you  myself 

the  Academica.  before  I  received  something,  and  in  order 

1.  ostenderit]     'held  out  expectations  to  be  able  to  return  you  as  similar  a  gift 

of,'   'promised,'  a  rare  use  of  the  word  :  as  I  could.' 

cp.  549.  4.  Dr.  Reid  quotes  Att.  ix.  13.  4  sustinebam]     cp.  note  to  652.  3. 

(369),  sedet  isle  qui  plus  ostenderat  quam  coniunctionem  .  .  .  nostri]     '  the  close 

fecit ;  De   Sen.   70,    Ver  enim   tamquam  bond  between  us  in  our  studies  and  our 

mdnlescentia  significat  ostenditque  fructus.  love.' 

Add    Arch.     16;    Att.  ix.    9.    1    (364).  Cumano']   '  Between  the  date  of  Tullia's 

Munus,  '  a  gladiatorial  show'  ;  flagitare,  death  (mentioned  in   Acad.  Post.  i.  11) 

to  clamour  for.'  and  the  writing  of  the  Academica,  it  can 

promissi  tui~]    cp.  626.  3.  be  shown  that  Varro,  Cicero,  and  Atticus 

os  illius  adulescentioris  Academiae']  'the  could  not  have  met  together  at  Cumae. 

effrontery    ('cheek'  in  slang   language)  Cicero,  therefore,  for  once  admits  into  his 

of  that  rather  youthful  Academy.'  Cicero  works  an  impossibility  in  fact.    This  im- 

purposely  uses  the  word  adulescentior  in-  possibility  would  at  once  occur  to  Varro, 

stead  of   nova,   to   express   the    '  young-  and  Cicero  anticipates  his  wonder  in  the 

mannishness '  of  the  New  Academy,  and  letter  of  dedication,'  Reid,  Acad.  p.  4<J. 
the  self-assertion  which,  was  its  charac-  Antiochinas  .  .  .  Philonis]    Antiochus 

teristic.    '  of  Ascalon  was  the  Eclectic  philosopher 

excitatos]     a   very   common   word   for  pnr  excellence.      He    professed    to   have 

'•calling-lip'  a  witness:  cp.  De  Orat.  ii.  blended  the  Stoic,  Peripatetic,  and  Aca- 

124.  demic    philosophies    '  into    one    organic 

ne  .  .  .  ut]     This  asyndeton  would  not  unity,   and,  in  reality,  so  far  succeeded, 

appear  according  to  English  idiom :   '  in  that  his  misshapen  doctrine  became  the 


154 


EP.  6J&  (ATT.  XIII.  26,  §§ 


quas  a  te  probari  intellexisse  mihi  videbar ;  mihi  sumpsi  Philonis. 
Puto  fore  ut,  cum  legeris,  rairere  nos  id  looutos  esse  inter  nos  qu< 
numquam  locuti  sumus  :  sed  nosti  morem  dialogorum.    2.  Posthi 
autem,  mi  Varro,  quam  plurima,  si  videtur,  et  de  nobis  inter  nos 
sero   fortasse ;    sed    superiorum   temper um  Fortuna  rei   publi( 
causam   sustineat,  haec   ipsi   praestare   debemus.     Atque  utini 
quietis  temporibus  atque  aliquo,  si  non  bono,  at  saltern  certo  stati 
civitatis  liaec  inter  nos  studia  exercere  possemus  !  quamquam  tui 
quidem   vel  aliae   quaepiam   rationes  honestas  nobis  et  curas  et 
actiones  darent ;  nunc  autem  quid  est  sine  his  cur  vivere  velimus 
Mihi  vero  cum  his  ipsis  vix,  his  autem  detractis   ne  vix   quidem. 
Sed  haec  coram  et  saepius.     Migrationem  et  emptionem  feliciter 
even  ire  volo  tuumque  in  ea  re  consilium  probo.     Cura  ut  valeas.   I 


<U2.     CICERO  TO  ATTIOUS  (ATT.  xm.  25,  §§  2,3). 
TUSCULUM  ;  JULY  12 ;  A.  u.  c.  709  ;  B.  c.  45 ;  AET.  cic.  61. 

De  Andromene,  de  Bruto  et  adventu  Ciceronis  inurbem,  de  libris  Varroni  mittendij 
an  ad  Brutum  transferendis. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

2.  De  Andromene,    ut    scribis,    ita    putaram.     Scisses    enii 
inihique  dixisses.     Tu  tamen  ita  mihi  de  Bruto  scribis  ut  de 


fashionable  philosophy  of  tiie  conserva- 
tives of  his  time,  and  was  conscientiously 
studied  by  the  genteel  dilettanti  and 
literati  of  Rome  '  (Mommsen,  R.  H.  iv. 
560):  cp.  also  note  to  631.  3.  Philo  of 
Larissa  was  the  head  of  the  New  Academy. 
Cicero  attended  the  lectures  of  both  these 
philosophers.  When  Cicero  says  that  the 
•Stoics  differed  from  Plato  and  Aristotle 
only  in  words,  he  was  echoing  Antiochus 
(Fin.  iv.  2  ;  N.  D.  i.  16).  For  a  full 
account  of  their  philosophies  see  Zeller, 
Eclectics,  chap.  iv.  (E.  T.),  and  Dr.  Reid's 
Introd.  to  the  Academica,  pp.  57  ff. 

2.  inter  nos]  sc.  loquemur,  a  common 
ellipse:  cp.  Alt.  iv.  9.  1  (122);  Fain.  xi. 
21.1  (893).  'We  shall  have  ever  so 
many  conversations  (if  you  think  well  of 
it)  with  one  another,  about  ourselves  too.' 
There  is  no  need  to  add  et  before  inter 
with  Victorius  and  Wesenberg. 

sed  .  .  .  debemus']  '  but  let  the  Fortune 
of  our  country  bear  the  blame  for  past 
times ;  we  ourselves  are  bound  to  secure 
the  enjoyment  of  mutual  intercourse  at 


the  present  time.'  Varro  and  Cicero  werij 
engaged  in  the  service  of  their  countrB 
formerly,  and  accordingly  had  not  le 
to  devote  themselves  to  literary  pursuits.  | 

statu  civitatis]    '  order  of  government 
exercere,  '  to  prosecute.' 

quamquam']  '  Although  in  that  cas*;i 
indeed  (i.e.  if  there  was  a  settled  order  ol 
government,  and  everything  was  not  done 
at  the  caprice  of  an  individual)  certain 
other  considerations  would  present  us 
with  an  honourable  field  for  thought  and 
action,'  i.e.  we  might  engage  in  politics. 

sine  his]     i.e.  our  studies. 

ipsis  vix]     sc.  vivere  volumus. 

Migrationem~\     '  your   change  of 
dence  and  new  purchase.'     For  the  al 
stract  emptio  used  of  '  a  thing  purchased^ 
cp.  Fani.  vii.  23.  2  (126),  prorsus  enim  « 
istis   emptionibus   ttullain   desidrro.       But 
here  emptio  may  be  the  abstract.     We  do 
not  know  what  was  the  change  of  resi- 1 
dence  to  which  reference  is  here  made.   1 

2.    Tu  tamen]     The  tamen  here  presen^H 


El\  64$  (ATT.  XIII.  25,  §§  2,  3). 


155 


nihil.  Quando  autem  ilium  putas  ?  Nam  ego  Romam  pridie  Idus. 
Bruto  ita  volui  scribere  —  sed,  quoniam  tu  te  legisse  scribis,  fui 
fortasse  anafyia-tpoQ  —  me  ex  tuis  litteris  intellexisse  nolle  eum  me 
quasi  prosequendi  sui  causa  Komam  nuuc  venire.  Sed  quoniam  iam 
adest  meus  adventus,  fac,  quaeso,  ne  quid  eum  Idus  impediant 
quo  minus  suo  commodo  in  Tusculano  sit.  Nee  enim  ad  tabulam 
eum  desideraturus  eram.  In  tali  enim  negotio  cur  tu  unus  non 
satis  es?  Sed  ad  testamentum  volebam  :  quod  iam  malo  alio  die, 
ne  ob  earn  causam  llomam  venisse  videar.  Scrips!  igitur  ad 
Brutum  iam  illud,  quod  putassem,  Idibus  nihil  opus  esse.  Velim 
ergo  totum  hoc  ita  gubernes  ut  ne  minima  quidem  re  ulla  Bruti 
commodum  impediamus.  3.  Sed  quid  est  tandem  quod  perhor- 
rescas  quia  tuo  periculo  iubeam  libros  dari  Varroni  ?  Etiarn  uunc 
si  dubitas,  fac  ut  sciamus.  Nihil  est  enim  illis  elegantius.  Yolo 
Varronem,  praesertim  cum  ille  desideret,  sed  est,  ut  scis, 


aviip'    TCL\CL  Ktv  KOI  avanov  anowro. 
Ita  mihi  saepe  occurrit  vultus  eius,  querentis  fortasse  vel  hoc,  meas 


a  difficulty,  as  it  often  does  in  the  Letters. 
The  connexion  seems  to  be  :  '  Though  I 
have  just  said  that  if  you  knew  anything 
you  would  he  sure  to  tell  it  to  me,  yet,  in 
writing  about  Brutus,  you  don't  say  a 
word  about  yourself.' 

putas]  sc.  profeeturum,  '  when  do  you 
tliink  he  will  set  out  on  his  journey  to 
meet  Caesar? '  "With  ego  understand  ibo. 
For  future  of  verbs  of  motion  understood 
cp.  590.  3  ;  669.  2. 

Bnito  ita  volni]  '  I  had  meant  to  say 
in  my  letter  to  Brutus— but  as  you  say  you 
read  the  letter  [and  took  another  meaning 
from  it],  perhaps  I  wuspeu  clnir — what  1 
meant  to  write  was,  that  I  gathered  from 
your  letters  that  he  did  not  wish  me  to 
come  to  Rome  just  now,  to  wait  on  him.' 

Idas']  This  is  generally  supposed  to  be 
the  date  of  the  sale  of  the  Scapulan  horti. 
But  the  tabula  may  be  the  Brinnian 
auction  which  on  June  25  had  been  pro- 
visionally fixed  for  the  13th,  626.  4  ;  627 
[14.  1],  Since  the  conversation  on  July  8 
with  Capito  (636.  4),  there  does  iiot 
appear  any  certain  reference  to  the  pur- 
chase of  the  Scapulan  horti :  cp.  note  to 
644  and  to  647  'fin.  After  Ep.  647  we 
hear  no  more  about  them  or  indeed  about 
the  fane  to  Tullia  :  possibly  Cicero  gave 
up  the  idea  of  purchasing  them  and  the 
project  of  erecting  the  fane. 


testamentum']  Hardly  Cicero's  own 
will,  as  he  had  already  made  it  in  March : 
cp.  551.  It  was  possibly  the  will  under 
which  the  auction  was  being  held  :  and 
the  formal  opening  of  that  will  may  be 
meant.  The  will  and  the  auction  had 
some  connexion  with  one  another.  But 
we  cannot  elucidate  the  matter,  or 
know  why  Brutus  was  wanted :  cp. 
636  fin.  ' 

alio  die~\  'to  be  adjourned  '  ;  alio  die 
was  the  formula  by  which  the  augurs 
adjourned  the  coinitia :  cp.  Phil.  ii.  83, 
confecto  negotio  bonus  augur — C.  Laelium 
dicer  es — alio  die  inquit,  and  Mayor's 
note  on  §  81. 

iam  illud  .  .  .  opus  esse]  "  that  the  busi- 
ness I  had  contemplated  need  not  be  done 
on  the  Ides.'  We  cannot  be  at  all  sure 
what  was  the  business  here  referred  to. 

3.  perhorrescas  guia"]  '  tremble  at  the 
thought  of.' 

Nihil  .  .  .  elegnntiui\  Cicero  had  a 
high  opinion  of  \.\\Q  Academica  :  cp.  631.  3. 
We  think  that  this  sentence  should 
precede  the  former. 

Polo  Varronf.m"]  '  I  wish  f or  Yarro, '  as 
the  chief  person  in  the  dialogue. 

8 fit>bs  a.vi)p]  Patroclus  says  this  of 
Achilles.  Horn.  II.  xi.  654. 


156 


EP.  643  (ATT.  XIII.  35  AND  36). 


partis  in  iis  libris  copiosius  defensas  esse  quam  suas,  quod  meher- 
cule  non  esse  intelleges,  si  quando  in  Epirura  veneris.  Nam 
mine  Alexionis  epistulis  cedimus.  Sed  tamen  ego  non  despero 
probatum  iri  Varroni,  et  id,  quoniam  impensam  fecinms  in  macro- 
colla,  facile  patior  teneri.  Sed  etiam  atque  etiam  dico,  tuo  periculo 
fiet.  Qua  re,  si  addubitas,  ad  Brutum  transeanms :  est  enim  is 
quoque  Antiochius.  0  Academiam  volaticam  et  sui  similem, 
modo  hue,  modo  illuc  !  Sed,  quaeso,  epistula  mea  ad  Varronem 
valdene  tibi  placuit  ?  Male  mi  sit  si  umquam  quidquam  tarn 
enitar.  Ergo  neTironi  quidem  dictavi,  qui  totas  7TEpio\ae  persequi 
solet,  sed  Spintharo  syllabatim. 


643.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xin.  35  AND  36). 

TUSCULUM  ;    JULY   13  J    A.   U.  C.  709  \    B.  C.  45;    AET.  C1C.  61. 

De  urbe  augenda,  de  Varrone  et  libris  Academicis  ei  datis,  de  Bruto. 
CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  0  rein  indignam  !     Gentilis  tuns  urbem  auget  quam  hoc 
biennio  prirnum  vidit,  et   ei   parum   magna  visa  est  quae  etiam 


in  Epirum  veneris]  '  when  you  come 
to  Epirus  [and  are  at  leisure].  Now  we 
must  give  place  to  the  letters  from  Epirus 
of  your  steward  Alexio.' 

teneri]  '  and,  as  yoti  nnd  I  have  gone  to 
expense  in  procuring  folio  sheets,  I  am 
glad  that  this  (design  of  dedicating  the 
book  to  Varro)  is  to  be  persevered  in.' 
Macrocollum  was  a  special  kind  of  large 
paper:  cp.  773.  1.  Sir  E.Maude  Thompson 
(Greek  and  Latin  Palaeography,  p.  25) 
says  it  \vas  about  18  inches  broad.  The 
word  comes  from  /coAAa  'glue,'  as  does 
also  protocol.  On  the  various  sizes  and 
names  of  different  kinds  of  sheets  cp. 
Marquardt-Mau,  Frivatlebev,  p.  802. 
For  teneri  cp.  the  common  phrase  tenere 
propositum. 

transeamnii]  <  I  will  transfer  to  Brutus 
Varro's  place  in  the  dialogue,  as  he,  too,  is 
an  adherent  of  the  philosophy  of  Antio- 
chus.' 

Academiam']  The  school  is  referred  to 
here,  not  the  treatise,  though  he  appears 
to  call  the  treatise  Academiam  in  627.  1. 
Here  the  thought  is,  '  How  characteristi- 
cally shifting  everything  connected  with 
the  Academy  is ;  even  our  treatise  is 
constantly  undergoing  change';  just  as 


the  Academy  changed  and  shifted  its 
philosophical  views,  so  the  treatise  was 
ever  shifting  its  chief  personage,  being 
now  in  the  mouth  of  Catulus  or  Lucullus, 
anon  of  Varro,  and  again  of  Brutus.  Cp. 
sursum  deorstim  said  perhaps  of  the  same 
school:  Att.  v.  10.  5  (198),  where  see 
note,  ed.  2. 

Male  .  .  .  syllabatim]  '  Hang  me  if  I 
ever  take  such  trouble  with  anythingagain. 
That  was  why  I  did  not  even  dictate  it  to 
Tiro,  who  takes  down  whole  clauses,  but 
to  Spintharus  syllable  by  syllable.'  The 
MSS  give  the  strange  reading  ergo  at  ego, 
which  Boot  ingeniously  conceives  to  have 
arisen  from  a  gloss  'al.  ego?  Tiro  was  an 
adept  at  shorthand,  and  even  invented 
a  system  of  abbreviations  which  was 
known  as  Notae  Tironianae  (cp.  Teuffel, 
Rom.  Lit.,  §  191,  5).  For  shorthand 
among  the  Romans  cp.  Reid  on  Sull.  42. 

1.  Gentilis  tuns']  Some  Athenian  archi- 
tect whom  Caesar  was  employing  in  his 
scheme  for  enlarging  the  city  (cp.  636.  4), 
He  calls  the  Athenians  fellow-citizens  or 
namesakes  of  Atticus :  cp.  Cicero's  calling 
Servius  TulMnsgentilem  nieum,  Tusc.  i.  38. 

parum  magnet]    '  too  small  to  hold  him 


EP.  644  (ATT.  XIII.  43).  157 

ipsum  capere  potuerit.  Hac  de  re  igitur  exspecto  litteras  tuas. 
2.  Varroni  scribis  te,  simul  ac  venerit.  Dati  igitur  iam  sunt,  nee 
tibi  integrum  est :  hui,  si  solas  quanto  periculo  tuo  !  aut  fortasse 
litterae  meae  te  retardaruut  :  sed  eas  nondum  legeras  cum  has 
proximas  scripsisti.  Scire  igitur  aveo  quo  modo  res  se  habeat. 
[36]  De  Bruti  amore  vestraque  ambulatione  etsi  milii  uihil  novi 
adfers,  sed  idem  quod  saepe,  tarn  en  hoc  audio  libentius  quo  saepius, 
eoque  mihi  iucundius  est  quod  tu  eo  laetaris,  certiusque  eo  est 
quod  a  te  dicitur. 


644.     CICERO  TO  ATTICTJS  (ATT.  xm.  43). 

TUSCULUM  ;    JULY  14  J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AKT.  CIC.  61. 

De  prorogatione  dici  gratias  agit. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Ego  vero  utar  prorogatione  diei,  tuque  humanissime  fecisti 
qui  me  certiorem  feceris,  atque  ita  ut  eo  tempore  acciperem  litteras 
quo  iion  exspectarem,  tuque  ut  ab  ludis  scriberes.  Sunt  omnino 
mihi  quaedam  agenda  Homae,  sed  consequemur  biduo  post. 

(the  architect)  when  it  has  been  able  to  eoque  .  .  .  dicitur  J     «  and  it  gains  an 

hold  the  master  (Caesar)  himself  ':  cp.,  in  added    sweetness   from   your    sympathy 

Shakspeare's    Julius    Caesar,    a    passage  with  it,  and  an  added  certitude  as  coming 

where  there  is  a  play  on  Rome  (formerly  from  you.' 
pronounced  Room]  :  — 

Ego  vero]     '  Yes,  I  will  take  advantage 

is  i*  R°m-e  '-"^  ed  and  ro,om  en°>ugh  of  the  postponement,  of  the  day.'     What 


-    -  , 

When  there  i.  ,n  it  but  one  only 


wag  h  ^  day 


the  Scapulan  gardens  (642.   2),  as   may 

2.    Varroni']    sc.  daturum  Academics  :  possibly  be  inferred  from  the  last  word's 

cp.  Att.    xii.   7.   1   (500)  De  liberalitate  of  Ep."  647,  or  was  it  the  sale   of   the 

dixi  quantum  Publilius,    quantum  flamen  property  left  by  Brinnius,  627  [14]  1  ? 

Lentulus  filio    sc.    darent   me   daturum  :  ita  .  .  .  scriberes]      '  you   have  acted 

715.    1,  multa  illis  Caesar,  sc.  dedit.  very  kindly  in  sending  me  this  informa- 

integrum~\      '  the   matter   is   no  longer  tion,  giving  me  the  pleasure  of  receiving 

in  your  hands.'         Schmidt  would  put  a  a  letter  when  I  did  not  expect  one,  and 

note  of  interrogation  after  integrum.  being  good  enough  yourself  to  despatch  a 

ntardarunt]     *  or   perhaps   my   letter  letter  from  your  seat  at  the  games,'  i.e. 

(possibly   640)  made  you   slow   to  act,'  the  Ludi   Apollinares,   which  were  held 

and  so,  perhaps,   you  have  not  yet  taken  from  July  6  to  13.     Soribere  a  ludis  is 

the  decisive  step.  like  puppi  sic  fatur  ab  alia  (Verg.  Aen. 

sed]     So    Man.    for    si    of    the    MSS.  viii.  115).    Dr.  Keid  has  suggested  :  'and 

Miiller  reads  nisi  '  unless  it  is  that  you  learning  that  you  would  write  after  the 

have  not  read  it,'    comparing   619  fin.:  games'  :  for  a  in  this  sense  cp.  608.  2, 

Att.    iv.   3.    2   (92)   nisi  caedem,  where  Att.  i.  5.  4.  (1).     This  letter  would  then 

M  lias  si.     Klotz  alters  to  etsi.  be  that  mentioned  in  646.  1,  Osuavis  tuas 

[_36]  ambulatione]    some  walk  and  talk  litteras.      We   should  expect,    however, 

which  Atticus  had  enjoyed  with  Brutus.  scriptttnts  sis  for  scriberes. 


158 


EP.  645  (FAM.    VI. 


645.     CICERO  TO  TOEANIUS  (FAM.  vi.  20). 
TUSCUI.UM  ;  JULY  ;  A.  u.  c.  709  ;  B.  c.  45  ;  AKT.  cic.  61. 

Toranio  exsuli  dissuadet  M.  Cicero  consilium  Caesaii  obviam  eundi. 
CICERO  TORANIO  SAL. 

1.  Dederam  triduo  ante  pueris  Cn.  Planci  litteras  ad  te  ; 
mine  ero  brevier  teque,  ut  antea  consolabar,  hoc  tempore  moneb( 
Nihil  puto  tibi  esse  utilius  quam  ibidem  opperiri  quoad  scire  possis 
quid  tibi  agendum  sit ;  nam  praeter  navigationis  longae  et  hiemalis 
et  minime  portuosae  periculum,  quod  vitaveris,  ne  illud  quidem 
nonquantivis,  subito,  cum  certi  aliquid  audieris,  teistiin  posse  profi- 
cisci.  Nihil  est  praeterea  cur  adeuutibus  te  offerre  gestias.  Multa 
praeterea  metuo  quae  cum  Cilone  nostro  communicavi.  2.  Quid 
mult. a  ?  loco  opportuniore  in  his  malis  nullo  esse  potuisti  ex  quo 
te,  quocumque  opus  erit,  facillime  et  expeditissime  conferas.  Quod 
si  recipiet  ille  se  ad  tern  pus,  aderis  ;  sin — quoniam  multa  accidere 
possunt — aliqua  res  eum  vel  inpediet  vel  morabitur,  tu  ibi  eris  ubi 
omnia  scire  possis.  Hoc  mihi  prorsus  valde  placet.  3,  De  reliquo, 
ut  te  saepe  per  litteras  hortatus  sum,  ita  velim  tibi  persuadeas,  tl 
in  hac  causa  iiihil  liabere  quod  tibi  timendum  sit  praeter  coml 
nmnem  casum  civitatis  ;  qui  etsi  est  gravissimus,  tamen  ita  vixij 


For  Toranius  cp.  note  to  Fam.  vi.  21 
(573).  He  was  at  this  time  living  in 
exile  at  Corcyra.  He  appears  to  have 
wished  to  make  a  voyage,  perhaps  to 
Ravenna  (as  Schmidt,  p.  361,  suggests), 
in  order  to  meet  and  congratulate  Caesar 
on  his  victories  ;  and  also  to  take  that 
opportunity  to  beg  for  permission  to 
return  to  Rome.  As  Toranius  was  not 
permitted  to  set  foot  in  Italy,  his  intention 
at  this  time  was  to  meet  Caesar  close  to 
Italy  in  Cisalpine  Gaul. 

1.  Cn.  I'lanci]  who  was  also  living 
in  exile  at  Corcyra :  cp.  Fam.  iv.  15 
(484). 

hiemalis']  owing  to  the  storms  of  the 
Adriatic  :  cp.  Ilor.  Garni,  iii.  3,  4,  Au&ter 
dux  inquieti  turbidus  Hadriae. 

minime  portuosae']  '  with  hardly  any 
harbour  to  run  into'  :  usually  this  adj. 
is  applied  to  a  coast,  not  to  a  voyage. 


ne  illud  quidem  non  qii«ntivis~\  '  that, 
too,  is  not  a  matter  of  slight  importance* 
non  qnantivis,  lit.  '  not  of  great  irnporj 
tance,'  that  is,  '  of  trifling  importance.'  J 

adeuntibus]  '  to  them  on  their  approach.! 
It  would  be  time  to  come  to  Caesar  when 
he  had  arrived.  This  is  the  readinJ 
of  GR.  M  has  adventibus,  '  arrivals* 
which  some  editors  have  altered  to  afc 
venientibits.  This  reading  of  M  may  be 
right,  as  Cic.  elsewhere  uses  the  plural 
of  adventus  Arch.  4  :  2  Verr.  i.  49 :  cp. 
Tac.  Germ.  2. 

2.  Quod  si  recipiet']  'But  if  he  (Caesar} 
returns  up  to  time,  you  will  be  at  hand.* 
Schmidt  (p.  361)  thinks  that  perhaps  we 
should  add  citius  after  recipiet,  where  it 
might  easily  have  fallen  out.     But  it  is 
simpler  with  Mendelssohn    to    put    the 
comma  after  tempus. 

3.  communem  casum  civitatis]  cp.  573. 3 


EI\  646  (ATT.  XII I.  44). 


159 


mus  et  id  aetatis  iam  sumus  ut  omiiia  quae  non  nostra  culpa 
nobis  accidant  fortiter  ferre  debeamus.  Hie  tui  omnes  valent 
suminaque  pietate  desiderant  et  diligunt  et  colunt  :  tu  cura  ut 
valeas  et  te  istim  ne  temere  commoveas. 


646.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Arr.  xin.  44). 

TUSCULUM  J    JULY  20  Oil  2i  J    A.   U.  709  ;    B.  0.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  litteris  Attici  et  rebus  urbanis,  de  Varrone,  de  Attica,  de  Cotta,  de  Libone,  de 
Casca.     De  nomine  Corfidii  ex  oratione  Ligariana  tollendo. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  0  suavis  tuas  litteras ! — etsi  acerba  pompa  :   verura  tamen 

scire  omiiia  non  acerbum  est,  vel  de  Cotta — populum  vero  praecla- 

rum,  quod  propter  malum  vicinum  ne  Yictoriae  quidem  ploditcr. 

!  Brutus  apud  me  fuit,  cui  quidem   valde  placebat  me  aliquid  ad 

Jaesarem.     Adnueram,  sed  pompa  deterret.     2.  Tu  tamen  ausus 


I   culpa]    cp.  575.  3. 

d  swnmaque  pietate}  If  the  sons  of 
Toranius  were  '  most  filial '  at  tins  time, 
me  of  them  did  not  remain  so  to  the  end, 
nasmuch  as  he  betrayed  his  father  during 
I  he  proscriptions  to  the  satellites  of  the 
uriumvirs  :  see  the  touching  story  in  Val. 
llfkz.  ix.  11.  5. 

1.   0]     We  have  inserted  the  interjec- 

ion,  which  fell  out  owing  to  its  having 

>ee'n  united  with  post  at  the  end  of  644, 

ihere  that  word  appears  as  posco.     It  is 

specially  required  here,  as  it  must  govern 

optihim:  cp.  note  to  617.  4. 

I    etsi  .  .  .  Cotta]      'How  delightful  to 

I  et  your  letter,  though  the  procession  [at 

le  Lndi   Victoriae  Caesaris    (July    20  to 

I  0),  in  which  the  statue  of  Caesar  was 

I  anied  amongst  those  of  the  gods]  is  a 

I  itter  pill.     But  it  is  the  reverse  of  bitter 

!  )  know  everything  that  is  going  on,  in- 

iiuling  even  Cotta's  rumoured   proposal 

I  that,   as   Parthia   was  declared  by   the 

ibylline  books  to  be  unconquerable  save 

I  y  a  king,  Caesar    should    assume   that 

tie].      And  how  well  the  people   have 

;ted  ! '      In  speaking   of  the  rumoured 

t  roposal     of     Cotta,    Cicero    writes     in 

«  'e    Div.    ii.    110,    Sibylloe   versus  .   .  . 

lorum     interpres    miper  falsa     quadam 


hominumfamadicturusin  senatu  putabaturr 
enm  quein  revera  reyem  hubebamus  appel- 
landum  quoque  esse  regem  si  salvi  esse 
vellemus. 

pompa']  There  had  been  a  previous 
pompa  about  the  middle  of  May :  cp. 
604.  B  and  594,  595. 

scire  oinnia  non  acerbum  est\  Dr.  Reid 
points  out  that  this  is  a  reference  to  the 
Greek  line  y\vicvT€pov  ov8(i>  eariy  %  navr' 
eiScvai.  Alt.  iv.  11,  2  (124). 

malum  vicinum~\  The  statue  of  Caesar 
which  was  beside  that  of  Victory. 

me  aliquid  ad  Gnesarem']  '  who  strongly 
approved  of  my  composing  a  political 
essay  to  be  addressed  to  Caesar.'  We 
are  to  understand  scripturum,  c-p.  559.  1 
te  aliquid  novi,  sc.  scripturum:  Att.  xvi. 
11.4  (799),  De  tertio  pollicetur  se  deinceps 
(sc.  scripturum),  sed  nihil  scripsit,  where 
we  erroneously  printed  scripturiim  in  the 
text. 

deterret]  So  Crat.  for  videret  of  M. 
Dr.  Reid  conjectures  po)npam  vides,  like 
Fin.  iii.  9,  sed  aetatem  vides.  The  mean- 
ing is  excellent,  but  the  corruption  some- 
what unlikely. 

2.  Tu  tamen]  l  so  you  have  ventured 
after  all  (lamen)  to  consign  the  Academica 
to  Varro.' 


160 


EP.  647  (ATT.  XIII. 


es  Varroni  dare  ?     Exspecto  quid  iudicet.     Uuando  autem 
leget?      De   Attica  probo.     Est  quiddam  etiaru  animum  lev* 
cum  spectatione  turn  etiam  religioiiis  opinione  et  f ama.    3.  Cottai 
mi  velim   mittas.      Libonem  mecum    habeo    et    habueram    anl 
Cascam.     Brutus  mihi  T.  Ligari  verbis  nuntiavit,  quod  appelletu] 
L.  Corfidius  in  oratione  Ligariana,  erratum  esse  meum,  sed,  ut 
aiuut,  invrifjLOviKov  a/mapTY)ij.a.     Sciebam  Corfidium  pernecessarium 
Ligariorurn,  sed  eum  video  ante  esse  mortuum.    Da  igitur,  quaeso, 
negotium    Pliarnaci,  Antaeo,  Salvio,  ut    id    nomen   ex   omnibus 
libris  tollatur. 


647.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  34). 

ASTURA  ;    JULY  26  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  adventu  suo  Asturam  et  de  negotiis  ab  Attico  suscipiendis. 
CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Asturam  veni  vin.  Kal.  vesperi.  Vitandi  enim  caloris  causa 
Lanuvi  tris  horas  acquieveram.  Tu  velim,  si  grave  non  erii 
efficias  ne  ante  Nonas  mihi  illuc  veniendum  sit — id  potes  pd 
Egnatium  Maximum — illud  in  primis  cum  Publilio  me  absent! 


Est  quiddam  etiam~\  '  there  is  something 
in. the  relief  which  the  mind  gets  both 
from  the  spectacle  itself,  and  iVom  the 
general  feeling  that  the  games  are  a 
religious  rite.'  The  popular  mind  always 
connected  the  ludi  \vith  religion :  and 
attendance  at  a  religious  ceremony  has 
generally  a  soothing  effect.  Cicero  seems 
to  have  thought  that  religious  emotions 
especially  attach  to  women  :  cp.  Fam.  xiv. 
4.  1(62). 

3.  Cottam  .  .  .  Libonem  .  .  .  Cascam~\ 
The  reference  is  to  certain  works  which 
he  designates  by  the  author's  name,  just 
as  we  speak  of  a  Virgil  or  a  Horace. 
Libo's  Annals  have  been  already  referred 
to:  Epp.  608,  610.  Nothing  is  known 
about  Casca's  work.  Boot  thinks  the 
Gotta  may  have  been  a  book  on  the  Roman 
republic  written  in  Greek  by  L.  Auruncu- 
leius  Cotta,  Caesar's  lieutenant  in  Gaul, 
who' was  slain  by  the  Eburones  in  700 
(54) :  cp.  Teuffel  197.  9. 

quod  appellelur  L.  Corfidius]  '  that  my 
addressing  (or  '  speaking  of ')  L  Corfidius 
was  a  mistake '  :  cp.  Ligar.  33,  Videsne 


igitur  .  .  .  hunc  L.  Marcium,  C.  Caesetiun 
L.  Corjidium,  hos  omnis  equites  liomam 
qui  adsunt  veste  mutata,  which  show 
that  the  /JLVIJ/ULOVIK^V  o^uaprTjyua  \vas  nevfl 
corrected.  For  appellare  =  to  speak  oi 
cp.  Alt.  i.  16.  10  (22),  Begem  appellas.  1 

p.vi]IJ.ovLKov  ctyuaprrj/ua]  'a  lapsitK 
memoriae.'  This  is  one  of  the  cases  where 
we  use  a  Latin  expression,  while  CiceiM 
has  recourse  to  Greek.  Others  are  q  uotefl 
in  P,  87. 

Antaeo]     cp.  note  to  616.  3. 


This  was  the  regular  placed 
for  breaking  the  journey  between  Tuseu-j 
lum  and  Astura.  590.  3  :  592.  1. 

Eyvatium  Maximum"]     cp.  662.  1,  all 
Pauly-Wissowa  v.  1997,  No.  26. 

cum~\     *  what  I   want   you  to    do  firsn 
of  all  is  to  settle  with  Publilius  in  ifl 
absence  '    [about  the   repayment   of 
dower  of  his  sister  Publilia  now  div< 
by  Cicero].  The  MSS  give  me  pene  al 
and  pene  may  have  arisen  from   dit 
graphy  of  absents  written  apsente,  as 
Iteid  (Hermathena  354)  and  Miiller 


EP.  6£8  (FAM.   VI.  19). 


161 


conficias,  de  quo  quae  fama  sit  scribes.  *  Id  populus  curat  scilicet.' 
Non  mehercule  arbitror.  Etenim  haec  decautata  erat  fabula.  Sed 
complere  pagiiiam  volui.  Quid  plura?  Ipse  enim  adsum,  nisi 
quid  tu  prorogas.  Scripsi  enim  ad  te  de  hortis. 


648.     CICERO  TO  LEPTA  (FAM.  vi.  19). 

ASTURA  ;     JULY  27  (ABOUT)  ;     A.  U.  C.  709  J     B.  C.  45  ;     AET.  CIC.  01. 

M.  Cicero  Q,.  Leptae  significat  sibi  Maculae  Falernum  et  Leptae  Petrinum  satis 
idonea  devorsoria  esse  in  quibus  vivat.  Leptae  curationem  ludorum  quos  Caesar  erat 
facturus  ne  ambiat  suadet. 

CICERO  LEPTAE. 

1.  Maculam  officio  functum  esse  gaudeo.  Ems  Faleruum 
mihi  semper  idoneum  visum  est  devorsorio,  si  modo  tecti  satis  est 
ad  comitatum  nostrum  recipiendum  :  ceteroqui  mihi  locus  non 
displicet.  Nee  ea  re  Petrinum  tuum  deseram ;  nam  et  villa  et 
amoenitas  ilia  commorationis  est,  11011  devorsori.  2.  De  curatione 


out :  cp.  654.  2,  me  absente.  Peerlkamp 
suggested  me  praesente  absente,  *  whether 
it  may  be  after  I  arrive  in  Home,  or  while 
I  am  still  here.'  This  may  possibly  be 
right,  for,  though  he  says  in  a  subsequent 
letter  (654)  that  he  wishes  the  negotia- 
tions to  be  carried  out  in  his  absence,  yet 
he  might  have  changed  his  mind  (cp. 
malo  654.  2)  in  the  time  intervening 
between  this  letter  and  Ep.  654,  written 
some  four  days  subsequently. 

quae  fama  sit]  k  what  people  say  about 
the  matter.' 

'id populus  . .  .scilicet']  Ter.  Andr.  185. 

decantata  .  .fabula]  'a  twice-told  tale.' 
People  were  tired  of  commenting  on 
Cicero's  relations  with  Publilia :  cp.  De 
Orat.  ii.  75,  qui  mihi  pervulgatapraecepta 
decantat  ;  Senec.  Ep.  24.  6,  decantatae 
.  .  .  fabulae  istae  sunt. 

paffinam]  shows  that  the  page  was  very 
short. 

prorogas}  '  unless  you  put  me  off  [tell- 
ing me  that  the  day  of  the  sale  is  post- 
poned] ;  for  I  have  asked  you  to  let  me 
know  about  [the  day  of  the  sale  of 
Scapula's]  pleasure-ground ' :  cp.  note  to 
644. 

For  Lepta  see  Introduction  to  Fam.  vi. 
18  (534),  and  vol.  iii,  p.  336,  ed.  2. 


1.  Maculam]  He  was  possibly  P. 
Pouipeius  Macula,  who  was  one  of  the 
lovers  of  Fausta,  daughter  of  Sulla.  A 
good  story  relative  to  this  intrigue  is 
told  by  Macrobius,  Sat.  ii.  2.  9. 

Falernum]  sc.  praedium,  '  his  property 
in  the  Falernian  territory.'  There  does 
not  appear  to  have  been  any  town  from 
which  this  district  obtained  its  name.  It 
was  close  to  Sinuessa  on  the  east. 

devorsorio]  As  Schmalz  (Antib.  i.  616) 
feels  no  difficulty  in  the  dative  after 
idoneus  (which  usually  takes  ad),  cp. 
Caes.  B.  G.  vi.  10.  2  ;  vii.  35.  6,  we 
have  retained  the  MS  reading.  "Wesenberg 
(E.  A.  15)  wishes  to  read  devorso- 
rium. 

Petrinum]  cp.  Hor.  Ep.  i.  5.  5,  vina 
bibes  iterum  Tauro  diffusa  palustris  Inter 
Minturnas  Sinuessanumque  Petrinum  ;  on 
which  passage  the  Comm.  Cruq.  says, 
'  Petrinus  mons  est  Sinuessanae  civitati 
imminens  vel  ager  Sinuessae  vicinus.' 

commorationis,  non  devorsori]  '  for 
that  villa  with  its  picturesque  site  is 
suitable  for  a  sojourn,  not  merely  for  a 
lodging.'  It  is  not  quite  correct  to  make 
a  concrete  word  devorsorium  balance  the 
abstract  commoratio,  unless  we  take  the 
latter  in  a  concrete  sense  like  emptio,  641. 
2  :  Fam.  vii.  23.  2  (126)— a  sense  it  bears 


162 


JSP.  648  (FAN.   VI.  19). 


aliqua  munerum  regiorum  cum  Oppio  locutus  sum  ;  nam  Balbuni, 
postea  quam  tu  es  profectus,  non  vidi ;  tantis  pedum  doloribus 
adficitur  ut  se  conveniri  nolit.  Omnino  de  tota  re,  ut  mihi 
videris,  sapientius  faceres,  si  non  curares  :  quod  enim  eo  labore 
adsequi  vis  nullo  niodo  adsequere  ;  tanta  est  enim  intimorum 
multitude  ut  ex  iis  aliquis  potius  effluat  quam  novo  sit  aditus, 
praesertim  qui  nihil  adferat  praeter  operam,  in  qua  ille  se  dedisse 
beneficium  putabit — si  modo  id  ipsum  sciet — non  accepisse.  Sed 
tamen  aliquid  videbimus  in  quo  sit  species;  aliter  quidem  non 
modo  non  adpetendum  sed  etiam  fugiendum  puto.  Ego  me 
Asturae  diutius  arbitror  commoraturum  quoad  ille  quandoque 
veniat.  Yale. 


in  late  Latin.  Commoratio  is  less  strong 
than  habitatiot  and  is  used  elsewhere  of  a 
temporary  sojourn  in  opposition  to  per- 
manent residence  :  cp.  De  Sen.  84,  et  ex 
vita  it  a  discedo  tamquam  ex  hospitio,  non 
tfimquam  e  domo  ;  eommorandi  enim  natura 
devorsorium  nobis,  non  habitandi  dedit. 

2.  regiorwn~\  '  ot  the  royal  shows.' 
Cicero  calls  Caes;ir  elsewhere  rex :  cp. 
(357.  2  :  but  the  adjective  regius  is  some- 
times even  less  strong  than  '  royal,'  as 
it  may  mean  little  more  than  '  princely '  : 
cp.  Hor.  Carm.  ii.  15.  1,  lam  pauca 
aratro  ingera  regiae  moles  relinquent  ; 
though  doubtless  it  can  also  bear  as 
strong  a  meaning  as  'tyrannical,'  Cat.  i. 
30,  crudeliter  et  regie factumesse dice-rent ; 
yet  this  is  unusual :  cp.  Verr.  iii.  115, 
regie  seu  potius  tyrannice.  Manutius, 
followed  by  many  commentators,  wisht-s 
to  read  regiomim,  which  is  found  also  in 
some  MSS,  viz.  G  and  Pal  primus.  But,  as 
Orelli  rightly  says,  '  vix  Latinum  est 
pro  munerum  regionatim  edendorum,' 
and  on  this  ground  we  adhere  to  the 
reading  of  M.  For  on  other  grounds 
regionum  is  not  impossible.  It  is  true  that 
the  city  was  not  regularly  marked  out  into 
the  fourteen  regiones  (there  had  of  course 
been  the  four  large  regiones  previously) 
until  the  time  of  Augustus  (Suet.  Aug. 
30  ;  Dio  Cass.  Iv.  8),  but  Suetonius  says 
of  Julius  Caesar  (c.  39),  edidit  .  .  .  ludos 
etiam' regionatim  urbe  tota,  using  the  word 
in  the  untechnical  sense  of  *  quarters.' 
Manutius  argues  that  Cicero  might  use 
the  invidious  word  rex  of  Caesar,  when 
writing  to  an  intimate  friend  like  Atticus, 
but  that  he  would  not  venture  to  do  so  in 
writing  to  Lepta.  But  Lepta  was  intimate 


with  Cic. :  he  had  been  his  praef.  fabrwn* 
But  the  shows  may  have  been  projected  on 
such  a  grand  scale  that  they  were  com- 
monly spoken  of  in  the  talk  of  the  day  a» 
the  '  royal  shows,'  such  as  might  have 
been  witnessed  at  the  courts  of  the  Kings 
of  Syria  or  Egypt.  Accordingly,  we- 
think  that  the  balance  of  probability 
inclines  to  the  reading  of  M.  Lepta 
appears  to  have  been  endeavouring  to 
obtain  a  curatio  vini  on  the  occasion  of 
Caesar's  largesses  to  the  people :  cp.  also 
663.  2. 

ut  ex  its  .  .  .  aditus}  '  so  that  there  it 
more  probability  of  a  man's  dropping  off 
from  the  body  than  of  there  being  an 
opening  for  a  new-comer.' 

praesertim  qiti]  cp.  note  to  Fam.  vi- 
2.  3  (575),  '  especially  if  he  is  a  man  wh* 
has  nothing  to  offer  except  his  own  labour, 
in  respect  of  which  (i.e.  in  accepting- 
which,  and  giving  it  scope)  Caesar,  if  hi 
comes  to  know  of  the  matter  at  all,  will 
consider  that  he  has  conferred  a  favour 
rather  than  received  one.'  Note  ille,  by 
itself,  for  Caesar,  cp.  694.  1  :  713.  2.  j 

id  ipsuni]  We  have  added  id  with 
Ernesti,  as  in  Att.  x.  14.  3  (400) :  546.  3  i 
583.  2.  See  Madvig's  note  on  Fin.  ii.  93. 

species']  *  display,'  '  splendour,'  '  dis- 
tinction,' such  as  would  not  attach  to  the 
contract  which  Lepta  was  seeking,  how- 
ever lucrative  it  might  be. 

quandoque~]  =  aliquando,  l  some  time  or 
other '  ;  as  far  as  we  know  this  is  the 
only  passage  in  Cicero  where  quandoqu* 
has  this  indefinite  meaning.  The  use  ii- 
common  in  later  Latin :  cp.  Liv.  xxi.  3, 
6;  Tac.  Ann.  i.  4,  4 ;  vi.  20,  3.  DH 
Reid  suggests  that  we  should  read  quoait 


MPP.  649,  650  (ATT.  XII.  9;  FAM.  XF L 


163 


649.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (An-,  xn.  9). 
ASTURA;  JULY  27 ;  A.  u.  c.  709  ;  B.  c.  45  ;  AET.  cic.  ei. 

De  amoenitate  Asturae. 
CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Ne  ego  essera  hie  libenter  atque  id  cotidie  magis,  ni  esset  ea 
causa  quam  tibi  superioribus  litteris  scripsi.  Nihil  hao  solitudine 
iucundius,  nisi  paullum  interpellasset  Arnyutae  filius.  "&  cnrspav- 
roAoy/ac  ari&ovg.  Cetera  noli  putare  amabiliora  fieri  posse  villa, 
littore,  prospectu  maris,  turn  his  rebus  omnibus.  Sed  neque 
haec  digna  longioribus  litteris,  nee  erat  quod  scriberem,  et  somnus 
urgebat. 


650.     CICERO  TO  TIRO  (FAM.  xvi.  22). 
ASTURA;  JULY  27;   A. u.  c.  709;   B.  c.  45;  AET.  cic.  ei. 

M.    Cicero  aegrotantem  Tironem    admonet    curandae   valetudinis,  regere  tamen 
libraries  iubet :  addit  de  rebus  domesticis. 

TULLIUS  TIRONI  SUO  SAL. 

1.  Spero   ex    tuis   litteris   tibi  melius   esse,  cupio   certe ;    cui 
[uidem  rei  omni  ratione  cura  ut  inservias  et  cave  suspiceris  contra 


<8Ciam  qua>  quandoque  ('  and  when') 
veniat,  comparing  Att.  ix.  1.  2  (353)  qua 
quandove  ituri  sint:  cp.  also  ix.  6.  1  fin. 
(360). 

ea  causa  quam  superioribus  litt.']  Most 
likely  the  sale  of  the  gardens  ;  but 
possibly  the  unpleasant  business  about 
the  refunding  of  her  dowry  to  Publilia, 
mentioned  in  Ep.  647. 

Amyntae  filiux\  L.  Marcius  Philippus, 
entioned  above  in  Epp.  548,  549,  as 
}ing  likely  to  prove  a  bore,  here  jocosely 
termed  'son of  Amyntas,'  as  bearing  the 
name  of  the  celebrated  King  of  Mace- 
don. 

*fl  a7re pavro \oyias  a  77  Sous]  All  I 
'u'il  est  ennuyeux  avec  son  bavardage,  or 
Ah  !  comme  il  gene,  ce  bavardage. 

prospectu  maris,  turn"]  This  is  the  MSS 
reading.  Lehmann  reads  (p.  128)  tu- 


mulis  for  turn,  comparing  718.  1,  utrum 
magis  tumulis  prospectuque  an  atnbula- 
tione  a\LTevfi  delecter,  a  very  similar 
passage.  But  at  Astura  there  is  no  rising 
ground  that  could  even  be  called  tumuli. 
Dr.  Reid  (ITermathena,  p.  131)  con- 
jectures prospectu  maritumo,  which  may 
well  be  right.  But  turn  is  at  times  found 
in  enumerations  without  a  preceding  cum 
or  turn,  e.  g.  A  cad.  ii.  1,  Magnum 
ingenium  L.  Luculli  magnumque  opti- 
marum  artiumstudium,  turn  omnis  libera- 
lis  .  .  ab  eo  percepta  doctrina  ;  cp.  ib. 
§  43;  Fin.  i.  21:  Leg.  i.  17,  turn  haec 
tractanda. 

turn  his  rebus  omnibus}  '  moreover, 
everything  here.' 

The  date  of  this  letter  is  acutely  fixed 
by  Schmidt,  pp.  364ff.  Cicero  appears 
to  have  sent  Tiro  back  to  Rome  when  he 

L2 


164 


EP.  650  (FAN.  XVI. 


meam  voluntatem  te  facere  quod  noil  sis  mecum :  mecum  es,  si  te 
curas  ;  qua  re  malo  te  valetudini  tuae  servire  quam  meis  ooulis  et 
auribus.  Etsi  enim  et  audio  te  et  video  libenter,  tamen  k< 
multo  erit,  si  valebis,  iucundius.  Ego  hie  cesso,  quia  ipse  nihi] 
scribo ;  lego  autem  libentissime.  Tu  istic,  si  quid  librarii  mea 
manu  non  intellegent,  monstrabis :  una  omnino  interpositio  diffi- 
cilior  est,  quam  ne  ipse  quidem  facile  legere  soleo,  de  quadrimo 
Catoue.  De  triclinio  cura,  ut  facis.  Tertia  aderit,  modo  ne  Pub-1 
lius  rogatus  sit.  2.  Demetrius  iste  numquam  orrmino  Phalereus 


left  Tusculum  for  Astura  on  July  25  (cp. 
647  and  651).  Tiro  probably  wrote  on 
July  26,  to  tell  of  his  safe  arrival,  and 
Cicero  replied  at  once  in  tbis  letter. 

1.  cesso}  'am  idling.' 

Tu  istic]  '  As  you  are  on  tbe  spot,  you 
will  kindly  explain  whatever  the  copyists 
cannot  make  out  by  reason  of  my  hand- 
writing. Certainly  there  is  one  passage 
inserted  which  is  rather  difficult  (to  de- 
cipher), which  even  I  myself  cannot 
easily  read,  the  story  about  Cato  when 
four  years  old.'  The  reference  may  be 
to  Cicero's  work  on  Cato  the  Younger, 
written  46,  of  which  we  may  suppose  that 
a  second  edition  was  brought  out  in  the 
following  year.  Or  it  might  be  to  the 
Laudatio  f or  ciae  mentioned,  in  656.  2.  The 
story  alluded  to  (which  Cicero  inserted  in 
a  cramped  and  illegible  hand  in  the  manu- 
script after  it  was  written)  was,  probably, 
that  told  by  Plutarch  (Cat.  Min.  2)  about 
Pompaedius  Silo,  who  bade  Cato,  when  a 
boy,  ask  his  uncle,  Livius  Drusus,  to  use 
his  influence  in  favour  of  giving  the 
franchise  to  Italians.  Cato  simply  re- 
fused ;  whereupon  Pompaedius  held  him 
out  of  a  window,  and  swung  him  back- 
wards and  forwards,  telling  him  that  he 
would  let  him  fall  if  he  did  not  assent. 
Cato  was,  however,  says  Plutarch,  quite 
undismayed  and  fearless  (ai/fWArj/cTos  Kal 
aSerjs).  Cato  was  born  in  95,  so  that 
in  91,  just  before  the  outbreak  of  the 
Social  "War,  he  was  exactly  four  years 
old.  Schmidt  (pp.  365-7)  reads  de 
quadrivio  Catonis,  'concerning  the  cross- 
road of  Cato,'  and  thinks  that  the  refer- 
ence is  to  the  long  exposition  of  the  Stoic 
philosophy  which  is  put  into  Cato's  mouth 
in  Fin.  iii.  16-75.  It  is  quite  true  that 
Cicero  was  engaged  on  the  De  Finibus  at 
this  time.  But  (not  to  speak  of  the  alter- 
ation of  the  text  involved  in  Schmidt's 
interpretation)  the  exposition  of  the  Stoic 


philosophy  by  Cato  is  an  essential  portion 
of  the  De  Finibus  considered  as  an  organic 
whole,  and  cannot  be  regarded  as  a  mere 
1  interpositio ' ;  and  it  would  have  been 
strange  manuscript  into  which  that  long 
dissertation  could  have  been  inserted  as  a 
mere  subsequent  addition.  Further,  whyj 
it  should  be  called  a  '  cross-road '  we  are 
unable  clearly  to  understand. 

The  view  advocated  above  is  far  simpler.) 
Cato,  his  life,  character,  and  opinions, 
afforded  the  theme  for  most  of  the  literary 
polemics  of  the  anti- Caesarian  party,  so] 
that  it  was  quite  natural  that  the  book  onj 
that  hero,  written  by  the  greatest  literary! 
man  at  Rome,  should  be  in  considerable] 
demand.  "We  learn  from  665.  2  than 
Cicero  was  interested  in  works  on  Cato] 
about  this  time. 

De  triclinio']  Cicero  appears  to  have; 
directed  Tiro  to  have  a  triclinium  made1 
specially  for  some  dinner-party  he  inJ 
tended  to  give.  To  that  dinner-partyJ 
he  says,  Cassius's  wife  Tertia  (or  Tertullal 
will  come  if  Publius  (?  Dolabella)  is  not] 
asked. 

We  find  ourselves  unable  to  assent  toi 
Schmidt's  view  of  this  passage  (p.  365).] 
He  considers  tertia  =  tertia  pensio,  thai 
third  instalment  of  a  debt  which  Cicero] 
had  to  meet  at  this  time.  As  Cicero 
during  this  summer  was  interested  in  re-j 
paying  to  Publilius  the  dowry  of  PubliliM 
— cp.  647  ;  654.  2— Schmidt  thinks  that] 
this  is  the  debt  to  which  reference  isj 
made,  and  that  we  should  read  modo  ne 
Publilius  rogatus  sit  •<  sc.  de  pensions 
proroganda  >,  '  always  provided  that! 
Publilius  be  not  asked  (to  extend  the 
time  of  payment).'  The  corruption  of 
Publilius  into  Publius  is  frequent  :  cp. 
670.2;  but  we  think  Schmidt  errs  by] 
putting  more  into  the  words  than  they 
can  mean. 

2.   Demetrius]      cp.      653,    2 :      655J 


EP.  651  (ATT.  XII.  10]. 


165 


fuit,  sed  nunc  plane  Billienus  est :  itaque  te  do  vicarium ;  tu  eum 
observabis.  Etsi :  verum  tamen ;  de  illis :  nosti  cetera.  Sed 
tamen,  si  quern  cum  eo  sermonem  habueris,  scribes  ad  me,  ut  mihi 
inascatur  epistulae  argumentum  et  ut  tuas  quam  longissimas 
litteras  legam.  Cura,  mi  Tiro,  ut  valeas ;  hoc  gratius  mihi  facere 
nihil  potes.  Vale. 


651.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xn.  10). 

ASTURA  J    JULY  28  J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  morte  Athamantis  Attici,  de  Alexi  curando. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Male  mehercule  de  Atjmmante.  Tuns  autem  dolor  humanus 
I  is  quidem,  sed  magno  opere  moderandus.  Consolationum  autem 
fmultae  viae,  sed  ilia  rectissima  :  impetret  ratio  quod  dies 


SPossibly  he  was  Demetrius  of  Gadara, 
[a  favourite  freedman  of  Pompey's, 

cp.  Att.  iv.  11.  1  (124),  who  is  pro- 
ibably  alluded  to  also  in  Phil.  xiii.  12, 

An  is  iion  reddet,  qui  dotnini  patrimonium 
\circumplexus  quasi  thexattrum  draco,  Pom- 
[pei  servus,  liberals  Caesaris,  agri  Lucani 
\possessiones  occupavit.  There  is  a  good 

story  told  by  Plutarch  (Pomp.  40 ;  Cat. 

Min.  13)  of  the  honours  which  were  paid 

him  in  the  East.  He  was  very  unlike  the 

learned  and  cultivated  Demetrius  of  Pha- 

lerum  (Brut.  37;  Quintil.  x.  1.  80),  and 
[  governor  of  Athens  under  Cassander, 

317-307:  he  was  much  more  like 
I  Billienus.  This  was  a  slave  of  a  certain 

Demetrius,  who,  in  49,  murdered  Do- 
I  mitius,  a  noble,  at  Album  Intimilium  :  cp. 

Fam.  viii.  15.2  (344) ;  and  as  the  murder 

led  to  a  revolution  in  the  town,  it  became 
!  very  notorious  throughout  Italy.  The 

name  Demetrius  suggested  the  reference 
\  to  Cicero,  or  possibly  the  Demetrius  here 

mentioned  was  the  owner  of  Billienus. 
JErnesti  says  that  Cicero  called  him 
\Billienus  from  bilis,  'ad  perstringendam 
Ihominis  malitiam.'  But  Demetrius  was 
» regarded  by  Cicero  as  only  an  unculti- 
*  vated  bore,  '  homo  Ciceroni  molestus,'  as 
I  Orelli  says.  Klebs  in  Pauly-Wissowa 
\  ;iii.  253,  No.  7)  supposes  that  this 
I  Demetrius  was  an  otherwise  unknown 


freedman  of  a  certain  Billienus.  For  the 
name  Billienus  cp.  Brut.  175. 

itaque  te  do  vicarium']  '  Accordingly  I 
give  you  to  him  as  my  substitute  (sc.  to 
entertain  him) ;  you  will  show  all  civility 
to  him.'  There  is  not  any  reference  here 
to  the  sense  of  vicarius  as  the  slave  of  n 
slave. 

Etsi :  verum  tamen  ;  de  illis]  '  Although 
— however  (cp.  602  fin.) — as  to  that :  you 
know  the  rest.'  Possibly,  as  Manutius 
suggests,  Cicero  is  parodying  the  jerky 
style  of  speaking  which  Demetrius 
affected.  He  used  apparently  to  say  only 
a  word  or  two,  and  not  finish  his  sen- 
tences. 

Male  de\  'poor  Athamas,'  cp.  730.  1. 
This  is  the  Latin  formula  for  lamenting  a 
death,  which  we  have  met  before  in  a 
letter,  Att.  xii.  11  (502),  which,  through 
its  commencing  with  these  words  male  de, 
has  been  wrongly  placed  next  after  this 
letter,  though  it  was  written  about  eight 
months  earlier,  and  about  150  letters  come 
between  the  two.  The  o  faction  male  of 
the  pretty  poem  of  Catullus  on  the  death 
of  Lesbia's  sparrow  will  occur  to  the 
reader.  Athamas  was  a  slave  or  freedman 
in  the  household  of  Atticus. 

ratio  .  .  .  dies']  '  let  philosophy  bring 
about  what  time  is  sure  to  do.'  Cp.  the 


166 


EP.  652  (ATT.  XIII.  21,  §§  l-t 


impetratura  est.  Alexin  vero  ouremus,  imaginem  Tironis,  qnem 
aegrum  Romam  remisi,  et,  si  quid  habet  collis  t7n§T//uov,  ad  me 
cum  Tisameno  transferamus.  Tota  domus  vacat  superior,  ut  suis. 
Hoc  puto  valde  ad  rem  pertinere. 


652.    CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Axx.  xm.  21,  §§  1-3). 

ASTURA  ;    JULY    28  ',    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  \    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  epistula  ad  Hirtium  data,  de  Torquato,  Dolabella,  Q.  fratre,  de  verbo  *  si 
nendi '  pro  '  inhibendi  '  reponendo  in  Academicis. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Ad  Hirtium  de<Jeram  epistulam  sane  graudem  quam  scrip- 
seram  proxime  in  Tusculano.  Huic  quam  tu  mihi  misisti 
rescribam  alias.  Nunc  alia  malo.  2.  Quid  possum  de  Torquato, 
nisi  aliquid  a  Dolabella?  Quod  simul  ac,  contiimo  scietis.  Ex- 
spectabam  hodie  aut  summum  eras  ab  eo  tabellarios :  qui  simi 
ac  veuerint,  mittentur  ad  te.  A  Quinto  exspecto.  ProficiscenJ 
enim  e  Tusculano  nx.  Kal.,  ut  scis,  misi  ad  eum  tabellaric 
3.  Nunc  ad  rem  ut  redeam,  'iuhibere'  illud  tuum,  quod  valde  < 


Sophoclean  gnome  that  '  time  is  a  com- 
fortable god,'  xPot/os  yap  ev/u.aprjs  0e<Js, 
El.  179. 

Alexin  .  .  .  imaginem  Tironis]  Cicero 
means  that  Alexis  is  to  Atticus  what 
Tiro  is  to  him.  In  Alt.  v.  20.  9  (228), 
he  had  called  Tiro  his  '  Alexis.' 

si  quid  habet  collis  firiSfifj.iov']  'If 
the  Quirinal  [where  you  live]  is  in  an 
unsanitary  state  [is  visited  by  an  epi- 
demic], let  us  transfer  Alexis  to  my  house 
[on  the  Palatine],  together  with  Tisamenus 
[another  slave  who  was  entrusted  with 
the  care  of  the  invalid].  The  whole 
upper  part  of  the  house  is  empty,  as  you 
know.  This  I  think  highly  important.' 
This  is  a  good  example  of  ad  me,  meaning 
'  to  my  house  in  town,'  an  occasional 
usage  in  the  letters:  cp.  Att.  iv  5.  3 
(108). 

Tisameno']  This  is  stated  by  Bosius  to 
come  from  the  Tornesianus  (Zj.  M  gives 
tetstamento.  A  proper  name  seems  re- 
quired ;  but  the  reading  is  uncertain. 
We  do  not  hear  of  Tisamenus  else- 
where. 


1.  Huic]    'the   letter    from    Hirtius^ 
which  you  enclosed  to  me,  1  will  answi 
some  other  time.    Now  I  prefer  to  at 

to  other  matters.' 

2.  de    Torquato~]    '  what  can  I  do  fa 
Torquatus,  unless  I  hear  from  Dolabellal 
As  soon  as  I  do,  your  household  shall ' 
informed  at  once.     I  expect  his  courie 
to-day  or  to-morrow  at  latest.'  cp.  623.  Ij 
662.  2.     Boot  points  out  that  Cicero  us 
summum,  not  ad  summum,  in  this  pi 
quoting  Att.  xii.  44,   3  (590)  ;  Fam. 
21.  1  (458)  ;  Fam.  xiv.  3.  5  (84).     Af 
possum  Heidemann    (p.   68)   understar 
scribere :   but   the   word    understood 
rather  facere.    We  suppose  sit  or  fuerit 
be  understood  after  aliquid  and  stmul 

3.  Nunc  ad  rem   ut  redeum']  '  to  C< 
to  business.'     He  half  jokingly  calls  th 
question  of  the  diction  of  his  Academi' 
business  in  the  true  sense  of  the  wor 
other  things,  which  most  people  woul 
think  far  more  important,  being  to  him 
of  no  consequence.     The    rest    of    tb« 
letter  may  be  explained  best  by  a  con- 
tinuous   paraphrase  :      *  When     (Cicero 


KP.  652  (ATT.  XIII.  21,  §§  1-S 


167 


m'hi  adriserut,  vehementer  displicet.  Est  enim  verbuin  totum 
muticum.  Quamquam  id  quidem  sciebam,  sed  arbitrabar  susti- 
leri  remos  cum  inhibere  esseut  remiges  iussi.  Id  non  esse  eius 
nodi  didici  beri,  cum  ad  villam  nostram  navis  appelleretur.  Non 
nim  sustiuent,  sed  alio  modo  remigant.  Id  ab  iiro\ij  remotissi- 
aum  est.  Qua  re  facies  ut  ita  sit  in  libro  quern  ad  modum  fuit. 
Dices  hoc  idem  Yarroni,  si  forte  mutavit.  Nee  est  melius  quid- 
uam  quam  ut  Lucilius  : 

Sustineas  currum,  ut  bonu'  saepe  agitator,  equosque ! 

emperque  Carneades  7rpofio\r]v  pugilis  et  retentionem  aurigae 
similem  facit  CTTOXV-  Inbibitio  autem  remigum  motum  habet 
k  vehementiorem  quidem  remigationis  navem  convertentis  ad 
puppim.  Vides  quanto  lioc  diligentius  curem  quam  aut  de  rumore 
^ut  de  Pollione,  de  Pansa  etiam,  si  quid  certius: — credo  enim 
toalam  factum  esse — de  Critonio,  si  quid  fesset  certe  ne  de  Metello 
3t  Balbino. 


Irrites)    I  used  the    \irord    sustinere  for 

'  pulling  up  "  a  horse,  and  when   you 

'idvised  me  to  substitute  for  it  inhibere, 

[[  was    charmed    with   your    suggestion 

;it  first,  but  now   I   do   not   like   it    at 

ill.     Inhibere  is  essentially  a  nautical  ex- 

i  nession ;    of  this   L   was  aware ;    but  I 

i  bought  inhibere  meant  that  the   rowers 

;hould  lie  on  their  oars  (and  so  keep  the 

vessel  stationary) .     I  learned  that  I  was 

|  vrong  when  a  ship  put  in  here  yesterday. 

rnhibere    does    not    mean  to    keep   the 

ressel  stationary,  but  to  row  backwards, 

Uhich   is  quite   unsuitable   to   illustrate 

he  meaning  of  eVox^,  or   "  philosophic 

suspense"   in  my  Academica.      So  have 

';  ustinere  restored,  and  tell  Varro  to  make 

I  he  same  correction  in  his  copy,  if  he  has 

•.hanged   my   sustinere    to    the    inhibere 

'  vhich    you    suggested,    and   I   at    first 

!  gladly  accepted.     We  have  the  authority 

i  Lucilius  (1305,  ed.  Marx)  for  sustinere 

In  the  sense  of  holding  in  a  team  (cp. 

I  are'xejisAesch.Pers.  190);  and  Carneades 

;  onstantly  uses  this  act  on  the  part  of  a 

I  harioteer,  as  well  as  the  boxer's  "  guard  " 

'-  rpojSoATj),  as   an  illustration  of  eVox^. 

j 'he    philosopher     holds    Ids    judgment 

:eady,  and  does  not  allow  it  to  embrace 

ither  of  two  alternative  decisions,  just 

s  the  crew  of  a  boat  hold  it  steady  in  the 

V'ater,  not  allowing  it  to  go  backward  or 

.  Drward,  as  the   driver  "holds  in"  his 


team  and  keeps  them  still,  as  the  boxer 
neither  hits  nor  allows  himself  to  be  hit, 
but  keeps  up  his  steady  "  guard."  Now 
inhibitio  implies  motion,  that  of  rowing 
the  vessel  backward  stern-foremost.'  The 
passage  in  the  Academica  is  ii.  94. 
Cicero  did  not  know  the  technical  mean- 
ing of  this  word  when  he  wrote  De  Orat. 
i.  153  (55  B.C.),  ut  concitato  navigio,  cum 
remiges  inhibuerunt,  retinet  tamen  ipsa 
navis  motum  et  cursum  suum  intermisso 
impetu  pulsuque  remorum  :  but  he  seems 
to  have  known  it  when  he  wrote  Lael.  63 
(44  B.C.),  est  igitur  prudentis  sustinere  ut 
cursum  sic  impetum  benevolentiae.  For 
Latin  translations  of  e'we'xei*',  Dr.  Reid 
(Acad.  ii.  59)  quotes  sustinere  se  ab  omni 
adsensu  (§  48) ;  retinere  adsensum  (§  57) ; 
ab  utraque  parte  adsensionem  sustinere 
(i.  45) ;  adsensionem  cohibere  (N.  D.  i.  1) ; 
indicium  sustinere  in  Sen.  Ep.  108,  21  ; 
refrenatio  et  quasi  suspensio  adsensionis 
Augustin.  contra  Acad.  ii.  12. 

de  Pollione']  We  do  not  know  what  he 
wanted  to  hear  about  C.  Asinius  Pollio, 
who  was  then  with  Caesar  in  Spain  ;  and 
we  are  equally  in  the  dark  about  the 
other  persons  mentioned. 

si  quid  est~\     sc.  certum. 

si  quid  .  .  .  de  Metello^  Orelli  reads 
si  quid  est,  sed  certe  «fe (omitting  ne)  'and 
certainly  [I  care  more  about  the  right 
meaning  of  inhibere]  than  about  the  news 


168 


EP.  653  (FAM.  XVI.  17). 


653.     CICERO  TO  TIRO  (FAM.  xvi.  17). 

ASTURA  J    JULY  29,  EVENING  J    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

M.   Cicero  Tironem  modeste  reprehendit  in  epistula  fideliter  adverbio  non 
usum,  et  ut  valetudini  serviat  admonet. 

TULLIUS  TIRONI  SAL. 

1.  Video  quid  agas :  tuas  quoque  epistulas  vis  referri  h 
volumina.  Sed  heus  tu,  qui  KOVWV  esse  meorum  scriptorum  sol< 
unde  illud  tarn  aicvpov  '  valetudini  fideliter  inserviendo.'  Und< 
in  istum  locum  *  fideliter '  venit  ?  Cui  verbo  domicilium  est  pro- 
prium  in  officio,  migrationes  in  alienum  multae  :  nam  et  doctrina 
et  domus  et  ars  et  ager  etiam  fidelis  dici  potest,  ut  sit,  quo  modo 


concerning  Metellus  and  Balbinus.'  The 
sentence  is  carelessly  expressed,  certius 
and  cerium  bearing  a  different  meaning 
from  certe.  But  perhaps,  in  the  face 
of  so  much  uncertainty,  we  should  put 
a  full  stop  at  Pollione  ;  and  suppose  that 
in  the  following  sentence  Cicero  is  asking 
for  information.  Possibly  the  reading  of 
the  last  line  is  si  quid  est,  et  (si  quid  esset 
MSS.)  certene  de  Metello  et  Balbino  ?  ( and 
is  the  report  sure  about  M.  and  B.  ? '  Ne 
after  certe  is  in  M.  It  is  possible  that 
there  were  rumours  afloat  that  all  these 
men,  who  appear  to  have  been  Caesarians, 
were  going  to  obtain  distinctions  and 
rewards.  Critonius  made  an  anti- 
Caesarian  demonstration  next  year,  if 
we  are  to  believe  Appian  B.  C."  iii,  28. 
We  do  not  know  who  Metellus  or 
Balbinus  was.  We  hear  of  a  L.  Saenius 
Balbinus  who  was  consul  suffectus  in 
30  B.C. 

Video"]  '  I  see  what  you  are  trying 
to  do.  You  want  your  letters  also  (as 
well  as  mine)  to  be  made  into  a  book.' 
This  is  an  important  passage,  as  showing 
that  Cicero  intended  that  his  letters  should 
be  kept  for  publication. 

&icvpov~]  'solecism.'  Schmalz  (An- 
tib.  *.  537)  says  that  the  error  con- 
sisted in  applying  the  word  fideliter  to 
conduct  towards  oneself,  whereas  it  should 
only  be  applied  to  duties  towards  others. 
Tiro  should  have  &a.\&dilig  enter.  But,  as 


Shuckburgh  shows,  this  is  just  what  Til 
probably  meant,  '  he  took  care  of  his  healt 
as  in  duty  bound  to  Cicero.'     He  noticeiS 
that  fideliter,    *  thoroughly,'    '  conscienJ 
tiously,'  can  be  defended  by  Ovid,  Pont.iiJ 
9.  47,  Adde  quodingenuasdidicissefidelitem 
artes  Emollit  mores  nee  sinit  esse  ferotM 
Cicero  adds  that  fidelis,  in  its  metaphoricafl 
sense,  can  be  applied  to  anything  which! 
does  not  play  one   false  and  answers  to 
one's  expectations;  accordingly  it  ean  be 
rightly  applied  to  any   branch  of  studj 
or  trade,  to  a  house  or  land.     Cicero 
something   of  an   over-purist  at   times  I 
cp.  Phil.  iii.  22,  Quid  est  porro  facerM 
contumeliam  ?    quis   sic    loquitur  ?      The 
answer  the  Dictionaries  give  is  PlautusJ 
Cato,  Terence,  Pacuvius,  Metellus  Nu«i 
midicus  (ap.  Gell.  xii.  9.  4),  Livy,  Seneca^ 
Quintilian  says,  ix.  3.  13,  iam  evaluit  .  • 
'  contumeliam  fecit,'  quod  a  Cicerone  reprtm 
hendi  notum  est :  '  affici  enim  contumctia ' 
dicebant. 

Cui  .  .  .  multae']  '  Its  proper  locus  is 
the  sphere  of  duty,  but  it  takes  seven* 
excursions  into  other  fields.' 

ut  sit]  'provided,  as  Theophrastu*- 
says,  the  metaphorical  extension  of  the. 
word  be  kept  within  bounds ' :  ut  means 
'  provided  that ' :  cp.  for  the  metaphow 
Brut.  274,  pleraque  tralata,  sic  tamen  ut 
ea  non  irruis.se  in  alienum  locum  xed 
immigrnsse  in  sttum  diceres:  cp.  Nagels*;. 
bach,  p.  463  (ed.  7).  Theophrastus  wa» 
such  a  purist,  and  spoke  such  exceptionally 


EP.  65k.  (ATT.  XIII.  4.7 n).  169 

Theophrasto  placet,  verecuuda  tralatio.  Sed  haeo  corani.  2.  Deme- 
trius venit  ad  me,  quo  quidem  comitatu  a^wjutArjo-a  satis  scite. 
Tu  eum  videlicet  non  potuisti  videre  ;  eras  aderit :  videbis  igitur  ; 
nam  ego  hinc  perendie  mane  cogito.  Yaletudo  tua  me  valde 
sollicitat,  sed  inservi  et  fac  omnia ;  turn  te  mecum  esse,  turn  mibi 
cumulatissime  satis  facere  putato.  Cuspio  quod  operam  dedisti 
mihi  gratum  est ;  valde  enim  eius  causa  volo.  Yale. 


654.     CICEEO  TO    ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  47<i). 

ASTURA  ;    JULY  30  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Lepidi  litteris  nd   se  missis,  de  ratione  itineris  sui,  de  negotio  cum  Publilio- 
conficiendo,  de  Q.  fratris  litteris. 

CICERO  ATT1CO  SAL. 

1.  Lepidus  ad  me  heri  vesperi  litteras  misit  Antio ;  nam  ibi 
erat :  habet  enim  domum  quam  nos  vendidiraus :  rogat  magno 
opere  ut  sim  Kal.  in  senatu,  me  et  sibi  et  Caesari  vebementer 
gratum  esse  facturum.  Puto  equidem  nibil  esse.  Dixisset  enim 

Attic  Greek,  that  an  old  Attic  woman  said  give  an  explanation  of  how  Cicero  escaped 

it  proved  him  a  stranger  (Quintil.  viii.  1,  the  company  of  Demetrius,   because  the 

2.)     On  Roman  ideas  as  to  tralatio  and  latter  had  to  return  a  day  sooner.     This 

metaphor  see  Quintil.  viii.  6,  4  if.  is  possible.     As  the  words  stand  the  nam 

2.  Demetrius]     cp.  650.  2:  655.  seems  to  mean  '  you  will  see  him  '  (I  will 

quo  quidem  comitatu  .  .  .  videre']  '  from  not),    '  for  I  purpose  leaving  the  morning 

whose    escort   I    escaped    very    neatly.  after  next.' 

You  could  not  have  seen  him  (at  Rome) :  Cuspio'}    Probably    the    same    as    the 

he  will  be  there  to-morrow.'     a<po/jLt\f'ii>,  Cuspius  of  Fam.  xiii.  6.  1  (115). 
lit.    '  to   cease   to   frequent    the   society          valde  enim  eius  causa  volo]     '  For    I 

of.'     Wes.   adds  a    before   quo,   perhaps  sincerely  wish  him  well,'  a  phrase  ap- 

rightly.     Demetrius  appears  to  have  pro-  parently    of  ordinary  life  =  omnia  eius 

posed   to    accompany    Cicero   with   some  causa    'volo.      Sometimes    omnia   (or    an 

considerable   retinue    on    the  journey  to  adverb,  as  here)  is  expressed ;  cp.  Fam. 

Rome  which  he  was  projecting.     Cicero  xiii.  22.  1  (517)  ;  55.  1  (232)  :  sometimes 

had  complained  to  Tiro,  650.  2,  of  having  it  is  omitted,  666.  1.    A  large  number  of 

to   entertain   the   bore   Demetrius.      But  Ciceronian  examples  are  given  by  Lewis 

the  latter  came  direct  to  Cicero  at  Astura;  and  Short,  s.v.  volo,  E.  6. 
and  accordingly  Cicero  says  to  Tiro  (who 
probably  had  mentioned  that  Demetrius 

had  not  called  upon  him)  that  of  course  1.  rogat  .  .  ut  sim  in  senattt]     'begs  me 

Tiro  could  not  have  seen  him,  but  that  to  attend  in  the  senate  on  the  first,  and  says 

Demetrius  would  be  in  Rome  on  the  next  I  will  greatly  oblige  Caesar  as  well   as 

day.     For  satis  scite,  cp.  Fam.  xi.  16.  1  himself  by  so  doing,'  see  on  Ep.  681.  3. 

(888).      Dr.    Reid    thinks    the    sentence  Lepidus  was  master  of  the  horse  at  this 

tn    .    .    .    cogito   should   be   transposed  time,  and  carried  on  the  government  with 

back  to  follow  satis  scite.     It  would  thus  eight  prefects. 


170 


EP.  655  (FAM.  XVI.  19). 


tibi  fortasse  aliquid  Oppius,  quoniam  Balbus  est  aeger.  Sed 
taraen  malui  venire  frustra  quam  desiderari,  si  opus  esset :  moleste 
ferrem  postea.  Itaque  hodie  Anti :  eras  ante  meridiem  domi. 
Tu  velim,  nisi  te  impedivisti,  apud  nos  pridie  Kal.  cum  Pilia. 
2.  Te  spero  cum  Publilio  coufecisse.  Equidem  Kal.  in  Tuscula- 
num  recurram.  Me  enini  absente  omnia  cum  illis  transigi  malo. 
Q.  fratris  epistulam  ad  te  misi,  non  satis  humane  illam  quidem 
respondentem  meis  litteris,  sed  tamen  quod  tibi  satis  sit,  ut 
equidem  existimo.  Tu  videbis. 


655.     C1CEEO  TO  TIRO  (FAM.  xvi.  19). 

TUSCULUM  J  AUGUST  (BEGINNING)  ;  A.  U.  C.  709  ;   B.  C.  45  J  AET.  CIC.  61. | 

M.  Cicero  Tironi  scribit  de  mittendis  libris,  de  Demetrio,  de  Aufidiano  nomine. 
TULLIUS  TIRONI  SUO  SAL. 

Exspecto  tuas  litteras  de  multis  rebus,  te  ipsum  multo  magis.' 
Demetrium  redde  nostrum  et  aliud,   si    quid  potest  boni.     De 
Aufidiano   nomine   nihil   te   hortor;    scio  tibi  curae   esse.      Sed 
confice.     Et,  si  ob  earn  rein  moraris,  accipio  causam  ;  si  id  te  non 
tenet,  advola.     Litteras  tuas  valde  exspecto.     Vale. 


aeger~\  Balbus  suffered  from  gout  in 
the  feet :  cp.  648.  2. 

moleste  ferrem~\  Boot  (ed.  2)  and  Wes. 
(E.  A.  p.  134)  propose  to  read  si  opus 
esset,  <et>  moleste  ferre  postea,  '  and  to 
be  sorry  for  it  afterwards.'  As  M  has 
ferre  not  ferrem,  this  is  not  at  all  im- 
probable. 

domi~\  'at  Rome,'  as  often  in  the 
letters. 

2.  cum  Publilio~]  about  the  restitution 
of  Publilia's  dower  :  cp.  647. 

quod  tibi  satis  sit"]  « enough  to  satisfy 
you.'  We  do  not  know  whatthis  letter  of 
Quintus  was  about.  Perhaps  it  had  re- 
ference to  his  domestic  troubles  :  cp.  658  ; 
661  ;  681. 


Demetrium    redde   nostrum"]     l  get 
back   the   friendship   of  Demetrius, 
anything  else  good  you  can.'     Redde 
used  playfully    in    a   double    sense — (1) 
'  make  again,'  cp.  Fam.  vii.  32.  3  (229), 
DolabeUam  .  .  .  redde  plane  meum ;    (2) 
'  send  me  as  in  duty  bound.'    Cicero  ap- 
pears to  have  treated  Demetrius  somewht 
cavalierly,    and   the   latter  took  offem 
Most  probably  Cicero  did  not  *  get  ot 
of  the    escort '    of    Demetrius    so  v< 
'  cleverly  '  as  he  thought  :  cp.  653.  2. 

Aufidiano}     Aufidius  is  conjectured 
have   been  a  citizen  of  Tusculum,  wl 
owed  Cicero  some  money. 


EP.  656  (ATT.  XI 11.  48). 


171 


656.    CICEKO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  4s). 

TUSCULUM  ;    AUGUST  2  ;  A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Attici  adventu  in  Tusculanum  exspectato,  de  Leptae  hereditate,  de  laudatione 
UPorciae  a  se  correcta,  de  M.  Varronis  et  Lollii  laudationibus  ad  se  mittendis. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Heri  nescio  quid  in  strepitu  videor  exaudisse,  cum  diceres  te 
in  Tusculanum  venturum :  quod  utinam !  iterum  utinam !  tuo 
tamen  commodo.  Lepta  me  rogat  ut,  si  quid  sibi  opus  sit,  accur- 
ram.  Mortuus  enim  Babullius.  Caesar,  opinor,  ex  uncia,  etsi 
nihil  adhuc  ;  sed  Lepta  ex  triente.  Veretur  autem  ne  non  liceat 
tenere  hereditatem,  aAoywc  omnino,  sed  veretur  tamen.  Is  igitur 
j-i  accierit,  accurram :  si  minus,  neutiquam  necesse  erit.  2.  Tu 
Pollicem,  cum  poteris.  Laudationem  Porciae  tibi  misi  correctam  : 
eo  prop  era  vi  ut,  si  forte  aut  Domitio  filio  aut  Bruto  mitteretur, 


1.  in  strepitu]  1 1  fancy  I  heard  you 
say  yesterday  in  the  noise  and  bustle  of 
the  city  that  you  would  come  to  Tuscu- 
lum.'  We  may  suppose  with  Boot  that 
Cicero  had  seen  Atticus  in  Eome  on 
August  1,  and  had  then  returned  to 
Tusculanum,  from  which  he  writes  both 
this  and  the  next  letter  on  the  same  day. 
Cicero  would  not  have  used  the  words  in 
strepitu  to  convey  the  meaning  which 
Schiitz  sees  in  them  in  strepitu  aliorum 
ntgotiorum  multisque  inter pellantibus. 

cum  diceres]  Dr.  Iteid  (Rermathena  355) 
wishes  to  read  quasi  for  cum :  the  latter 
word  would  only  he  applicable  if  there 
was  no  doubt  as  to  what  was  said.  This 
may  be  right.  If  we  adopt  this  sug- 
gestion, the  corruption  might  be  more 
sasily  accounted  for  if  we  read  quasi  con- 
liceres,  the  regular  word  for  making  an 
ippointment  :  cp.  Fam.  i.  9.  20  (153). 
But  perhaps  the  MSS.  reading  cum  may 
stand,  as  the  uncertainty  is  sufficiently 
expressed  by  videor.  For  in  strepitu  he 
:ompares  ad  Brut.  ii.  4.  1  (840)  hoc 
laulliilttm  exaravi  ipsa  in  turba  matutinae 
alutaiionis. 

Lept(i]  Babullius  had  left  (as  Cicero 
ms  heard)  one-third  of  his  property  to 
Lepta,  and  one-twelfth  to  Caesar.  Lepta, 
who  seems  to  have  been  a  timid  and 


suspicious  man,  feared  that  the  disposi- 
tions of  the  deceased  would  not  be  carried 
out.  For  Lepta  cp.  648  init. 

etsi  nihil  adhuc]  sc.  certi  scimus,  or 
some  such  words ;  the  ellipse  is  not  too 
harsh  for  the  letters:  cp.  Fain.  ix.  2.  5 
(461);  xii.  23.  4  (792);  24.  2  (817),  for 
ellipse  of  a  verb  of  knowing.  Perhaps, 
however,  the  ellipse  is  only  of  sit :  cp. 
652.  2. 

o \  6  7  u  s  ]  '  sans  cause  ' ;  Cicero  knew 
the  character  of  Caesar  too  well  to  suspect 
him  of  rapacity. 

neutiquam']  This  is  the  conjecture  of 
Stiirenburg  for  aniequam.  This  is  better 
than  to  insert  non  before  antequam  with 
Miiller.  '  I  will  not  come  until  it  is  neces- 
sary.' For  neutiquam,  cp.  Att.  vi.  9.  3  (282). 

2.  cum  poteris]  sc.  mitte.  Schiitz  has 
4  sc.  mittenduinS  which  is  probably  a 
misprint  for  '  sc.  mittedtim.' 

Porciae"]  sister  of  Cato  of  Utica.  She 
married  L.  Domitius  Ahenobarbus,  who 
opposed  Caesar  at  Corfinium,  and  perished 
at  Pharsalia.  Her  son  was  Cn.  Do- 
mitius Ahenobarbus  (cp.  vol.  iv.  p.  Ix). 

tibi  misi  correctam']  This  is  not  in- 
consistent with  our  explanation  of  into 
modo  in  the  next  Ep.,  which  see.  The 
corrections  were  probably  those  suggested 
by  Atticus. 


172 


EP.  657  (ATT.  XIII.  37}. 


haec  mitt  we  tor.  Id  si  tibi  erit  commodum,  magno  opere  cures 
velim,  et  velira  M.  Varronis  et  Olli  mittas  laudationem,  Olli 
utique.  Nam  illara  legi,  volo  tamen  regustare.  Quaedam  enim 
vix  mihi  credo  legisse  me. 


657.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xin.  37). 

TUSCULUM  ;    AUGUST  2  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  negotiis  suis,  de  Quinto  puero,  de  laudatione  Porciae,  de  rebus  urbanis,  d»j 
Balbo  et  Offilio. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Has  alteras  bodie  litteras.  De  Xenonis  nomine  et  del 
Epiroticis  xxxx  nibil  potest  fieri  nee  commodius  nee  aptius  quam 
ut  scribis.  Id  erat  locutus  mecum  eodem  modo  Balbus  minor. 
2.  Nibil  novi  sane,  nisi  Hirtium  cum  Quinto  acerrime  pro  me 
litigasse,  omnibus  eum  locis  furere  maximeque  in  conviviis,  com- 
mulcare  me,  turn  redire  ad  patrem,  nibil  autem  ab  eo  tarn 


M.  Varronis  et  Olli]  who  had  also 
written  eloges  on  Porcia.  We  do  not 
know  who  Ollius  was.  Eoot  conjectures 
Oppi,  as  Oppius  was  something  of  an 
author  (Plut.  Pomp.  10,  Caes.  17)  :  but 
it  is  unlikely  that  Oppius  would  write  a 
panegyric  on  the  widow  and  sister  of  such 
decided  anti-Caesarians  as  Domitius  and 
Cato. 

regustare]  used  figuratively  as  in  627. 
2  :  Att.  iv.  19.  1  (158)  ille  Latinus 
aTTiKur/jLbs  ex  intervallo  regustandus. 

vix  mihi  credo  legissi]  '  I  can  scarcely 
believe  1  have  read,'  either  because  he 
does  not  remember  these  passages  of 
which  he  has  heard  from  other  sources, 
or  because  some  passages  in  it  were  so 
bad. 

1.  Has  alteras']  'this  is  the  second 
letter  I  am  writing  you  to-day.'  sc.  misi 
cp.  656.  2. 

Xenonis  nomine]  This  was  a  debt  due 
to  Atticus  ;  and  it  is  inferred  from  721. 
4,  th#t  Atticus  had  proposed  to  make 
over  this,  and  the  further  sum  of  40,000 
sesterces  due  to  him  in  Epirus,  for  the 
maintenance  of  young  Cicero  in  Athens, 
he  (Atticus)  to  be  reimbursed  in  Rome. 


For  Balbus  minor  see  Index  and  introd^ 
note  to  Fam.  x.  33  (896). 

2.   Quinto']     Quintus   junior,  who  watj 
assailing  the  character  of  his  uncle. 

furere']  This  is  the  reading  of  F,  and 
gives  excellent  sense.  M  has  facerea 
which  can  only  be  retained  by  addinn 
some  word  like  coitvicia. 

commulcare       me~]      '  belabours      meJ 
'  trounces  rne.'  The  MSS  have  eum  multa 
me.    This  is  very  flat,  especially  cum  ana 
turn,  '  that  he  both  says  much  about  m« 
and  then  reverts  to  his  father.'    Dr.  Heidi 
(HermathenaZbS)  would  'put  a  semicolom 
at  conviviis  removing  cum,  which  seems  to  I 
have    arisen     from   an    untimely   rerai-j 
ni&cence    on    the  part    of  some     scrit 
of    the  construction  cum  . .  turn.1     Tl 
we  feel  to  be  improbable,  and  have  v€ 
tured  on  an  emendation  which  is,howev« 
very  close  to  the  MSS.  (t  for  c,  and  d  i(Xf\ 
r,  both  common  errors).     We  think 
probability  is   very  great  that  in  Att. 
14.  5  (20)  (where  see  note),  we  she 
read  commulcium  [so  Z  :  commulticium 
fisoni   consuli  mirificum  facit,    si  id 
comtmtlcitun  [commultium  Z  M]  vox  pit 
gravitatis,    '  gives     the   consul    Piso 
wondrous  belabouring  (or   '  trouncing '). 


EP.  657  (ATT.  XIII.  37}. 


173 


dici  quam  alieuissimos  nos  esse  a  Caesare,  fidem  nobis 
liabendam  non  esse,  me  vero  etiam  cavenduna — fyofttpov  av  jjjv, 
tiiisi  viderem  scire  regem  me  animi  nihil  habere — Ciceronem  vero 
imeum  vexari.  Sed  id  quidem  arbitratu  suo.  '6.  Laudatiouem 
Porciae  gaudeo  ine  ante  dedisse  Leptae  tabellario  qaam  tuas 
icceperim  litteras.  Earn  tu  igitur,  si  me  amas,  curabis,  si  modo 
paittetur,  isto  modo  mitteudam  Domitio  et  Bruto.  4.  De  gladia- 
;oribus,  de  ceteris  quae  scribis  ai>fyio</>o/>qra  facies  me  cotidie 
'jertiorem.  Yelim,  si  tibi  videtur,  appelles  Balbum  et  Offilium. 
'3e  auetione  proscribeuda  equidem  looutus  sum  cum  Balbo.  Pla- 
sebat — puto  coiiscripta  habere  Offilium  omnia,  babet  et  Balbus — 
ed  Balbo  placebat  propinquurn  diem  et  Komae  :  si  Caesar  mora- 
kjeturj  posse  diem  differri.  Sed  is  quidem  adesse  videtur.  Totutn 
sritur  considera.  Placet  enim  Vestorio. 


nd  that  the  verb  is  used  in  j  ust  the  same 
'jnse  here  of  a  verbal  attack.  For 
pe  word  used  in  its  literal  sense,'  cp. 
puleius,  Met.  viii.  28,  arrepto  denique 
igro  .  .  .  indidem  sese  multinodis  com- 
ulcat  ictibus. 

I  a|to7rt  CTTCOS]     '  vraisemblablementS 
Qofiepbi'  b.v  ^j/]    'this  would  be  ap- 
illing,  were  I  not  aware  that  the  king 
riows   I   have   no   fight  in   me.'      This 
ems  to  be  the  first  place  where  Cicero 
dually  calls  Caesar  *  the  king  ? '  cp.  note 
I  648.  2. 

Ciceronem  .   .   .  suo~\       '  Quintus    adds 

I  at   my  son  is  being  oppressed  by  me. 

3t  him  say  that  as  much  as  he  pleases.' 

I  3.  Laudationem   Porciae]  cp.    note   to 

6.  2. 

isto.modo]     'in  your  form,'  that  is,  the 

\->ge,  if  sent,  is  to  be  forwarded  with  the 

:  erections   and    suggestions    of  Atticus 

jnbodied  in  it.     Such  seems  to   be  the 

t^'ce  of  isto.     Manutius  gives  quite  the 

J<posite   meaning,   ut  est  a  me  scripta, 

<  issa  quam  tu  adhiberi  velies  correctione. 

-it,  as  we  learn  from  the  foregoing  letter, 

<2ero  had   himself    even     entered     the 

Infections  of  Atticus  in   the  copy  which 

1  sent  to  Atticus.      He  now  desires  that 

jt>  copies  sent  to  Brutus  and  Domitius 

kill  be  isto  modo,  '  with  your  suggestions 

I.ered.' 

j  [.de  ceteris  quae  scribis  a.  v  e  /u  o  (p  6  p  i\  r  a] 
I*  id  the  other  floating  rumours  you 
hite  of.'  This  kind  of  attraction  is  very 
f  e:  cp.  Alt.  i.  18.  8  (24),  ex  Us  quae 
f-ipsimus  tanta,  where  see  note.  Dr. 


Reid  disbelieves  in  this  attraction  alto- 
gether, and  would  read  ut  scribis  here  ; 
and  antea  for  tanta  in  Ep.  24.  Possibly 
scribis  may  mean  '  call  in  your  letter,'  as 
Shuckburgh  translates,  'call  in  your 
letter  "  airy  nothings  "  '  ;  but  we  know 
of  no  exact  parallel. 

De  auetione  proscribenda']  Cicero,  Hor- 
deonius,  and  others  had  been  named  as 
co-heirs  in  the  will  of  the  deceased 
Cluvius  of  Puteoli.  This  affair  is  alluded 
to  in  662.  3,  but  the  first  mention  of 
Cluvius  by  name  is  in  663.  3.  The  co- 
heirs had  agreed  to  turn  the  estate  into 
money,  and  share  it  between  them. 
Balbus  was  managing  the  transaction  for 
Caesar,  who  was  one  of  the  co-heirs. 
Offilius,  probably  one  of  the  co-heirs,  had 
an  inventory  of  all  the  assets,  and  so  had 
Balbus,  who  was  in  favour  of  an  early 
day  for  the  sale  at  Rome  (not  at  Puteoli), 
immediately  after  Caesar's  return,  which 
would  be  very  soon.  If  Caesar  made 
any  delay  in  returning,  the  auction  could 
be  postponed  from  day  to  day.  We  have 
punctuated  in  such  a  way  as  to  account 
for  the  sed  (which  is  resumptive  after  the 
parenthesis).  The  editors  seem  to  have 
overlooked  the  sed.  But  the  passage  is 
somewhat  doubtful. 

diem]  So  Z2,  see  Adn.  Grit.  02M 
has  in  diem  diem  which  may  have 
arisen  from  the  familiar  in  diem  having 
been  written  by  some  scribe  over  diem. 
For  in  diem  =  '  for  a  future  time,'  cp. 
Gael.  59  :  Petit.  Cons.  48  ;  Plant.  Mil. 
861 ;  Liv.  ix.  9.  19,  an  deditio  in  diem 


174 


EP.  658  (ATT.  XIII. 


658.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (An-,  xm.  ss). 

TUSCULUM  ;    AUGUST  4  J    A.  U.  C.  709  J   B.  C.  45  ;    AhT.  CIC.  61. 

De  epistula  Q.  filii  ad  se  data,  dein  quaerit  ex   Attico  utrum   sibi  suadeat  in 
Tusculano  maneat  an  Asturae. 

CICERO  ATTICO   SAL. 

1.  Ante  lucem  cum  scriberem  contra  Epicurios,  de  eodem  ole< 
et  opera  exaravi  nescio  quid  ad  te  et  ante  lucem  dedi.  Deinde  cui 
somno  repetito  simul  cum  sole  experrectusessem,  datur  miepistuli 
u  sororis  tuae  filio,  quam  ipsam  tibi  misi,  cuius  est  principium  noi 
sine  maxima  contumelia.     Sed  fortasse  OVK  eiriarritrev.     Est  autei 
sic  :  '  Ego  enim  quidquid  non  belle  in  te  dici  potest.  .   .  .'     Posse| 
vult  in  me  multa  dici  non  belle,  sed  ea  se  negat  approbare.     Hoo, 
quidquam  pote  impurius  ?     lam  cetera  leges — misi  enim  ad  te — j 
iudicabisque.     Bruti  nostri  cotidianis  adsiduisque  laudibus,  quasi) 
ab  eo  de  nobis  haberi  permulti  mihi  renuntiaverunt,  commotum; 
istum  aliquando  scripsisse  aliquid  ad  me  credo  et  ad  te,  idque  uti 
sciain  facies ;    nam  ad  patrem  de  me  quid   scripserit  nescio :  dej 
matre  quam  pie!     '  Yolueram'  inquit  '  ut  quam  plurimum  tecui 


differatur :  so  that  were  it  not  that  Z  and 
2  omit  i»,  we  should  adopt  in  diem,  hold- 
ing that  the  second  diem  in  M  arose  from 
dittography.  See  Lehmann,  'Att.,'  183. 
Miiller  reads  in  diem  ex  die  ;  cp.  ad  Brut, 
ii.  1.  1  (836)  and  note  there. 

1.  contra  Epicurios]  Either  in  the 
first  book  of  the  De  Natura  Deorwn  ;  or, 
as  Manutius  says,  Tusculana  secunda. 
Both  these  works  seem  to  have  been 
published  in  the  autumn  of  45. 

de  eodem  oleo  et  opera]  '  by  the  same 
lamp  and  at  the  same  sitting.'  Cicero 
must  have  been  writing  about  2  a.m.  He 
often  worked  in  the  night,  cp.  668  fin., 
also  591.  2. 

nescio  quid"]  This  letter  has  probably 
been  lost.  It  seems  to  be  alluded  to  in 
659  fin. 

OVK  eve ffr t\a fv~]  'he  did  not  stop 
to  think '  ;  he  wrote  without  thinking 
what  he  was  saying ;  ewfarriffev,  sc. 
TT)V  yvt/afArjv  :  for  the  absolute  use  of  the 
word  cp.  LS.  s.  v.  f'^iVrTj/tj  A.  vi. 


Est  autem  sic]     '  It  runs  thus  :  for  1 1 
all  the  unhandsome  things  that  can  be  sat 
of  you.    So  his  meaning  is,  that  many  uni 
handsome  things  may  be  said  of  me,  hi 
he  does  not  endorse  them.   Could  anything 
be  more   scandalous   (odious,   offensive] 
than   this  ? '     The  editors   obelise   enii 
but  it  is  quite  right.    The  words  were  nc 
necessarily  the  nrst  words  of  the  letter,] 
though  they  are  quoti  d  from  its  beginninj 
(principium}.     To  insert  non  probo  aftt 
the  words  at  which  Cicero  chooses  to  ei 
his   quotation   from   the   letter  is  '  froi 
the  purpose  '  of  criticism.     Impurius  ha 
the  idea  of  a  thing  being  offensive,  likj 
jj.ta.p6v.     For  the  colloquial  pote  cp.  Bri  . 
172.     Possibly  it  should  be  read  in  AttJ 
iv.  13.  1  (130),  where  see  Adn.  Crit. 

idque  ut  sciam  fades']     Cicero  asks  At4j 
ticus  to  let  him  know  whether  younj 
Quintus  has  written  to  him  (Atticus), 
well  as   to   himself   (Cicero),    under  t 
influence  of  Brutus'  handsome  langut 
about  both  of  them. 

'  Volueram  .  .  .  sets']    These  are 


EP.  658  (ATT.  XIII. 


essem,  conduci  mihi  domum,  et  id  ad  te  scripseram :  neglexisti. 
Ita  minus  multum  una  erimus.  Nam  ego  istam  domum  videre 
non  possum :  qua  de  causa  scis.'  Hanc  autem  causam  pater 
odium  matris  esse  dicebat.  2.  Nunc  me  iuva,  mi  Attice,  consilio, 
iroTtpov  S/KCI  ra^oc  vi//tov,  id  est,  utrum  aperte  hominem  asperner 
et  respuam,  77  trKoXiaig  airaraiQ.  Ut  enim  Pindaro,  sic  $l\a  pot 
vooc  orplicfiav  ecTreti/.  Omnino  moribus  meis  illud  aptius,  sed  hoc 
fortasse  temporibus.  Tu  autem,  quod  ipse  tibi  suaseris,  idem  mihi 
persuasum  putato.  Equidem  vereor  maxime  ue  in  Tusculano 
opprimar.  In  turba  haec  essent  faciliora.  "Utrum  igitur  Asturam  ? 
Quid,  si  Caesar  subito  ?  Iuva  me,  quaeso,  consilio.  Utar  eo  quod 
tu  decreveris. 


words  of  Quintus  junior  in  a  letter  to  his 
[father.     Quintus   senior   had   communi- 
cated them  to  his  brother,  and  explained 
[what  the  causa  was,  viz.  hatred  felt  towards 
iis    mother.      He     afterwards     became 
[friendly  with  her  (713.  4)  ;  cp.  659.  1. 
I     2.  irorepov   Stfca]     The  full  passage 
prom  Pindar  is  quoted  by  Maximus  Tyrius 
[xviii]    init.,    p.    145,  ed.    Hobein, 
•orepov  Si'/co  (codd.    St/ca)  Te?xos  vfyiov  \ 
ffKoXiais  airdrais  avafiaivet  [  ^iri^Ooviov 
avdpcaircoV)  \  8i'xa  H01  voos  aTpe/cejav 
\irf  v  :  cp.  Eergk,  p.  451  f.     It  declares 
jthat  the  poet  does  not  know  which  is  the 
surer  road  to  success,  to  try  to  climb  the 
lofty  heights  (edita  templa  in  the  words  of 
[Lucretius)   of   achievement    by   honesty 
ind  straightforwardness,  or  by  the  crooked 
jpaths  of  deceit  and  time-serving.     Plato, 
in  the  .Republic  (ii.  365  B),  uses  the  words 
!>f  Pindar  to  illustrate  the  question  which 
jie  there  raises,  voids  TIS  ttv  &v  Kal  TTT? 
06ts   rov    &iov    us    frpiffra    St€\6ot. 
'Jicero  explains  that  the  question  here  is 
Ivhether    he    should    display   openly   or 
jonceal  his  resentment  against  Quintus, 
idding,  '  the  former  is  more  conformable 


to  my  taste,  the  latter  to  my  circum- 
stances.' 

asperner  et  respuani]  '  scorn  and 
spurn.' 

opprimar']     sc.  a  Quinto. 

In  turbo]  '  in  the  tumult  of  city  life 
the  meeting  would  be  more  endurable  '  : 
cp.  in  strepitu,  in  Ep.  656.  1.  Could 
turba  be  a  copyist's  error  for  urbe?  cp. 
Adn.  Grit,  to  Att.  v.  10.  5  (198). 

Asturani]  We  here  make  the  slight 
change  of  Asturam  for  Asturae  with 
Wesenberg  and  Boot.  Cp.  647,  where  M 
reade  Adsture.  The  latter  would  mean, 
*  shall  I  then  arrange  (to  meet  Quintus) 
at  Astura?'  But  that  would  be  even 
worse  than  Tusculanum,  as  being  further 
from  Kome.  But  'shall  I  then  fly  to 
Astura?'  is  quite  suitable.  Quintus  is 
less  likely  to  surprise  him  there  than  in 
Tusculanum.  But  a  doubt  arises—'  What 
if  Caesar  should  suddenly  arrive  in  Rome  ? 
(cp.  664.  2).  Would  it  not  then  be  more 
convenient  to  be  in  Tusculanum  than  in 
the  more  distant  Astura  ? '  He  ends  with 
'  Pray  give  me  your  ^advice.  Whatever 
you  decide,  I  will  acquiesce  in  it.' 


176 


EP.  659  (ATT.  XIII.  39). 


659.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  39). 

TUSCULUM  ;   AUGUST  5  J    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  C1C.  61. 


De  Quinto  filio,  de  Bruto,  de  libris  sibi  mittendis. 
CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  0  incredibilem  vauitatem  !  ad  patrem  domo  sibi  carendum 
propter  matrem :  ad  matrem  plenam  pietatis !  Hie  autem  iam 
languescit  et  ait  sibi  ilium  iure  iratum.  2.  Sed  utor  tuo  consilio. 
2/voAio.  eiiim  tibi  video  placere.  Roniam,  ut  censes,  veniam,  sed 
invitus :  valde  enim  in  scribendo  haereo.  Brutum,  inquis,  eadem. 
Scilicet.  Sed  nisi  hoc  esset,  res  me  ista  non  cogeret.  Nee  enim 
inde  venit  unde  mallem,  neque  diu  afuit,  neque  ullam  litteram  ad 
me.  Sed  tamen  scire  aveo  qualis  ei  totius  itineris  summa  fuerit. 
Libros  mini,  de  quibus  ad  te  antea  scripsi,  velim  rnittas  et  maxime 
•4>uc'3pou  irtpi  Oeuv  et  fflAAIAOS. 


1.  vani talent]  '  hypocrisy,'  '  duplicity  ' 
-(Shuckburgh).     The  word   seldom  bears 
such  a  coaderanatory  sense  ;  it  is  gener- 
ally merely  '  inconsistency,  frivolity.' 

domo  sibi  carendum]  '  that  he  is  com- 
pelled to  remain  away  from  his  home  ' 
cp.  note  to  517. 

ad  matrem]  a  necessary  addition.  The 
words  were  omitted  ex  homoeoteleuto.  For 
epistulam  omitted,  cp.  note  to  737.  1. 

Hie  autem~\  *  yet  Quintus  (the  father) 
is  losing  his  vigour,  and  says  that  his  son 
has  reason  to  be  angry  with  him.' 

2.  S/coAta]     the  dissembling   of   his 
resentment ;      'by  -  paths   and   indirect 
crooked    ways,'    as     Shakespeare    says, 
2  Hen.  IV.  Act  iv,  5,  185. 

in  scribendo  haereo~\  '  I  cling  to  my 
writing.'  The  word  would  naturally 
mean,  '  I  come  to  a  difficulty ' ;  but  it 
bears  the  present  sense  in  the  next  letter 
(660.  2)  in  libris  haereo. 

eadem]  This  is  the  abl.  fern. ;  either 
via  or  opera  is  understood ;  probably 
opera,  for  which  see  Tyrrell's  note  on 
Plaut.  Mil.  303.  Supply  videre  poteris. 

hoc]  the  desire  to  avoid  meeting  Quin- 
tus out  of  Rome. 


res  .  .  ista]  the  fact  that  he  would 
meet  Brutus  in  Rome. 

inde  venit  unde]  *  he  does  not  come 
from  the  place  I  should  like  him  to  come 
from,'  the  camp  of  Caesar's  enemies,  not 
from  that  of  Caesar. 

ullam  litteram]  sc.  misit  :  for  the 
ellipse  cp.  581.  1. 

4>ai'5/>ou  Trepl  0e«i>]  There  is  satis- 
factory evidence  for  a  work  De  Natural 
Deorum  in  Greek  by  the  Epicurean  Phae- 
drus.  But  for  a  special  work  by  him  on 
Pallas,  or  any  other  individual  deity, 
there  is  none.  It  seems  safer,  then,  to 
give  the  reading  of  the  MSS  obelised  than 
to  print  vepl  Ua\\d5os  (cp.  N.  D.  i.  41), 
where  we  hear  that  Diogenes  of  Seleucia 
wrote  a  book  on  Pallas ;  or,  as  Hirzel  sug- 
gested, ' Airo\\o8o»pov.  Gurlitt  (Philo- 
loffus,  1898,  p.  398  if.)  suggests  TTOJ/TOS, 
'  on  the  Universe.'  He  notices  that 
Ocellus  Lucanus,  and  Hippolytus  wrote 
treatises  irepl  rov  iravros,  and  holds  that 
Phaedrus  may  have  done  the  same.  Cicero 
may  have  wanted  it  not  only  for  the  D« 
Nat.  Deorum,  but  also  for  his  Timaeus, 
which  is  sometimes  called  De  Universo. 


EP.  660  (ATT.  XIII.  40). 


177 


660.     CICEKO  TO  ATTIOUS  (Axx.  xui.  4o). 

TUSCULUM  J    AUGUST  7  OR  8  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.    CIC.  61. 
De  nuntio  Bruti,  quaerit  ab  Attico  utrum  sibi  advolandum  putet  an  manendum. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Itane  nuntiat  Brutus,  ilium  ad  bonos  viros  ?  EvayyiXta. 
Sed  ubi  eos  ?  Nisi  forte  se  suspendit.  Hie  autem  ?  Tu  ' f utilum 
est.'  Ubi  igitur  $i\oriyyr\iJLa  illud  tuum,  quod  vidi  in  Parthenone, 
Ahalam  et  Brutum  ?  Sed  quid  faciat  ?  Illud  optime,  '  sed  ne  is 
quidem,  qui  omnium  flagitiorum  auctor,  bene  de  nostro.'  At  ego 
verebar  ne  etiam  Brutus  eum  diligeret.  Ita  enim  significarat  iis 
litteris,  quas  ad  me,  '  At  vellem  aliquid  degustasses  de  fabulis.7 
Sed  coram,  ut  scribis.  2.  Etsi  quid  mihi  auctor  es  ?  Advolone 


1.  Hie  autem?  Tu 'f utilum  est' ~\  The 
MSS  give  Hie  autem  ut  fultum  est.  "We 
have  adopted  the  conjecture  of  Schmidt, 
futilum,  for  the  corrupt  fultum,  which  is 
far  better  for  many  reasons  than  to  read 
stultum,  or  to  endeavour  to  elicit  some 
meaning  out  of  fultum.  Cicero  may  have 
had  in  his  mind,  as  Schmidt  suggests, 
the  Ennian  verse,  266  (Ribb.),  saeviter  sus- 
picionem  ferre  falsam  futilumst.  A  rare 
word  like  futilum  would  be  certain  to  be 
corrupted  into  a  common  one  like  fultum. 
The  rest  of  the  explanation  of  Schmidt 
we  cannot  quite  follow ;  but  by  another 
slight  change,  that  of  tu  for  ut  (a  common 
error  in  MSS),  we  are  able  to  give  a  con- 
nected train  of  thought  to  the  passage : 
So  Brutus  announces  the  conversion  of 
Caesar  to  the  cause  of  the  good  men  and 
true  (that  of  the  Optimates).  Noel,  no'e'i ! 
But  where  will  he  find  them  ?  Unless,  in- 
deed, he  hangs  himself  (and  goes  to  join 
them  in  the  other  world).  But  what  is 
Brutus  himself  going  to  do  ?  [Is  he 
going  to  take  measures  to  resist  the 
tyranny  of  Caesar,  and  restore  the  Re- 
public ?1  You  say  "it  is  idle  to  expect 
it."  Where  then  do  you  leave  that  chef 
d'ceuvre  of  yours,  the  family-tree  (cp. 
Nepos,  Att.  18.  3),  which  exhibits  the 
ancestors  of  Brutus  as  far  back  as  Ahala 
the  tyrannicide,  and  Brutus  the  first 
consul,  and  which  I  have  seen  in  the 
room  which  Brutus  calls  his  Parthenon  ? 
[that  is,  do  you  not  at  all  take  into 
account  the  effect  of  family  tradition  on 
Brutus  ?]  But,  after  all,  what  could  he 


do  ? '  For  examples  of  Greek  names 
applied  to  portions  of  villas,  cp.  Cicero's 
Academia,  Att.  i.  4,  3  (9) ;  Lyceum,  De 
Div.  i.  8  ;  and  perhaps  Eurotas,  applied 
to  a  river  in  the  estate  of  Brutus,  742.  1. 
The  connexion  of  the  plebeian  Bruti  with 
the  patrician  Brutus,  the  first  consul,  is 
doubtful. 

The  multiplicity  of  honours  which 
Caesar  received  on  his  return  from  Spain 
cannot  have  inspired  the  optimism  of 
Brutus.  It  must  have  arisen  from  per- 
sonal conversation  with  him.  Note  the 
attraction  of  Ahalam  et  Brutum  into  the 
case  of  the  relative  quod,  with  which  they 
are  in  apposition. 

Illud  optime]  '  I  was  delighted  to  read 
not  even  he  who  has  the  responsibility  for 
the  whole  bad  business  [Hirtius,  who  in- 
troduced young  Quintus  to  Caesar,  cp. 
Att.  x,  4.  11  (382)  :  or  it  may,  perhaps, 
be  Caesar  himself  who  encouraged  young 
Quintus]  has  a  good  word  to  say  of  him. 
I  was  afraid  that  even  Brutus  was  fond 
of  him.  Such  was  the  implication  of  a 
passage  in  a  letter  of  his  to  me  :  /  wish 

Ehad  had  a  taste  of  his  talks  with  me  * 
it  may  be  of  '  some  of  his  stories  ']. 
ing  Quintus  seems  to  have  been  agree- 
able to  talk  to:  cp.  Q.  Fr.  ii.  5.  2  (106). 
2.  quid  mihi  auctor  es~]     Here,  accord- 
ing to  the  usage  of  the  Comic  stage,  the 
compound  expression  auctor  es  is  treated 
as  a  transitive  verb,  and  governs  quid: 
cp.  ut  sitis  hanc  rem  gnarures  =  ut  hanc 
rem  cognoscatis,  Plaut.  Most.  100. 

Advolone~\     '  am  I  off  to  Rome,  or  do 

M 


178 


EP.  661  (ATT.  XIII.  41). 


an  maneo  ?  Equidem  et  in  libris  haereo  et  ilium  hie  excipere 
nolo,  ad  quern,  ut  audio,  pater  hodie  ad  Saxa  summa  acrimonia. 
Mirum  quam  inimicus  ibat,  ut  ego  obiurgarem.  Sed  ego  ipse 
ic£K£7r^(tjjuac.  Itaque  posthac.  Tu  tamen  vide  quid  de  adventu 
meo  censeas,  et  ra  oXa  eras,  si  perspici  potuerint,  mane  statim  ut 
soiam. 


661.     CICEKO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  4i). 

TUSCULUM  ;    AUGUST  8  OR  9  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  \    B.  C.  45  J    AET.    CIC.  61. 
De  Quinto  et  patre  et  filio. 
CICERO  ATT1CO  SAL. 

1.  Ego    vero  Quinto   epistulam  ad  sororem   misi.     Cum   ille 
quereretur  filio  cum  matre  bellum  esse,  et  se  ob  earn  causam  domo 


I  stay  here  ? '  The  indicative  is  more 
vivid  than  the  subjunctive  :  cp.  Palmer 
on  Plaut.  Amph.  Prol.  56. 

in  libris  haereo']     cp.  659.  2. 

ilium  hie  .  .  .  nolo]     cp.  658.  2. 

Saxa]  Some  MSS  give  Saxa  Acrunoma 
or  Acronoma,  unheard-of  (if  not  impos- 
sible) designations.  Now  the  Saxa  Ruhr  a 
on  the  Flaminian  road,  about  nine  miles 
from  Rome,  are  well  known,  and  men- 
tioned in  ancient  itineraries.  Schmidt 
accepts  the  acrimonia  of  M,  and  inserts 
summa,  which  might  have  fallen  out 
after  saxa — '  I  hear  Quintus  has  gone 
in  a  towering  passion  as  far  as  the  Saxa 
Rubra,  to  meet  his  son.  He  was  amaz- 
ingly exasperated,  so  that  I  had  to  reprove 
him  for  it.'  The  word  acrimonia  is  pecu- 
liarly suitable  to  the  anger  of  a  father 
against  his  son,  as  Schmidt  shows  by 
quoting  qua  re  si  patris  vim  et  acrimoniam 
ceperis  ad  resiste/idum  hominibus  audacis- 
simis,  1  Verr.  i.  52. 

KcKeir<f>Q>/j.ai]  '  1  have  been  a  per- 
fect feather- head  ' ;  that  is,  '  I  have  been 
easily  influenced  in  this  direction  or  that.' 
The  verb  is  derived  from  KC'TT^OS,  a  kind 
of  bird  which  gave  a  sobriquet  to  persons 
easily  influenced,  and  wanting  stability  of 
character,  robs  e\a<f>povs  typeffiv  (Suid.) ; 
rovs  9.\oyiffrois  ical  avo^rovs  (Schol.  ad 
Ar.  Plut.  913) ;  robs  o^eus  k\Kvvonfvovs 
(Hesyoh.),  which  last  explanation  exactly 
suits  the  present  passage.  Cicero  means 
'  I  have  little  right  to  reproach  Quintus 
for  sudden  changes  of  feeling,  and  for 
now  being  so  furious  with  his  son,  though 


a  short  time  ago  he  was  disposed  to  make 
excuses  for  him  [as  we  read  in  the  last 
letter],  I  who  was^myself  such  a  weather- 
cock in  the  changes  of  my  designs  and 
sentiments.' 

Itaque  posthac]  It  is  not  easy  to  decide 
what  words  should  be  supplied  here,  but 
probably  Cicero  means  that  in  future 
he  will  adopt  a  demeanour  towards  both 
his  brother  and  nephew  which  will  be 
less  variable,  '  So  in  future  (I  will  be 
different).'  Or  it  might  be  regarded  as 
an  aposiopesis.  Itaque  posthac — '  Well,  if 
ever  (I  do  the  like  again).' 

rb.  o\a  .  .  .  sciain]  sc.  fac :  'let 
me  know  the  ins  and  outs  of  the  matter, 
if  anything  can  be  divined,  by  a  letter 
the  first  thing  in  the  morning.' 

1 .  Ego  vero~\  '  Yes,  I  did  send  to 
Quintus  your  letter  to  your  sister'  (Pom- 
ponia,  the  wife  of  Quintus). 

bellum]  For  this  word  applied  to 
domestic  quarrels,  cp.  Att.  ii.  1,  5  (27), 
ea  seditiosa,  ea  cum  viro  bellum  gerit,  pro- 
bably taken  from  a  Comic  poet :  see  note 
there.  Seditio  means  what  we  should 
call  '  a  cat-and-dog  life,'  as  in  Ter.  Andr. 
830,  filiam  darem  in  seditionem  atque  in 
incertas  nuptias. 

domo  cessurum  Jilio~]  We  are  not  sure 
that  this  is  right.  It  ought  to  mean  that 
he  would  give  up  his  house  to  his  son. 
But  what  good  would  that  be  if  son  and 
mother  were  on  bad  terms  with  one 
another?  Perhaps  we  should  read  de 
domo  *  would  give  way  to  his  son  in  the 


EP.  662  (ATT.  XIII. 


179 


cessurum  filio  diceret,  dixi  ilium  commodas  ad  matrem  litteras,  ad 
te  nullas.  Ille  alterum  mirabatur,  de  te  autem  suam  culpam, 
quod  saepe  graviter  ad  filium  soripsisset  de  tua  in  ilium  iniuria. 
2.  Quod  autem  relanguisse  se  dicit,  ego  ei  tuis  litteris  lectis 
<rKo\iaiQ  cnrarais  significavi  me  non  fore.  .  .  .  Turn  enim  mentio 
Canae.  Omnino,  si  id  consilium  placeret,  esset  necesse.  Sed,  nt 
scribis,  ratio  est  habenda  gravitatis,  et  utriusque  nostrum  idem 
oonsilium  esse  debet,  etsi  in  me  graviores  iniuriae  et  certe  notiores. 
Si  vero  etiam  Brutus  aliquid  adferet,  nulla  dubitatio  est.  Sed 
coram  :  magna  enim  res  et  multae  cautionis.  Cras  igitur,  nisi 
quid  a  te  commeatus. 


662.     CICERO  TO  ATTIOUS  (ATT.  xui.  45). 

TUSCULUM  J    AUGUST  11  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Lamiae  ad  se  adventu  et  quid  ille  de   adventu  Caesaris  aliisque  rebus  sibi 
nuntiaverit,  de  Dolabella,  de  Vestorio. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Fuit  apud  me  Lamia  post  discessum  tuum  epistuhimque  ad 
me  attulit  missam  sibi  a  Caesare,  quae  quamquarn  ante  data  erat 


matter  of  the  house.'  Young  Quintus 
wanted  bis  father  to  hire  a  house  for  him  : 
cp.  658.  1. 

commodas]  1 1  mentioned  to  him  that 
he  (young  Quintus)  had  sent  a  concilia- 
tory letter  to  his  mother,  and  had  not 
written  to  you  at  all  (cp.  659,  1).  He 
expressed  surprise  at  the  former,  but 
{said)  that  for  his  conduct  to  you  he  was 
himself  responsible,  as  he  had  often 
written  strongly  to  his  son  about  your 
unfairness  to  him.' 

2.  re Ian gruisse]  cp.  659.  2  hie  autem  iam 
languescit. 

ego  ei  .  .  .  non  fore']     '  I,  acting  on  the 

Principle  (cp.  658.  2)  of  the  crooked  paths 
iat.  of  manner,  like  8oA.y,  &c.),  told  him 
that  I  would  [bear  no  malice  against  his 
son].  For  then  we  went  on  to  speak  of 
Cana.  If  that  project  were  approved  of,  it 
would  be  quite  necessary  to  make  it  up  with 
young  Quintus.  We  should,  however,  as 
you  say,  take  account  of  our  dignity,  and 
,  we  should  both  pursue  the  same  policy, 
though  the  wrongs  done  to  me  were 
greater,  and  certainly  more  public.' 
There  were  some  negotiations  for  a  mar- 
between  young  Quintus  and  the 


daughter  of  Q.  Gellius  Canus.  Gellius 
Canus  was  a  friend  of  Atticus,  and  was 
saved  by  his  influence  at  the  time  of  the 
proscriptions  (Nepos,  Att.  10.  2-4) :  cp. 
607  fin. ;  753.  2.  Some  word  like  iratum, 
or  timendum,  or  perhaps  some  Greek  word 
like  faeyKTov,  must  have  fallen  out  before 
turn. 

aliquid  adferet]  Some  reason  for  par- 
doning Quintus  junior. 

commeatus']  sc.  est,  '  To-morrow  then, 
unless  I  get  some  furlough  from  you  '  : 
cp.  662.  1  dies  feriarum  mihi  additos 
video.  Schmidt  thinks  that  vesperi  (written 
briefly  ves.)lies  hidden  under  the  two  last 
letters  of  commeatus,  the  reading  of  the 
MS,  and  reads  commeat  vesperi.  For  the 
word  commeat,  as  applied  to  the  inter- 
change of  letters,  see  Att.  viii.  9.  3  (340). 
But  there  we  have  reference  to  frequent 
letters  (crebro) .  A  single  letter,  as  M  tiller 
says,  cannot  be  said  eommearf.  Gurlitt 
suggests  commutator,  *  you  make  some 
change.' 

1.  Lamia"]     L.  Aelius  Lamia,  a  friend 
of  Cicero's :  cp.  Att.  xi.  7.  2  (420). 
post    discessum    tuuni]     Att.   had    just 
M 


180 


EP. 


(ATT.  XIII. 


quara  illae  Dioeharinae,  tamen  plane  declarabat  ilium  ante  ludos 
Romanes  esse  venturum.  In  qua  exbrema  scriptum  erat,  ut  ad 
ludos  orania  pararet  neve  committeret  ut  frustra  ipse  pro}>erasset. 
Prorsus  ex  his  litteris  non  videbatur  esse  dubium  quin  ante  earn 
diem  venturus  esset  itemque  Balbo,  cum  earn  epistulam  legisset,. 
videri  Lamia  dicebat.  Dies  feriarum  milii  additos  video,  sed 
quam  multos  fac,  si  me  amas,  sciam.  De  Baebio  poteris  et  de 
altero  vicino  Egnatio.  2.  Quod  me  hortaris  ut  eos  dies  consurnam 
in  philosophia  explicanda,  currentem  tu  quidern,  sed  cum  Dola- 
bella  vivendum  esse  istis  diebus  vides.  Quod  nisi  me  Torquati 
causa  teneret,  satis  erat  dierum  ut  Puteolos  excurrere  possern  et 
ad  tempus  redire.  3.  Lamia  quidem  a  Balbo,  ut  videbatur, 
audiverat  multos  nummos  dorai  esse  numeratos,  quos  oporteret 
quam  primum  dividi,  magnum  pondus  argenti :  auctionem  praeter 
praedia  primo  quoque  tempore  fieri  oportere.  Scribas  ad  me  velim 
quid  tibi  placeat.  Equidem,  si  ex  omnibus  esset  eligendum,  neo 
diligentiorern  nee  officiosiorem  nee  mehercule  nostri  studiosiorem 
facile  delegissem  Vestorio,  ad  quern  accuratissimas  litteras  dedi, 
quod  idem  te  fecisse  arbitror.  Mihi  quidem  hoc  satis  videtur.  Tu 
quid  dicis  ?  "Unum  enim  pungit,  ne  neglegentiores  esse  videamur. 
Exspectabo  igitur  tuas  litteras. 


paid  a  short  visit  to  Cicero,  as  he  did 
on  May  18  (Ep.  596)  and  June  8  (Ep. 
618). 

Diocharinae]  '  brought  by  Diochares ' : 
cp.  Alt.  xi.  6.  7  (418). 

ludos  Rotnanos]     held  Sept.  15-19. 

Dies  feriarum]  '  I  see  that  my  holi- 
days will  last  longer  than  I  thought. 
How  much  longer,  will  you  please  let  me 
know  ?  You  can  find  out  from  Baebius 
and  your  other  neighbour  Egnatius.'  His 
holidays  were  lengthened  by  the  post- 
ponement of  the  sale. 

De  Baebio  poteris]  so.  scire,  cp.  656.  1. 
For  Egnatius  cp.  647.  1.  We  hear  of  a 
Baebius  in  Att.  ix.  14.  2  (372),  homo  non 
infans. 

2.  currentem  tu  quidem]  sc.  hortaris. 
For  currentem  cp.  Att.  vi.  7.  1  (270). 

Torquati  causa]  Torquatus  desired  that 
Cicero  should  use  his  influence  with 
Dolabella  to  procure  for  him  a  pardon 
from  Caesar :  cp.  623.  1  ;  652.  2 :  also 
575. 

Puteolos]  For  the  purpose  of  formally 
entering  on  his  share  of  the  property  of 


the  deceased  Cluvius  of  Puteoli,  of  whom 
he  was  a  co-heir  with  Caesar. 

3.  domi]   at    the  house  of  Cluvius  in 
Puteoli. 

prae ter  praedia]  '  except thefarmstead/' 
The  praedia  and  horti  were  not  to  be 
included  in  the  sale,  so  that  Caesar 
gests  Manutius)  might  be  able  to  make 
gifts  of  some,  or  all  of  them,  to  favoured^' 
followers.  Malaspina  transposes  these* 
words  to  go  with  the  preceding  clause* 
potidus  argenti  praeter  praedia ;  audio* 
item  primo  quoque  tempore. 

nee  mehercule  nostri  studiosiorem"] 
These  words  are  in  Cratander's  editic 
also  in  Z  according  to  Bosius  (except  tl 
he  does  not  give  mehercule) :  cp.  Lehmann; 
'Att.'  124.  They  are  omitted  in  SA. 
There  is  the  reason  of  homoeoteleuton  t<l 
explain  their  loss  in  the  Italian  archetype 
of  2A  :  we  can  assign  no  reason  for  thei» 
interpolation.  Cicero  perhaps  did  not 
think  very  much  of  the  culture  of  Ves» 
torius,  Att.  iv.  19,  1  (158),  but  he  valued 
his  business  qualities,  715  fin.,  cp.  712* 
1 ;  Att.  vi.  2.  3  (256). 


EP.  663  (ATT.  XIII.  46). 


181 


663.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Axr.  xin.  46). 

TUSCUI/UM  ;    AUGUST  12  J   A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J   AET.    CIC.  61. 

De  Pollice,  qui  sibi  Lanuvii  praesto  fuerit,  de  Balbo  convento,  de  cretione  Cluvii, 
de  hortis  Cluvianis,  de  Vestorio  subaccusando,  de  Cossinio,  de  Quinto  fratre,  de 
Vestorio  accusatione  liberando. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Pollex  quidera,  ut  dixerat  ad  Idus  Sextilis,  ita  milii  Lanuvi 
pridie  Idus  praesto  fuit,  sed  plane  pollex,  non  index.  Cognosces 
igitur  ex  ipso.  2.  Balbum  conveni — Lepta  enim  de  sua  fvi  in- 
curatione  laborans  me  ad  enra  perduxerat — in  eo  autem  Lunuvino, 
quod  Lepido  tradidit.  Ex  eo  haec  primum  :  *  Puullo  ante  accepe- 
ram  eas  litteras,  in  quibus  magno  opere  confirmat,  ante  ludos 
Romanes.'  Legi  epistulara :  multa  de  meo  *  Catone,'  quo  saepis- 
sirae  legendo  se  dicit  copiosiorera  factura,  Bruti  *  Catone '  leoto  se 
sibi  visuin  disertura.  3.  Turn  ex  eo  cognovi  eretionera  Cluvi — o 


1 .  pollex,  non    index]     One    of    tbose 
plays  on  names  which  Cicero  seems  abso- 
lutely unable  to  resist.  Pollex  =  '  thumb,' 
index   =    '  first   finger.'     The    fact    that 
Pollex  brought  no  information,  whether 
it    was  on  the   subject   of   the    Cluvian 
estate,  or  conrerning   the    fund  for    the 
maintenance  of  young  Cicero  at  Athens, 
has  enabled  Cicero  to  indulge  his  besetting 
sin,  and  say  that  Pollex  was  no  Index. 

igitnr~\  'as  he  has  told  me  nothing,  I 
can't  tell  you.  Therefore  you  must  get 
what  lie  has  10  tell  from  himself.' 

2.  tvi   incuratione~\  See  Adn.  Grit.  In 
648.    2    we   read  of  a    ctiralio  munerum 
regiorum,    or    commissionership    for   the 
superintendence  of  the  puhlic  entertain- 
ments which    Caesar  was   giving  to  the 
people  on  the  occasion  of  his  victorious 
return  from  Spain,   and  in  which  Lepta 
was    interested.      Vini    curatio    is    read 
by  Wes.,  and  it  might  mean  a  contract 
for  supplying  the  wine,    but  vitii   rests 
only   on  the  authority  of  v.  c.  and  I.  and 
the    fictitious     Bosian     Decurtatus,  the 
other   MSB.  uiving  vi  in.     tScimiidt   gives 
munerum,    the    corrupt    vi    in    arising, 
according    to     him,    from      *  mun.      der 
Abkiirzung  fur    munerum1;  and  this  is 


adopted  by  the  Thesaurus  s.  v.  curatio, 
1477.  14.  But  there  is  no  evidence  that 
any  such  abbreviation  was  ever  in  use, 
nor  is  it  found  in  648.  2.  Gtonovius 
conjectures  liguritione,  comparing  Fam. 
xi.  21.  5  (893)  cum  quidam  de  collegia 
no&tris  agrariam  cnrationem  ligurrirenl. 

in  eo  autem  Lanuvino~\  The  force  of 
autem  seems  to  be,  'I  had  a  meeting  with 
Balbus— for  Lepta  brought  me  to  him — 
(not  at  Rome  but)  at  Lanuvium,  in  the 
villa  he  had  made  over  to  Lepidus.' 

ex  eo  haec  primum']  sc.  coynovi  or 
audivi:  cp.  Att.  ix.  6.  1  (360)  Nos 
ad/tuc  Brundisio  nihil  and  often,  see 
Heidemann,  p.  84ff.  The  ludi  Romani 
were  held  from  Sept.  15  to  19. 

de  meo  '  Catone'~\  This  is  an  interesting 
criticism  of  Caesar's  on  the  respective 
styles  of  Cicero  and  brutus.  The  language 
of  Brutus  was,  as  a  rule,  heavy  and  cold, 
cp.  731.  2.  On  the  literature  of  treatises 
on  Cato  written  at  this  time,  cp.  vol.  vi., 
pp.  cii-civ,  and  note  to  665  fin. 

3.  Turn]  'secondly,'  corresponding  to 
primum.  It  fell  out  in  the  archetype 
after  the  -turn  otdisertum,  as  was  seen  by 
Graevius. 

Cluvi  .  .  .  cretionein]    The  words  Cluvi 


182 


EP.  663  (JTT.  XIII.  46), 


Vestorium  neglegentem  ! — liberam  cretionem,testibus  praesentibus, 
sexaginta  diebus.     Metuebam  ne  ille    arcessendus   esset.     Nuno 


to  eretionem  are  omitted  in  2A,  but  are 
in  7t  according  to  Bosius  (who  does  not  lie 
wholesale  in  reference  to  this  manuscript, 
cp.  Lehmann,  '  Att.'  107),  and  are  also  in 
Cratander's  edition.  They  are  certainly 
genuine:  there  is  no  reason  for  their 
interpolation,  and  they  may  have  been 
lost  ex  homoeoteleuto ;  cp.  662.  3  for  a 
very  similar  case  in  which  2A  have 
omitted  a  few  words  for  the  same  reason. 
It  may  he  added  that,  if  the  words  are 
omitted,  it  will  be  difficult  to  refer  ille 
here  to  Vestorius,  as  he  has  not  been 
mentioned  before.  In  664,  written  next 
day,  it  is  quite  possible  to  refer  ille  to 
Vestorius,  as  the  matter  had  been  treated 
at  some  length  in  this  letter,  and  664  is  a 
continuation  of  a  matter  fresh  in  the 
mind  of  Atticus. 

liberam  cretionetn]  This  whole  passage 
is  discussed  with  his  wonted  learning  and 
completeness  by  Mr.  Roby  in  his  Roman 
Private  Law,  i.  396-406  ;  and  in  what 
follows  we  give  the  outline  of  his  views, 
and  refer  professed  legal  students  to  his 
examination  of  the  technical  difficulties 
which  seem  to  be  involved  in  his  explan- 
ation. Cretio  is  '  the  decision,'  and  is 
used  for  the  time  within  which  the 
decision  is  to  be  made,  and  possibly  for 
the  written  statement  of  the  conditions  of 
cretio  prescribed  by  the  testator,  cp.  note 
to  427.  4,  where  we  take  cretio  in  this 
sense  to  be  understood  with  nulla 
(Leonhard  inPauly-Wissowa  iv.  1709.  4. 
says  epixtula  is  to  be  understood  there). 
The  limit  of  time  was  the  chief  reason  why 
a  will  contained  a  cretio.  The  legal  words 
are  (Gaius  ii.  166)  Quod  me  P.  Mevius 
testamento  suo  heredem  instituit,  earn 
hereditatem  adeo  cernoque.  The  cretio 
might  be  hedged  around  with  conditions 
other  than  the  time  limit  which  was 
essential,  e.g.  the  place,  the  number 
of  witnesses,  the  presence  of  certain 
persons  or  other  conditions.  A  cretio 
which  was  complicated  by  no  such 
restrictions  seems  to  be  referred  to  as 
simplex  in  Att.  xi.  12.  4  (427),  Galeonis 
hereditatem  crevi :  puto  enim  eretionem 
simplicem  fuisse,  quoniam  ad  me  nulla 
missa  est,  where  see  note :  imd  is  called 
libera  here,  though  the  term  does  not 
seem  to  be  a  technical  one.  Mr.  Roby  com- 
pares such  expressions  as  libera  legatio  and 
what  Gaius  says  in  this  connexion  (ii. 


167)  qui  sine  cretione  heres  institutus  est, 
.  .  .  ei  liberum  est,  quocunque  tempore 
voluerit  adire  hereditatem.  Cic.  may 
have  used  an  untechnical  expression  in 
a  letter. 

Metuebam  ne  ille]  'I  feared  that  I 
should  have  to  send  for  Vestorius  [to 
acquaint  myself  with  the  details  of  t 
legacy,  before  running  over  for  a  hasty 
visit  to  Puteoli,  to  accept  the  inheritance 
in  person].  Now  it  is  only  necessary 
to  send  a  message  directing  him  to  take 
the  inheritance  at  my  order.  This  same 
Pollex,  then,  is  the  man  '  (sc.  to  take  the 
message  to  Vestorius,  cp.  664.  2  idttn 
Pollex  remittendus  est  ut  ille  cernat). 
Vestorius  \vas  the  person  who  would  at 
Cicero's  order  (meo  inssu)  accept  the 
inheritance.  He  would  act  merely  as  an 
agent ;  and  probably  at  a  specified  place  and 
time,  and  in  the  presence  of  witnesses, 
would  produce  and  read  Cicero's  letter 
authorizing  him  to  act  on  his  behalf;  andr 
in  accordance  with  this  scrupulosa  solem- 
nitas  (cp.  note  to  427.  4)  attaching  to  the 
declaration  of  cretio,  would  say  some  such 
words  as  Quod  Clnvius  testamento  suo 
M.  Tnllium  Ciceronem  heredem  instituit, 
earn  hereditatem  inssu  eiusdem  M.  Tulli, 
nomine  ei^ls,  adeo  cernoque  (Roby,  p.  404). 
Vestorius,  a  mere  agent,  fulfilling  definite 
orders  (procurator  alienae  possession* 
praestat  ministerium,  Dig.  xli.  2.  18  pr.), 
would  be  little  more  tlian  a  messenger: 
and  we  learn  incidentally  from  the  Digest 
(xxxvi.  1,  67.  3)  that  acceptance  by  a 
messenger  was  possible  (hereditatem  adire, 
quomodo  absentes  per  nuntinm}.  In  our 
former  edition  we  supposed  that  Pollex 
accepted  the  inheritance ;  and  as  a  slave  of 
Cicero's  the  ownership  of  the  property 
would  at  once  have  reverted  to  Cicero 
(cp.  for  such  a  case  667.  2)  :  but  then 
we  should  have  either  read  certiatur  *  a 
message  must  be  sent  authorizing  a 
declaration  at  my  order,'  or  have  removed 
the  stop  after  cernat,  which  M'ould  put 
igitnr  in  an  awkward  position  :  and  ille 
cannot  refer  to  Pollex  in  664.  2,  as  it  is 
in  the  final  clause.  We  are  quite  con- 
vinced by  Mr.  Roby  that  Vestorius  was 
the  person  who  was  to  act  for  Cicero, 
and  Pollex  merely  the  messenger  who 
brought  Cicero's  order  to  Vestorius  to  act 
for  him. 


EP.  663  (ATT.  XIII.  46). 


183 


mitteiidum  est  ut  meo  iussu  cernat.  Idem  igitur  Pollex.  Etiara  de 
hoitis  Cluvianis  egi  cum  Balbo  :  nil  liberalius  :  se  enim  statim  ad 
Caesarem  scripturum,  Cluvium  autem  a  T.  Hordeonio  legare  et 
Terentiae  HS.  1000.  et  sepulcro  multisque  rebus,  nihil  a  nobis. 
Subaccusa,  quaeso,  Yestorium.  Quid  minus  probandum  quam 
Plotium  unguentarium  per  suos  pueros  omnia  tanto  ante  Balbo, 
ilium  mi  ne  per  meos  quidem  ?  4.  De  Cossiuio  doleo,  dilexi  homi- 
nem.  Quinto  delegabo  si  quid  aeri  meo  alieno  superabit  et  emp- 
tionibus,  ex  quibus  mi  etiam  aes  alienum  faciendum  puto.  De 
domo  Arpini  nil  scio. 

5.  Yestorium  nil  est  quod  accuses.  lam  enim  obsignata  bac 
epistula  noctu  tabeliarius  noster  venit  et  ab  eo  litteras  diligenter 
scriptas  attulit  et  exemplum  testamenti. 


a  T.  Hordeonio  legare]  *  He  told  me 
that  Cluvius  lays  various  charges  on  the 
hequest  to  Hordeonius,  50,000  sesterces 
for  Terentia,  the  cost  of  a  tomb,  et  cetera, 
but  that  my  share  is  unencumbered.' 
Hordeonius  appears  to  be  also  mentioned 
in  772.  1,  though  there  the  MSS.  give 
Hortemio.  The  Hordeonii  were,  like  the 
Cluvii,  a  commercial  family  of  Campania, 
who  did  business  with  the  East;  seePauly- 
Wissowa  viii.  2405.  Legare  ab  aliquo  is 
'  to  bequeath  something  to  be  paid  by  a 
person'  :  cp.  Clu.  33  legat  grandem  pecu- 
niam  a  filio  .  .  .  ab  secundo  herede  nihil 
legat.  Probably  the  word  solvendum  is 
to  be  supplied:  cp.  Att.  vii.  18.  4  (316) 
Quintus  laborat  ut  tibi  quod  debet  ab 
Egnatio  solvat. 

Subnccusa  ,  .  .  Vestorium]  Cicero  com- 
plains that  Vestorius  had  not  acquainted 
him  with  the  Cluvian  bequest,  though 
he  might  have  employed  Cicero's  own 
couriers  for  the  despatch  of  a  letter ;  while 
Plotius,  a  perfumer,  had  at  once  com- 
municated the  intelligence  to  Balbus,  who 
was  ai  ting  for  Caesar,  though  he  had  to 
use  his  own  tabellarii.  He  finds  after- 
wards (§  5)  that  Vestorius  was  not 
negligent. 

4.  De  Cossinio  doleo']  Cicero  thought 
highly  of  Cossinius  :  cp.  Att.  1.  19. 
11  (25). 


Quinto  delegabo\  '  I  will  make  over  to 
Quintus  anything  that  remains  after  the 
discharge  of  my  debts  and  the  carrying 
out  of  rav  purchases,  which  latter  will,  I 
think,  compel  me  to  borrow  more  money.' 
Anything  in  his  share  of  the  Cluvian 
estate  over  that  sum  which  would  pay 
for  the  purchases  which  Cicero  was  at 
present  meditating — the  Scapulan  gardens 
may  have  still  be^n  in  contemplation — 
and  the  clearing  of  his  own  debts,  he  would 
make  over  to  Quintus,  i.e.  authorize  the 
agent  of  the  estate,  probably  Vestorius, 
to  pay  to  Quintus.  For  delegare  in 
.Roman  business,  cp.  note  to  656.  1, 
where  the  word  is  used  of  a  person  as 
object  of  the  delegation,  that  person  to 
be  the  creditor  or  debtor  of  the  person  to 
whom  he  is  delegated.  Considering  the 
usual  condition  of  Cicero's  finances,  and 
his  extravagance  in  purchasing  proper- 
ties, we  cannot  think  Quintus  got  much. 
For  emptio  used  in  a  concrete  sense  cp. 
Fam.  vii.  23.  2  (126). 

De  domo  Arpini  nihil  scio~\  It  must  be 
confessed  that  we  do  not  know  anything 
either.  It  may  have  been  a  house  Cluvius 
had  at  Arpinum. 

5.  Vestorium  . .  .  testamenti}  We  could 
not  have  a  better  example  of  a  postscript. 


184 


EP.  664  (ATT.  XIII.  47 a). 


664.    CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  47  a). 

TUSCULUM  J   AUGUST  13  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.    45  ;    AET.    CIC.  61. 

De  nuntio  ab  Attico  sibi  misso  et  rebus  a  se  Attici  iussu  confectis,  de  rationibu 
sumptuariis  suis,  de  Dolabellae  adventu  exspectato. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Postea  quam  abs  te,  Agaraemno,  non  ut  venirem — 
nara  id  quoque  fecissern,  nisi  Torquatus  esset — sed  ut  scriberem 
tetigit  auris  nuntius,  ex  temp  lo  instituta  omisi,  ea  quae 
in  manibus  habebam  abieci,  quod  iusseras  edolavi.  2.  Tu 
velim  e  Pollice  cognoscas  rationes  nostras  sumptuarias.  Turpe  esl 
enim  nobis  ilium,  qualiscumque  est,  boc  primo  anno  egere.  Post 
moderabimur  diligentius.  Idem  Pollex  remittendus  est  ut  ille 
cernat.  Plane  Puteolos  non  f  uit  eundum  cum  ob  ea  quae  ad  te 


1 .  Postea  quam  .  .  .  edolavi}  The  words 
auris  nuntius  extemplo  instituta,  which 
are  found  in  C  and  Z,  as  reported  by 
Lambinus,  are  omitted  in  2A  :  see 
Lehmann,  '  Att.'p.  124.  The  early  editors 
detected  in  them  disiecti  membra  poetae. 
Kibbeck  (Frag.  Trag.  p.  237)  considers 
that  the  words  are  from  a  play  of  Ennius, 
possibly  the  Iphigenia  (cp.  Eur.  Iph. 
Aul.  633).  He  thinks  the  quotation 
extends  only  to  extemplo,  and  prints 
thus — 

Postquam  abs  te,  Agamemno,  ut  venirem 

tetigit  aures  niintius 
'Exteraplo — 

but  thinks  edolavi  (an  Ennian  word,  cp. 
Varro  ap.  Nonium,  p.  448.  17,  ego  unum 
Libellum  non  '  edolem,'  ut  ait  Ennius  ?) 
may  have  been  also  in  the  quotation. 
We  rather  think  that  the  word  in  the 
quotation  may  have  been  evolavi,  for 
which  Cicero  by  a  sort  of  pun  used 
edolavi,  which  his  own  context  would 
require.  He  himself  used  a  similar 
expression  in  604.  2,  e  quercu  exculpseram. 
Varro  has  a  somewhat  facetious  adapta- 
tion of  this  passage  from  the  Ennian 
tragedy,  whatever  it  was,  as  quoted  by 
Nonius 263.  1  Curriculus  cursus.  Varro 
in  epistula  ad  lulium  Caesarem — 

Quera  simul  ac  Romam  venisse  tetigit  mi 

auris  nuntius 
Extemplo  meos  in  curriculum  contuli  pro- 

pere  pedes. 


Addressing  Atticus  in  words  spoken  to 
Agamemnon  in  the  play,  Cicero  says, 
'  Soon  as  from  thee,  .Agamemnon,  not  to 
come,  for  that  I  should  have  done  unasked 
were  it  not  for  Torquatus  [and  his  desire 
to  secure  the  good  offices  of  Dolabella 
with  Caesar,  cp.  note  to  662.  2J,  but  to 
write,  the  order  touched  my  ears,  forth- 
with I  cast  aside  what  I  had  in  hand, 
and  roughly  hewed  thy  counsel  into  shape.' 
We  agree  with  Schmidt  that  the  order, 
or  counsel,  of  Atticus  was  to  abandon  his 
philosophical  works,  and  to  devote  himself 
to  some  composition  in  honour  of  Caesar. 
But  we  cannot  believe,  with  him  (p.  527) 
that  the  words  in  queston  \vere  added 
'  ex  aperta  interpolatione.' 

2.  ilium}  Young  Marcus  Cicero,  who 
was  at  Athens.  The  kindly  tone  of  this 
passage  shows  that,  whatever  is  the  right 
interpretation  of  the  difficult  passage  in 
637.  3,  Cicero  can  have  had  no  thought 
of  disinheriting  him. 

Idem  Pollex  .  .  .  ut  ille  cernat}  <  with 
an  order  to  Vestorius  that  he  should  make 
the  declaration'  :  cp.  note  to  663.  3.  As 
Cicero  had  mentioned  Vestorius  as  his 
representative  in  that  letter  written  the 
day  before,  Atticus  would  have  no 
difficulty  in  understanding  who  ille 
was. 

ob  ea  quae  ad  te  scripst]  i.e.  about 
Torquatus :  cp.  §  1  and  662.  2. 


EP.  665  (FAM.   VII. 


185 


scrips!  turn  quod  Caesar  adest.    Dolabella  scribit  se  ad  me  postridie 
Id  us.     0  magistrum  molestum  ! 


665.     CICERO  TO  M.  FADIUS  GALLUS  (FAM.  vn.  24). 
TUSCULUM;  ABOUT  AUGUST  20;  A.  u.  c.  709 ;  B.  c.  45  ;  AET.  cic.  ei. 

Exponit  Cicero  M.  Fadio  Gallo  quam  iniuste  sibi  Tigellius  iratus  sit. 

M.  C1CURO  S.  D.M.  FADIO  UALLO. 

1.  Amoris  quidem  tui,  quoquo  me  verti,  vestigia,  vel  proxime 
de  Tigellio ;  sensi  enim  ex  litteris  tuis  valde  te  laborasse  :  amo 
igitur  voluiitatem.  Sed  pauea  de  re.  Cipius,  opinor,  olim 
*  non  omnibus  dorruio  ' :  sic  ego  non  omnibus,  mi  Galle,  servio. 
Etsi  quae  est  haec  servitus?  Olim,  cum  regnare  existimabamur, 
non  tarn  ab  ullis  quam  hoc  tempore  observor  a  familiarissimis 


Caesar  tide  at]  cp.  658  fin. 

Dolabella  .  .  .  tnolestuin~]  '  Dolabella 
writes  that  he  will  come  to  me  on  the 
14th.  Oh,  what  a  tiresome  taskmaster  I 
shall  find  him  ! '  Ttie  object  of  the  visit 
•of  Dolabella  was  to  instruct  Cicero  in 
the  attitude  which  he  should  adopt 
towards  Caesar. 

M.  Fadius  Gallus,  who  is  not  to  be 
confounded  with  the  T.  Fadius  Gallus  to 
rhom  Fam.  vii.  27  (476)  is  addressed,  is 
frequently  recommended  by  Cicero  to 
many  of  his  friends,  and  is  mentioned  in 
Att.  viii.  12,  1  (345)  as  a  close  friend  of 
Atticus,  as  well  as  of  Cieero.  He  appears 
to  have  been  anxious  that  Cicero  should 
not  lose  the  favour  of  the  Sardinian 
musician  Tigellius,  who  was  very 
influential  with  Caesar  :  cp.  Hor.  Sat,  i. 
3.  5.  si  peteret  per  amicitiam  patris.  See 
also  next  letter. 

1.  vestigia]  Some  verb  like  sunt,  or 
Apparent^  or  vidi,  or  animadverti^  must  be 
understood,  but  there  is  no  reason  why 
we  should  introduce  it  into  the  text,  as 
many  editors  do. 

vet]  '  for  instance,  just  now  in  the  case 
of  Tigellius.'  For  vel  =  '  for  instance ' 

ri/fo)  see  note  on  Fam.  ii.  13.1  (257); 
also  Ter.  Heaut.  -540,  806.  Brix  gives  a 
large  number  of  examples  in  his  note 
on  Plant.  Mil.  25.  For  Tigellius  see 
Palmer  on  Hor.  Sat.  i.  2.  3. 


amo\  'am  delighted  with':  cp.  Fam. 
ix.  16  1  (472). 

Cipitis']  The  story  about  Cipius  was 
that  he  was  in  the  habit  of  pretending  to 
be  asleep,  lest  he  should  find  nimself  forced 
to  condemn  something  in  the  conduct  of 
his  wife  ;  but  that  on  one  occasion,  when 
a  slave,  taking  advantage  of  his  apparent 
slumber,  was  making  away  with  some 
wine,  he  suddenly  started  up  with  the 
words,  '  I  am  not  asleep  to  everyone.' 
The  latter  part  of  the  story  is,  however, 
told  not  of  Cipius  but  of  one  Gabba,  jester 
at  the  court  of  Augustus  (cp.  Plutarch 
Amat.  c.  16,  p.  760 :  Juvenal  v.  4),  who 
said  '  1  am  only  asleep  to  Maecenas.'  So 
Cicero  here  says,  '  As  Cipius  declared 
there  are  cases  in  which  he  would  not 
phiy  the  sleeper,  so  there  are  cases  in 
which  I  will  not  play  the  slave,  and  I 
will  not  endure  the  insolence  of  this  Sar- 
dinian singer'  :  cp.doctus  sftectare  lacunar, 
said  of  a  husband,  Juv.  i.  56,  and  Mayor's 
note  on  that  passage.  The  name  Cipius 
is  often  found  in  the  inscriptions :  see 
Thesaurus. 

re(/nare~\  Cicero  often  had  to  bear  this 
reproach  during  and  after  his  consulship  ; 
see  for  instance  Att.  i.  16.  10  (22) ;  Sull. 
21.  48;  Vat.  23.  Dr.  Reid  notices  that 
this  is  the  very  reproach  Cicero  bi ought 
against  Hortensius  in  the  Div.  in  Caecil. 
(§  24)  :  cp.  1  Verr.  35. 

non  tarn  ab  ullis]  sc.  observabar. 


186 


EP.  665  (FAN.   VII. 


Caesaris  omnibus  praeter  istum :  id  ego  in  lucris  pono,  non 
ferre  hominem  pestilentiorem  patria  sua;  eumque  addictum 
iam  turn  puto  esse  Calvi  Licini  Hipponacteo  praeconio.  2.  At 
vide  quid  suscenseat.  Phameae  causam  receperam,  ipsius  quidem 
causa ;  erat  enim  mihi  sane  familiaris.  Is  ad  me  venit  dixitque 
iudicem  sibi  operam  dare  constituisse  eo  ipso  die  quo  de| 
P.  Sestio  in  consilium  iri  necesse  erat :  respondi,  nullo  modo  me 
facere  posse ;  quern  vellet  alium  diem  si  sumpsisset,  me  ei 
non  defuturum.  Ille  autem,  qui  seiret  se  nepotem  bellum  tibi- 
cinem  habere  et  sat  bonum  unctorem,  discessit  a  me,  ut  mihi 


in  lucris  pono]  cp.  Ov.  Trist.  i.  3.  68, 
in  lucro  quae  datur  hora  mihi  est ;  also 
note  to  Fam.  ix.  17.  1  (480),  It  is  a 
book-keeping  term. 

id  ego  .  .  .  praeconio~]  '  I  regard  it  as 
a  clear  gain  no  longer  to  have  to  endure 
this  fellow,  who  is  more  pestilent  than  his 
pestilential  birthplace ;  one,  moreover, 
who  (as  I  take  it)  had  been  even  then  (i.e. 
when  he  slighted  me  in  a  marked  way) 
knocked  down  as  a  cheap  lot  by  the 
scazonlic  hammer  of  Calvus.'  Sardinia  was 
proverbially  unhealthy  :  cp.  Strabo,  v. 
225,  voffcpa  yap  T\  vrjaos  TOV  Qepovs  /ecu 
/j.d\iffTa  4v  TO?S  fvKapirovcri  x^ptois  ;  Mart. 
iv.  GO.  6,  cum  mors  Venerit  in  medio 
Tibure  Sardinia  est ;  Tac.  Ann.  ii.  85. 
Addicere  is  the  technical  term  for  knock- 
ing down  a  lot  at  an  auction  to  the  highest 
bidder :  cp.  Rab.  Post.  45,  Ecquis  est  ex 
tanto  populo  qui  bona  C.  Rabiri  Postumi 
numtno  seslertio  sibi  addici  velit  ?  Tua, 
Postume,  nummo  sestertio  a  me  addicuntur  ? 
0  meum  miserum  acerbumque  praeconium  ! 
The  setting  forth  of  the  qualification  of 
the  goods  offered  for  auction  was  called 
praeconium,  and  the  auctioneer  was 
praeco.  The  allusion  here  is  to  the  biting 
scazons  which  Calvus  wrote  against 
Tigeliius,  of  which  the  first  line  has  been 
preserved — 

Sardi  Tigelli  putidum  caput  venit, 
1  For  sale  Tigeliius  the  Sardinian  oaf.' 

The  meaning  is:  Any  little  vestige  of 
character  he  ever  had,  he  has  lost  since 
he  became  the  subject  of  the  lampoon  of 
Calvus.  Otto  has  ingeniously  suggested 
that  for  the  difficult  turn  we  should  read 
totum.  Lambinus«,  feeling  the  same  diffi- 
culty, had  read  dudum.  Hipponax  was 
the  Greek  writer  of  scazons  (fl.  540  B.C.), 
who  lampooned  the  brothers  Bupalis  and 


Athenio,  two  sculptors  of  Chios  who  had 
caricatured  his  ugliness. 

2.  quid  suscenseat']  '  what  he  is  angry 
at':  cp.  Tusc.  i.  99. 

Phameae]  grandfather  of  Tigeliius: 
cp.  also  606.1. 

P.  Sestio']  accused  under  the  Pompeian 
law  of  53  for  ambitus.  There  is  no 
reference  to  the  trial  of  Sestius  de  vi 
in  56,  at  which  Cicero  delivered  his 
oration  Pro  Sestio.  This  case  w 
probably  tried  in  the  autumn  of  52  or 
spring  of  51  :  for  it  appears  that  Phamea 
died  in  49. 

in  consilium  m]  *  the  jury  had  to  con- 
sider their  verdict  in  the  case  of  P. 
Sesdus  '  ;  the  jury  were  said  ire  in  con- 
silium, and  the  president  mittereiudicesin 
consilium. 

sat  bonum~\  sat  is  very  frequently  used 
with  bonus,  cp.  713.  1  ;  Plaut.  Cure.  242  ; 
Rose.  Am.  89  ;  De  Orat.  iii.  84.  The 
only  example  of  satis  bonus  appears  to  be 
Att.  ii.  19.  4  (46),  and  ou  that  account 
we  should  probably  there  alter  to  sat 
bonorum.  Landgraf  on  Rose.  Am.  1.  c. 
quotes,  among  many  other  adjectives 
with  which  sat  is  used,  sat  multa,  Att.  vi. 
8.  5  (281)  ;  sat  fatuus,  Fam.  vii.  16.  1 
(157). 

unctorem]  This  Latin  word  has  not 
always  replaced  the  Greek  aliptes :  cp« 
Fam.  i.  9.  15  (153);  Juv.  iii.  76 ;  vi.422. 
Both  words  are  used  with  contempt  of 
the  Greek  gymnastic  trainers.  The  true 
Romans  always  looked  with  disfavour  on 
the  introduction  of  Greek  gymnastics: 
cp.  Friedlander,  S.  G.  ii.6  485  ff.  Manu- 
tius  suggests  cantorem,  which  is  possibly 
correct ;  the  alteration  may  have  arisen] 
from  anagrammatism  :  and  the  fame  on 
Tigeliius  was  in  the  domain  of  music. 


EP.  666  (ATT.  XIII.  49). 


187 


videbatur,  iratior.  Habes  Sardos  venalis,  alium  alio  nequiorem ; 
cognosfi  meam  causam  et  istius  salaconis  iniquitatem.  'Catonem' 
tuum  mihi  mitte  ;  cupio  enim  legere  :  me  adhuc  non  legisse  turpe 
utrique  nostrum  est. 


666.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  «). 

TUSCULUM  ;    AUGUST  20  ;    A.  U.  0.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  C1C.  61. 

De  Attica  et  Pilia,  de  Tigellio  et  de  causa  Phameae,  dein  tecte  de  alio  he-mine 
signiticat. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Atticae  primum  salutem,  quam  equidem  ruri  esse  arbitror — 
mnltam  igitur  salutem — et  Piliae.  De  Tigellio,  si  quid  novi :  qui 
quidem,  ut  mihi  Grallus  Fadius  scripsit,  fj.i^iv  avayipti  mibi 
quamdam  iniquissimam,  me  Phameae  defuisse,  cum  eius  causam 


Sardos  venalis]  After  the  conquest  of 
Sardinia  by  Ti.  Sempronius  Gracchus  in 
177,  Sardinian  slaves  became  a  drug  in 
the  market.  They  were  of  a  very  poor 
physique,  owing  no  douht  to  the  un- 
healthiness  of  their  native  climate.  The 
form  of  the  proverb  was — 

Sardi  venales  :  alius  alio  nequior, 
'  A  job-lot  of  Sardinians,  one  worse  than  the 
other.' 

cp.  Aurel.  Viet,  de  viris  illustr.  57.  2  ; 
Festus,  p.  322  (ed.  Miiller),  who  quotes 
Sinnius  Capito  for  the  interpretation  given, 
but  seems  to  prefer  the  followin  g : — 6'  ardi 
venales  alius  alio  nequior:  ex  hoe 
natum  proverbium  videtur  quod  ludis 
Capitolinis  qui  faint  a  vicanis  praetextatis 
anctio  Veientium  fieri  solet,  in  qua  novis- 
simus  identque  deterrimus  producitur  a 
praecone  senex  cum  toga  praetexta  bullaque 
aurea,  quo  cultu  reges  soliti  sunt  esse 
£tr/iscorum  qui  Sardi  appelluntur,  quia 
Etrusca  gens  orta  est  Sardibus  ex  Lydia  : 
cp.  Plut.  Rom.  25  fin.,  /ojpurTet  5'  6 
Kripv£  SapSiavovs  wviovs ;  Quaest.  Rom. 
277,  22 ;  Diet.  Antiq.  s.  v.  Lum 
CAPITOLINI. 

salaconi*']  '  snob,'  '  swaggerer.'  Per- 
haps the  word  should  be  printed  in  Greek 
letters  <ra\a.K<oi'os. 

iniquitateni]  '  unfairness,'  '  unreason- 
ahleness.' 


Catonem  luwn}  cp.  note  to  650.2 ; 
Mommsen,  R.  H.  iv.  449,  on  the  liter- 
ature of  Catos  by  the  republicans,  says: 
'  The  republican  opposition  borrowed 
from  Cato  its  whole  attitude,  stately, 
transcendental  in  its  doctrine,  preten- 
tiously rigid,  hopeless,  and  faithful  to 
death*;  and  accordingly  it  began  even 
immediately  after  his  death  to  revere  as 
a  saint  the  man  who  in  his  lifetime  was 
often  its  laughirig-st(>ck  and  its  scandal.' 
We  find  Brutus,  Citero,  and  Callus 
writing  Catos,  and  Caesar  and  Hiitius 
countering  with  anti-Cutos.  The  subject 
could  be  ea^ly  handled  in  rhetorical 
fashion  from  either  point  of  view. 

1.  multam  igitur  saluteni]  Attica  had 
been  ailing,  and  had  been  sent  to  the 
country  to  iccruit.  Cicero  hopes  that  she 
may  recover  complete  health — 'Happi- 
ness and  health  to  Attica,  who,  I  believe, 
is  now  recruiting  in  the  country — com- 
plete health  therefore.' 

De  Tigellio}  cp.  665.  1,  « If  there  is 
any  news  about  Tigellius,  let  me  have  it. 
I  hear  from  Fadius  Gallus,  he  has  a  crow 
to  pluck  with  me,  but  quite  without 
reason,'  or  perhaps  '  brings  a  railing  accu- 
sation against  me.'  A  familiar  or  pro- 
verbial expression  sometimes  reproduces 
the  tone  of  a  Greek  phrase.  For  the  ellipse 
of  scribe,  cp.  603.  2  and  often. 


188 


EP.  666  (ATT.  XIII.  49). 


fecepissem,  quam  quidem  receperam  contra  pueros  Octavios  On. 
filios  non  libenter :  sed  [et]  Phameae  causa  volebam  ;  erat  enim,  si 
merainisti,  in  consulatus  petitione  per  te  mi  hi  pollicitus,  si  quid 
opus  esset :  quod  ego  perinde  tuebar  ac  si  usus  essem.  Is  ad  me 
venit  dixitque  iudicem  operam  dare  sibi  constituisse  eo  die  ipso 
quo  de  Sestio  nostro  lege  Pompeia  in  consilium  iri  necesse  erat. 
Scis  enim  dies  illorum  iudiciorum  praestitutos  fuisse.  Kespondi 
non  ignorare  eum  quid  ego  deberem  Sestio :  quern  vellet  alium 
diem  si  sumpsisset,  me  ei  non  defuturum.  Ita  turn  ille  discessit 
iratus.  Puto  me  tibi  narrasse.  Non  laboravi  scilicet  nee  hominis 
alieni  iniustissimam  iracundiam  mihi  curandam  putavi.  2.  Gallo 
autem  narravi,  cum  proxime  llomae  fui,  quid  audissem,  neque 
nominavi  Balbum  minorem.  Habuit  suum  negotium  Gallus,  ut 
scribit.  Ait  ilium  me  animi  conscientia,  quod  Phamean  desti- 
tuissern,  fde  suspicari.  Qua  re  tibi  hacteims  mando,  de  illo 
nostro,  si  quid  poteris,  exquiras,  de  me  ne  quid  labores.  Est 
bellum  aliquem  libenter  odisse  et  quern  ad  modum  non  omnibus 


Cn.  filios]  The  sons  of  that  Cn. 
Octavius  who  was  consul  in  76. 

sed  Phameae  causa  volebam']  This  might 
mean  'for  the  sake  of  Phamea  I  was 
willing  '  (to  take  up  his  case  against  the 
orphan  sons  of  my  old  friend  and  political 
comrade  Cn.  Octavius).  But  velle  alicuius 
cama,  '  to  he  well  disposed  to  a  man,'  is 
frequent  in  the  letters  :  cp.  note  to  653.  2 
and  to  (i.  Fr.  i.  4.  5  (72)  and  Index  s.  v. 
velle.  M  has  sed  et :  but  et  is  super- 
fluous. Miiller  supposes  that  it  arose 
from  ephamee  (for  Phameae),  which  is  the 
form  in  which  that  name  appears  in  M  a 
few  lines  hefore. 

tuebar"]  '  I  recognized  in  my  conduct 
this  promise  on  his  part  as  fully  as  if  I  had 
made  use  of  it,'  and  it  had  not  merely  been 
promised.  Tueriis  'to  bear  in  mind,'  'not 
to  lose  sight  of  '  :  cp.  Plin.  Ep.  i.  19  fin., 
nam  solhcitius  custodiendus  est  honor  in 
quo  etiam  beneficium  amid  tuendum  est. 

de  Sestio  nostro]  '  the  very  day  on 
which  the  case  of  my  friend  Sestius  [im- 
peached for  ambitus],  under  the  act  of 
Pompey,  was  to  come  on  for  trial ' :  cp. 
note  to  665.  2. 

pruestitutos]  «  fixed  by  statute,'  whereas 
Phamea  could  choose  the  day  for  his 
suit. 

2.  neque  nominavi]  '  I  did  not  men- 
tion as  my  authority.' 


Habuit  suum  negotium]  '  He  made  the 
matter  his  business'  :  cp.  558.  3. 

Ait  ilium]  The  usual  course  to  adopt 
with  this  passage  is  to  supply  se  after  de 
and  to  suppose  that  dieere  is  understood, 
as  the  verb  to  which  ilium  is  subject: 
Gallus  says  that  Tigellius  is  giving  out 
that  it  is  the  stings  of  my  conscience 
for  my  desertion  of  Phamea,  that  make  me 
suspect  him  '  [i.e.  that  he  is  offended  with 
me].  Miiller  reads  de  <  se  dieere  >  suxpi- 
cari.  Wes.  added  dieere  after  me.  It  is 
just  possible  that  de  is  a  remnant  of  se 
odisse  '  that  I  hate  him  (Tigellius).' 
But  the  passage  is  not  yet  emended. 

de  illo  nostro]  Balbus  minor.  If 
we  take  it  as  referring  to  Tigellius,  we 
shall  have  to  assume  that  nostro  is 
ironical ;  though  the  fact  that  Atticus 
intended  to  see  Tigellius  on  the  matter 
(C67.  3)  would  lend  support  to  this  view. 
It  has  also  been  suggested  that  young 
Quintus  may  be  referred  to  by  illo 
nostro. 

ne  quid"]  This  is  governed  by  mando t 
as  often,  e.g.  Caes.  B.  C.  ii.  13.  3. 

Est  bellum]  '  it  is  the  part  of  a  gentle- 
man to  give  free  vent  to  Ids  dislikes,  and 
not  to  be  a  slave  to  everyone,  just  as  one 
is  not  bound  to  be  asleep  to  everyone.' 
For  the  explanation  of  the  allusion  see  on 
the  last  letter  (§  1).  The  use  of  exactly  the 


EP.  667  (ATT.  XIII.  SO).  189- 

dormire,  ita  non  omnibus  servire.     Etsi  mehercule,  ut  tu  intellegis, 
magis  mihi  isti  serviunt,  si  observare  servire  est. 


667.     CICEKO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xin.  50). 

TUSCULUM  ;    AUGUST  22  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  |    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  litteris  ad  Caesarem  conscriptis  et  ad  Dolabellam  delatis,  de  Vestorii  postu- 
atione,  de  adventu  Caesaris,  de  Tigellio,  de  obviam  itione  et  Murenae  hospitio  a  se 
utendo. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Admonitus  quibusdam  tuis  litteris  ut  ad  Caesarem  uberiores 
itteras  mittere  instituerem,  cum  mihi  Balbus  imper  in  Lanuvino 
dixisset  se  et  Oppium  scripsisse  ad  Caesarem  me  legisse  libros 
contra  Catonem  et  vehementer  probasse,  conscripsi  de  iis  ipsis 
ibris  epistulam  Caesari  quae  deferretur  ad  Dolabellam:  sed  eius 
jxemplum  misi  ad  Oppiurn  et  Balbum,  scripsique  ad  eos  ut  turn 
deferri  ad  Dolabellam  iuberent  meas  litteras,  si  ipsi  exemplum 
>robassent.  Ita  mihi  rescripserunt  nihil  umquam  se  legisse  melius 
jpistulamque  meam  iusserunt  dari  Dolabellae.  2.  Yestorius  ad 
me  scripsit  ut  iuberem  mancipio  dari  servo  suo  pro  mea  parte 

same    allusion    in  a    letter    written    so  used  in  their    reply   was  that  they  had 

icar  in  time   to  this  one  almost  forces  never  read  anything  better.' 

is  to    accept    the    introduction    of    the  2.    Vestorius  .  .  .  posset]      Cicero  had 

talicised    words,    which    homoeoteleuton  been  named  with  others  as  co-heir  of  the 

fould  have  caused  to  fall  out.     Schmidt  estate   of   one   Brinnius,   which  included 

ejects    them,    reading   quodammodo    for  some   property  in  the  neighbourhood  of 

uemadmodum.    There  is  no  need  to  alter  Puteoli.     This  property    had   been    pur- 

ibenter  to  libere,  as  we  did  with  Schmidt  in  chased  by  Hetereius,  but  to  confer  legal 

ur  former  edition:  cp.  Cicero  Mil.  78,  ne  ownership   and   a   perfect    title    it    was 

dio    mearum   inimicitiarum   inflammatus  necessary  that  Cicero   should  make  over 

ibentius  haec  in  ilium  evomere  videar  quam  the   property  by  mancipatio  to  fletereius. 

erius.  Now    Cicero   was    unwilling     to    go    to 

si  observare}  'if  respectful  attention  Puteoli  at  this  juncture.  Vestorius  ae- 
on the  part  of  the  Caesarians)  can  be  cordingly  proposed  that  lie  (Vestorius) 
ailed  servitude.'  should  send  his  slave  to  Cicero,  in  order 

that   Cicero   might   make  over  the  pro- 

1.  mittere  instituerem']     *  set  about  ad-  perty  to  the  slave.     The  property  would 

ressing ' :  see  cp.  664.  1.  thus    become     vested     in    Vestorius    as 

libros  contra  Catonem']    Caesar's  Anti-  being   the    slave's    master  (cp.    note   to 

Oato.  663.    3),    and  Vestorius   could    make    it 

Ita]  It  looks  as  if  this  might  be  =Itaque.  over   to   Hetereius.     Servo  and  Hetereio 

Jut  such  a  usage  is  doubtful,  even  in  the  are  not  co-ordinate  datives.     The  mean- 

etters.     Thus,  in  666.    1,  Ita  turn    ille  ing  is,  '  Vestorius  wrote  to  me  suggesting 

iscessit  iratus  may  be  translated  *  In  that  that    ownership     in    my    share   of    the 

(v-ay  he  left  me   then  in  a  rage.'     Here  property  should  be  given  to  his  slave  jor 

may  render,    «  The  expression  they  (in  the  interests  of)  Hetereius,  to  enable 


190 


EP.  667  (ATT.  XIII.  50). 


Hetereio  cuidam  fundum  Brinnianum,  ut  ipse  ei  Puteolis  recte 
manciple  dare  posset.  Eum  servum,  si  tibi  videbitur,  ad  me 
mittes.  Opinor  enim  ad  te  etiam  scripsisse  Vestorium.  3.  De 
adventu  Caesaris  idem,  quod  a  te,  mibi  scriptum  est  ab  Oppio  efc| 
Balbo.  Miror  te  nihildum  cum  Tigellio.  Yelut  hoc  ipsum,  quan- 
tum acceperit,  prorsus  aveo  scire  nee  tamen  flocci  f acio.  4.  Uuaeris 
quid  cogitem  de  obviam  itione ;  quid  censes  nisi  Alsium  ?  et 
quidem  ad  Murenam  de  hospitio  scripseram,  sed  opinor  cum 
Matio  profectum.  Sallustius  igitur  urgebitur. 

5.  Scripto  iam  superiore  versiculo  Eros  mibi  dixit  sibi  Murenam 
liberalissime  respondisse.  Eo  igitur  utamur.  Nam  Silius  culcitas 
non  habet.  Dida  autem,  opinor,  hospitibus  totam  villam  ooncessit. 


him  (Vestorius)  thus  to  make  over  the 
property  duly  (recte)  to  Hetereius  at 
Puteoli.'  This  use  of  the  dat.  comui. 
Hetereio  cuidam  is  somewhat  doubtful, 
and  in  any  case  exceedingly  awkward.  But 
it  is  the  sort  of  inelegance  that  would 
naturally  occur  in  a  rapidly  written  letter 
when  an  effort  was  made  to  pack  a  great 
deal  into  a  sentence.  The  transaction  in 
663.  3  is  not  quite  similar  :  see  note 
there. 

3.  Miror  ....  facio}  '  I  am  sur- 
prised that  you  have  had  as  yet  no 
interview  with  Tigellius  :  for  instance, 
here  is  a  point  I  am  very  curious  about, 
how  much  he  got  :  yet,  after  all  (tamen}, 
I  don't  care  a  pin.'  For  the  ellipse  of 
egisse  or  locutum  esse,  or  some  word  of  the 
kind,  cp.  626.  4 ;  Alt.  v.  4.  2  (187).  If 
the  reading  is  right,  we  can  only  confess 
our  ignorance  of  the  allusion  in  quantum 
acceperit.  We  have  adopted  the  punctua- 
tion of  Miiller.  Editors  usually  punc- 
tuate thus  :  Miror  te  nihildum  cum 
Tigellio,  velut  hoc  ipsum  quantum  acce- 
perit :  prorsus  aveo  scire,  nee  tamen  fiocci 
facio.  To  read  quo  modo,  or  quo  animo, 
for  quantum  (as  many  editors  do)  would, 
of  course,  make  the  passage  easy — '  I 
wonder  how  he  took  this  very  thing 


(viz.  you  having  gone  to  see  him  on  the 
matter).' 

4.  nisi  Alsium]     '  have  you  any  sug- 
gestion, except  that  I  should  goto  Alsium 
(a   town   in   Etruria   twenty- tour    miles 
from  Rome)  to  meet  Caesar  ?  ' 

urgebitur]  '  will  have  to  be  burdened 
with  me.' 

5.  Silius]  The  passage  reads  as  if  Silius 
and    Sallustius  were   one   and  the   same 
person.     We  are  almost  forced,  therefore, 
to   read   Silius,    or    SalLiistius,   in    both 
places. 

culcitas~]  *  cushions '  on  chairs  and 
couches.  But  the  expression  has  the  air 
of  a  proverb  about  it,  and  probably  points 
proverbially  to  a  general  absence  of  com- 
fort in  the  house.  That  culcitae  would 
seem  to  have  been  regarded  as  a  mark  of 
comfort,  and  even  luxury,  cp.  Varro, 
L.  L.  v.  167,  posteaquam  transierunt  ad 
culcitas  :  Tusc.  iii.  46,  collocemus  in  cul- 
cita  plumea.  Dr.  Reid  is  doubtful  as 
regards  these  cushions,  and  suggests 
caldas.  But  this  would  suggest  warm 
medicinal  springs  rather  than  warm  baths, 
cp.  Att.  i.  16,  10  (22). 

Dida~]  We  know  nothing  of  the  person, 
but  the  name  is  found  in  inscriptions. 


EP.  668  (FAM.   VIL  25). 


191 


668.     CICERO  TO  M.  FADIUS  GALLUS  (FAM.  vn.  25). 

TUSCULUM  J    AUGUST  25  (ABOUT)  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

M.  Cicero  M.  Fadio  epistulara  conscissam  non  esse  nuntiat :  monitus  ne  incautius 
de  Tigellio  loquatur  gratias  agit  hortaturque  ut  stilum  exercere  pergat. 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  M.  FADIO  GALLO. 

1.  Quod  epistulam  conscissam  doles,  noli  laborare,  salva  est : 
domo  petes  cum  libebit.  Quod  autem  me  mones,  valde  gratum 
est ;  id q ue  ut  semper  facias  rogo  :  videris  enim  mihi  vereri  ne,  si 
istum  infemum  babuerimus,  rideamus  yiX^ra  aapSoviov.  Sed  heus 
tu,  marium  de  tabula  ;  magister  adest  citius  quam  putaramus  : 


1.  conscissam]  This  probably  refers  to 
Ep.  665,  in  which  Cicero  had  written 
severely  about  Tigellius.  Fadius  Gallus 
had  torn  it  up,  through  fear  that  it  might 
compromise  Cicero,  for  Tigellius  enjoyed 
great  influence  with  Caesar.  Cicero  as- 
sures him  that  he  has  a  copy.  If  this  in- 
terpretation is  correct,  we  may  infer  that 
Oicero  had  copies  kept  of  some  (perhaps 
most)  of  his  letters,  and  this  accounts  for 
the  very  considerable  correspondence 
rhich  Tiro  was  able  to  collect. 

ne  si  isium]  The  reading  of  M  is 
vereri  nisi  istum  habueritnus  ;  now  vereri 
must  be  followed  by  «<?,  so  it  is  probable 
that  for  nisi  should  stand  ne  si,  as  in  GR. 
The  sense  then  will  demand  after  istum 
some  word  like  iratum  or  infensum,  but 
not  infestum  (since  infestum  habere  means 
in  Cicero  infestare,  *  to  keep  in  a 
state  of  turbulence'  :  see  Att.  ix.  19. 
3  (377);  769.  3).  For  the  meaning  is, 

*  you  seem  to  me  to  be  afraid  that  if  we 
offend  Tigellius  we  may  have  to  laugh 
on  the  wrong  side  of  our  mouths.'    Pos- 
sibly the  word  to  be  supplied  is  Sardum, 

*  if  we  treat  him  as  a  Sardinian '  :  then 
the  words  that  follow  are  more  pointed. 
Another  way  of  taking  the  passage  is  to 
read   vereri  <ne>   nisi   istum   habuerimus 

*  unless  we  have  him  on  our  side,'  as  in 
Acad.    ii.    75,    Atqui    habebam    molestos 
vobis .  .  .  cum  habeam  Chrysippum,  We  do 
not  think  now   that  istum  can  refer  to 
Caesar. 

y€\<aTa  (rapdoviov]  So  Ernesti  for 
tfa.pfia.viov  of  the  MSS,  rightly,  as  we  think, 
for  yt\ci>Ta  aa.pfia.viov  means  the  '  sneer  of 


triumphant  malice,'  which  is  plainly  out 
of  place  here.  Now  vapooviov,  which 
alludes  to  the  famous  Sardinian  herb 
(Verg.Ecl.  vii.  41),  which  poisoned  those 
who  tasted  it,  twisting  their  features  into 
a  convulsive  grin,  is  quite  appropriate  in 
reference  to  the  Sardinian  Tigellius. 
'  To  laugh  on  the  wrong  side  of  the 
mouth  '  is  a  phrase  which  expresses  a 
laugh  which  is  the  sign  of  pain,  not  plea- 
sure. We  might,  of  course,  preserve 
ffa.p5a.vtov  of  the  MSS,  and  give  to  it,  not 
the  Homeric  (Od.  xx.  302)  meaning,  but 
a  meaning  derived  from  a  Folks-  Etymo- 
logie  connecting  the  word  with  Sardus, 
and  forcing  on  it  an  allusion  to  the  fabled 
Sardinian  herb. 

manum  de  tabula]  sc.  tolle.  '  But,  I  say, 
hands  off  the  slate  ;  the  schoolmaster  is 
here,  sooner  than  we  expected  him,'  i.e. 
Caesar  is  returning  from  Spain.  Tabula, 
translated  «  a  slate '  for  con  venience,  was  a 
tablet  of  wood  covered  with  wax,  and  was 
often  used  by  children  for  doing  writing 
lessons  or  arithmetic  on  ;  see  Palmer 
on  Hor.  Sat.  i.  6,  74.  The  full  term 
was  tabula  litteraria,  cp.  Varro,  R.  R. 
iii.  5.  10.  The  evident  allusion  to  a 
schoolmaster  gives  verisimilitude  to  the 
explanation  of  the  early  commentators 
(which,  however,  is  only  a  guess)  that 
Roman  schoolboys  used  to  scribble  on 
their  tablets  during  the  absence  of  the 
schoolmaster,  and  that  manum  de  tabula 
was  the  form  of  call  to  attention  which 
announced  his  presence.  Pliny,  H.  N. 
xxxv.  80,  adapts  the  phrase  to  the  signi- 
fication of  tabula,  '  a  picture,'  when  he 


192 


EP.  668  (FAM.    VII.  25). 


vereor  ne  in  catoraum  Catoniflnos.  2.  Mi  Galle,  cave  putes  quic- 
quara  melius  quam  epistulae  tuae  partem  ab  eo  loco  '  cetera 
labuntur.'  Secreto  hoc  audi,  tecum  habeto,  ne  Apellae  quidem, 
liberto  tuo,  dixeris:  praeter  duo  nos  loquitur  isto  modo  nemo; 
bene  malene  videro  ;  sed,  quicquid  est,  nostrum  est.  Urge  igitur 
nee  transversum  unguem,  quod  aiunt,  a  stilo  ;  is  enim  est 


tells  us  that  Apelles  used  to  say  that  he 
manum  de  tabula  sciret  tollere,  that  is, 
that  he  knew  at  what  point  to  stop 
further  elaboration  of  his  pictures;  and 
apparently  Petron.  76,  Postquam  coepi 
pins  habere  quam  tola  patria  mea  habet, 
manum  de  tabula,  uses  it  much  in  the 
same  sense  ;  cp.  1'etron.  46  (of  a  good  little 
hoy)  caput  de  tabula  non  tollit,  i.e.  he 
works  very  diligently.  It  is  possible, 
therefore,  that  Cicero  here  means  '  you 
must  put  no  more  touches  to  your  Onto ; 
now  is  the  time  to  publish  it,  since  Caesar 
has  returned  from  Spain.'  It  does  not 
seem  that  this  kind  of  composition 
entailed  any  serious  risk  of  offending 
Caesar ;  but  it  the  apprehension  expressed 
in  the  next  words  is  serious  (which  we 
do  not  believe  it  to  be),  we  might  suppose 
manum  de  tabula  to  mean  '  you  must  stop 
writing  Catos  now.' 

in  catomum]  So  the  MSS.  The  phrase 
is  an  adverbial  one,  and  the  word  formed 
from  Ka.rwfj.6v.  The  full  phrase  is  levare  or 
tollere  in  catomum :  another  form  is  catomus 
(adverb) :  cp.  Thesaurus  s.v.  Ducange 
quotes  Acta  S.  Babylae  cap.  2,  num.  6,  rex 
iussit  ires  infantes  levari  in  catomo  et  primo 
dari  duoder.im  plagas.  It  means  to  he 
hoisted  on  the  shoulders  of  a  man  and 
flogged  :  cp.  catomidiare  (Petron.  132) 
Karw/mifciv,  as  in  the  well-known  painting 
from  Herculaneum.  The  phrase  ^  is 
quoted  by  Gellius  xvi.  7.  4  from  Laberius. 
The  verse  seems  to  demand  the  form 
catomium — 

Toilet  bona  fide  vos  Orcus  nudas  in  catomium, 
a  trochaic  septenarius  ;  unless  with 
Ronsch  (Jahrb.  1883,  p.  214)  we  suppose 
the  metre  to  be  iambic  trimeter — 

,  toilet  bona  fide 

Vos  Orcus  nudas  in  catomum  j.\j _ 

The  mention  of  Orcus  may  there  seem  to 
favour  the  slight  change  which  makes 
the  word  catonium,  a  conjecture  due  to 
Salmasius  :  but  what,  then,  about  nudas  ? 
Charonium,  probably  written  caronium, 
has  been  also  suggested.  The  chief  ob- 
jection to  catonium  is  the  want  of  analogy 
for  such  a  formation  from  KO.TW  ;  it  cer- 
tainly suits  the  play  on  words  in  the  Latin 


better,  though  catomum  lends  itself  better 
to  an  English  rendering.  Reading  cato- 
mum we  might  translate  'I  am  afraid  he 
will  give  us  Cat<>nians  the  cat';  with 
catonium  the  sentence  means  '  I  am  afraid 
he  will  send  us  Catonians  to  join  our  hero 
below.' 

Catoninnos]  So  we  read  with  Boot 
(Obs.  (frit.  p.  14),  who  shows  that  this  is 
the  correct  form  by  comparing  Othonianus, 
Varronianus,  Ciceronianus  :  cp.  Q.  Fr.  ii. 
4.  5  (105). 

2.  Mi  Galle']  Gallus  had  possibly  ex- 
pressed dissatisfaction  with  the  state  of 
affairs  at  Rome,  and  the  proceedings  of 
the  Caesarian  government,  in  some  liter- 
ary work  of  the  '  Cato '  series :  cp.  note 
to  Fam.  vii.  24.  2  (665),  adding  possibly 
that  he  was  not  going  to  take  any  part  in 
polities,  but  devote  himself  to  literature. 
Cicero's  reply  is  perhaps  purposely  enig- 
matical ;  Gallus  would  understand  it  of 
the  matter  of  his  composition,  but  it  could 
be  explained  away  as  an  admonition  con- 
cerning the  mere  style. 

tecum  habeto]  Mendelssohn  compares 
Plaut.  Poen.  890,  hoc  tu  tecum  taciturn 
habeto  ;  Att.  iv.  15.  6  (143)  haec  tu  tecum 
habeto.  He  punctuates  secreto  hoc — audi — 
tecum  habeto. 

Apellne]  Apella  was  apparently  a  con- 
fidential freedman  of  Gallus,  as  Tiro 
was  of  Cicero. 

bene  malene  videro]  '  "Whether  well  or 
ill — to  that  I  shall  look  at  another  time  ; 
it  may  be  a  poor  style,  but  it  is  our  own,' 
i.e.  others  do  not  write  after  this  manner  : 
possibly  Cicero  may  mean  in  such  a  candid 
and  patriotic  way.  For  videro  in  putting 
off  a  consideration,  cp.  557  init.  and  Roby, 
§  1593,  who  at  p.  cvi  gives  a  full  list  of 
all  the  cases  in  which  this  videro  appears. 

transversum  unguem]  sc.  discesseris, 
1  a  nail's  breadth.'  This  and  digilum 
tranavemum  are  common  enough  in  Cic. 
and  the  comic  drama,  e.g.  Plaut.  Aul.  57 
si  herck  tu  ex  istoc  loco  Digitum  trans- 
vorsum  aut  unguem  latum  excesseris :  Cic. 
Acad.  ii.  58  ;  Att.  xiii.  20.  4  (634).  For 
many  more  examples  cp.  Otto,  p.  356. 

a  stilo]  '  from  the  pen,'  that  is,  *  from 
the  practice  of  writing.' 


EP.  669  (ATT.  XIII.  51). 


193 


dioendi   opifex. 
adsumo. 


Atque  equidem   aliquantura   iam   etiam   noctis 


669.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xin.  51). 

TUSCULUM  J   AUGUST  24  J   A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J   AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  litteris  ad   Caesarem   datis,  de   Attica,  de   Tigellio,  de  Q.   fratris  adventu 
exspectato. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Ad  Caesarem  quam  misi  epistulam,eius  exemplum  f ugit  me 
turn  tibi  mittere,  nee  id  fuit,  quod  suspicaris,  ut  me  puderet  tui, 
ne  ridicule  fmicillus,  nee  mehercule  scrips!  aliter  ac  si  TT/OO^  to-ov 
scriberem.  Bene  enim  existimo  de  illis  libris,  ut  tibi 


dicendi  opifex)  '  writing  is  the  artificer 
of  oratory.'  This  is  a  favourite  maxim 
of  Cicero's ;  see  De  Or.  i.  150,  stilus 
optimus  et  praestantissimus  dicendi  effector 
ac  wagister :  cp.  257  ;  iii.  190,  stilo  .  .  . 
formanda  nobis  oratio  est.  It  is  probable 
that  Cicero  here  urged  his  friend  to  further 
work  on  his  '  Cato.'  It  is  to  be  remem- 
bered that  Cicero  appears  to  call  the  '  Anti- 
Cato'  of  Kirtiusepistula:  cp.588.  4  ;  so  he 
may  here  similarly  describe  a  '  Cato '  of 
Gallus.  But  it  is  better  to  consider  the 
epistula  here  to  be  a  private  communica- 
tion to  Cicero. 

aliquantum  iam  etiam  noctis  adsumo] 
The  Romans  seldom  worked  at  night. 
Cicero  says  that  Sulpicius  in  his  province 
may  keep  up  his  reading  by  devoting  the 
night  to  it.  The  phrase  is  almost  pro- 
verbial for  intense  industry :  cp.  noctem 
addens  operi,  Verg.  Aen.  viii.  411  ;  nox 
parandis  operibus  adsumpta,  Tac.  H.  ii. 
21.  Cicero  himself  often  worked  at 
night :  cp.  658  init. 

1.  quam  misi  epistulam  eius  exemplum] 
For  the  attraction  of  epistulam  into  the 
relative  clause  cp.  Madv.  §  319,  who 
quotes,  in  addition  to  this  passage,  Liv.  i. 
1.  3,  in  quern  primum  \Eneti  Troianique'] 
egresbi  sunt  locum  Troia  vocatur. 

fugit  me  .  .  .  mittere~\  cp.  Att.  vii. 
18.  3  (316) ;  v.  12.  3  (202)  ;  and  Index. 

ut  me  .  .  .  scriberem'}  We  have  given 
the  passage  in  its  corrupt  state  ;  for  cor- 
rections suggested  see  Adn.  Grit.  Possibly 
we  have  here  one  of  those  strange  diminu- 
VOL.  v. 


tives  which  abound  (often  as  Sin 
in  these  letters.  We  think  the  passage  pos- 
sibly ran  thus  :  nee  id  fuit  quod  suspicaris 
ut  me  puderet  tui.  Fuinec  ridicule amieil- 
lus,  nee  mehercule  scripsi  aliter  ac  si  irpbs 
tffov  ofjio  16  vque  scriberem.  The  reading  is 
Boot's  except  the  diminutive  aira£  ejprj- 
/jifvov  amicilluH  (which  is  ours),  'a humble 
f riend  '  or  '  poor  relation  ' ;  for  strange 
diminutives  compare  integellus  diminutive 
for  integer,  Fam.  ix.  10.  3  (537)  ;  Ter- 
tulla  diminutive  for  Tertia,  727. 2 ; 
hilarula,  Att.  xvi.  11.  8  (799);  and  the 
list  of  diminutives  in  I3,  p.  88.  As  exactly 
parallel  formations  to  amicillns  from 
amicus  it  is  easy  to  point  to  tantillus  from 
tantu*,  auricilla  from  auricula,  haedillus 
from  haedus.  That  diminutives  of  this 
kind  are  not  necessarily  terms  of  endear- 
ment is  shown  by  homullus.  The  meaning 
would  be  :  'it  was  not,  as  you  suspect, 
that  I  was  ashamed  to  show  you  a  copy 
of  the  letter.  I  was  not  the  humble  friend 
to  an  absurd  degree,  nor,  by  heavens,  did 
I  write  otherwise  than  as  to  one  who  was 
my  peer  and  equal.  I  have  really  a  high 
opinion  of  his  Anti-Cato,  as  I  told  you 
when  we  met.  So  I  wrote  to  him  without 
any  soft  sawder,  and  yet  in  a  way  which  I 
fancy  would  be  very  pleasing  to  him.' 
Another  diminutive  which  might  be  sug- 
gested would  be  humiliculus.  Schmidt 
( Briefwechsel,  352  n.)  read  micidus,  which 
he  rendered  'winzig,zwergenhaft,'  'dwar- 
fish,' and  derived  from  mica,  'a  crumb,' 
quoting  in  attestation  of  the  word  '  mici- 
diores  hoc  est  minores*  (sc.  termini} 


194 


JSP.  670  (FAM.  XII.  18). 


ooram.  Itaque  scrips!  et  afcoXaicevrwc  et  tamen  sic  ut  nihil  eum 
existimem  lecturum  libentius.  2.  De  Attica  nunc  demum  mihi 
est  exploratum.  Itaque  ei  de  iutegro  gratulare.  Tigellium  totum 
mihi  et  quidem  quam  primum :  nam  pendeo  animi.  Narro 
tibi,  Quintus  eras ;  sed  ad  me  an  ad  te  nescio.  Mi  scripsit 
Romam  vm.  Kal.  Sed  misi  qui  invitaret :  etsi  hercle  iam  Romam 
veniendum  est,  ne  ille  ante  advolet. 


670.     CICERO  TO  CORNIFICIUS  (FAM.  xn.  is). 

ROME  J    OCTOBER  ;    A.  U.  C.  708  OR  709  J    B.  C.  46  OR  45  ; 
AET.  CIC.  60    OR  61. 

Infrequentiam  litterarum  excusat  M.  Cicero,  Cornificium  laudat,  de  rep.  queritur, 
excusat  Caesarem. 

CICERO  S.  D.  CORNIFICIO  COLLEGAE. 

1.  Quod  extremum   fuit  in  ea  epistula   quam  a  te  proxime 
accepi,    ad   id    primum   respondebo;    animum    advorti  enim   hoc 


Gromat.  vet.  321,  24.  But  he  has  since 
(Rh.  Mm.  1898,  p.  221)  approved  of 
Baiter's  Micyllus.  MiKuAAos  would  be  a 
diminutive  from  niitpos  (aeol.  /ni/c/cos) : 
and  Schmidt  compares  Micyllus,  the 
humble  shoemaker,  in  Lucian's  Gallus : 
cp.  Lucian's  Cataplus,  c.  14.  Bosius 
conjectured  hemicillus,  {a  mule,'  which 
is  a  very  unacceptable  suggestion.  Per- 
haps we  might  suggest  essem  i<6\a£,  which 
would  suit  well  with  aKoXaKevrus. 

cor  am]     sc.  dixi. 

2.  exploratum']  '  At  last  I  have  learned 
the  truth  about  Attica's  health,'  namely, 
that  she  has  completely  recovered. 

Tigellium  totum  mihi']  sc.  narra,  ex- 
hibe ;  '  give  me  a  full  account  of  what 
Tigellius  says  '  (how  he  takes  what  I 
have  said  about  him,  and  soforth).  So 
Mongault  and  Schiitz.  The  ellipse  sug- 
gested is  quite  within  the  bounds  of  that 
figure  in  the  letters.  Words  like  narra, 
scribe,  die,  may  always  be  supplied.  But 
reconcilia,  or  restitue,  or  placa,  as  sug- 
gested by  Wieland,  could  not  easily  be 
supplied,  any  more  than  abiicito  or  any 
word  having  the  very  opposite  meaning  to 
placa.  Still  that  sense  of  placa  may 
emerge  if  we  understand  fac  or  redde  : 
cp.  655  Demetrium  redde  nostrum — a 


perfectly  allowable  ellipse  :  cp.  Heide- 
mann,  p.  4.  Cicero  was  plainly  more 
solicitous  to  be  reconciled  to  Tigellius 
than  he  pretends  to  be  in  665.  1  :  662.  2. 
Tigellius,  with  whom  Caesar  was  very 
friendly  (cp.  Hor.  Sat.  i.  3.  5),  might 
readily  injure  Cicero  by  misrepresenting 
him  to  Caesar,  and  Cicero  wanted  to  be 
on  good  terms  with  Caesar  at  this  time, 
and  obtain  Caesar's  favourable  judgment 
on  his  '  Cato.' 

Quintus  eras]  sc.  veniet,  cp.  592  fin. 
The  words  narro  tibi  are  often  used  to 
introduce  an  important  statement  or 
announcement.  The  reference  is  to 
Quintus  junior. 

Sed]     The  force  of  sed  appears  to  be : 
Young  Quintus  said  he  would  come  to 
Rome ;  but  I  sent  an  invitation  to  him  to 
come  here ;  though  indeed  I  should  be 
going  to  Rome  myself.    The  latter  clause  I 
seems    a    possible    justification    of    the 
omission  of  hue  with  invitaret.     Yet  the  I 
omission   is   strange.     Could  Sed  be   an 
error  for  Sept.  ? 

ille]  Caesar,  as  sometimes  in  the  letters  j 
of  this  time:  cp.  648,  2:  694,  1. 

For  Coraificius  see  note  to  Fam.  xii. 
17  (493).  He  was  a  fellow-augur 


EP.  670  (FAM.  XII.  18). 


195 


vos  magnos  oratores  facere  nonnumquam  :  epistulas  requiris  meas  ; 
ego  autem  numquam,  cum  mihi  denuntiatum  esset  a  tuis  ire 
aliquem,  non  dedi.  Quod  mihi  videor  ex  tuis  litteris  intellegere 
te  nihil  commissurum  esse  temere  nee  ante  quam  scisses  quo  iste 
nescio  qui  Caecilius  Bassus  erumperet  quicquam  certi  constitu- 
turum,  id  ego  et  speraram  prudentia  tua  fretus  et  ut  confiderem 
fecerunt  tuae  gratissimae  mihi  litterae  ;  idque  ut  facias  quam 
saepissime,  ut  et  quid  tu  agas  et  quid  agatur  scire  possim  et  etiam 
quid  acturus  sis,  valde  te  rogo.  Etsi  periniquo  patiebar  animo  te 
a  me  digredi,  tamen  eo  tempore  me  consolabar  quod  etin  summum 
otium  te  ire  arbitrabar  et  ab  impendentibus  magnis  negotiis  disce- 
dere.  2.  Utruinque  contra  accidit ;  istic  enim  bellum  est  exortum, 
hie  pax  consecuta,  sed  tamen  eius  modi  pax  in  qua,  si  adesses, 
multa  te  non  delectarent,  ea  tamen  quae  ne  ipsum  Caesarem 
quidem  delectant ;  bellorum  enim  civilium  ii  semper  exitus  sunt 
ut  non  ea  solum  fiant  quae  velit  victor,  sed  etiam  ut  iis  mos 
gerendus  sit  quibus  adiutoribus  sit  parta  victoria.  Equidem  sic 
iam  obdurui  ut  ludis  Caesaris  nostri  animo  aequissimo  viderem 


with  Cicero;  hence  COLLEGAR:  cp.  C.I.L. 
vi.  1300  a.  Groebe  (in  his  ed.  of 
Drumann  ii,  p.  532)  says  that  Cornificius 
was  sent  as  Governor  of  Cilicia,  and  when 
Sext.  Caesar  was  murdered  by  Caecilius 
Bassus  in  46,  he  was  put  by  Julius 
Caesar  temporarily  in  command  of  Syria. 
It  is  probable,  therefore,  that  this  letter 
belongs  to  46,  cp.  note  to  §  2. 

1.  vos  magnos  oratores]  cp.  Fam.  ii. 
14  (245)  Novi  ego  vos  magnos  patronos : 
hominem  occidat  oportet  qui  vestra  opera 
uti  velit. 

cum  mihi  denuntiatum  esset]  The  itera- 
tive subjunctive  is  rare  in  Cicero  ami 
Caesar :  cp.  Madvig,  §  359,  Roby,  1716. 
Yet  it  is  occasionally  found.  Rieraann- 
Goelzer  quote  Verr.  iv.  48  cum  .  .  .  venis- 
set :  Brut.  143  cum  .  .  .  disputaretur :  De 
Div.  i-  102  cum  .  .  .  lustraret :  Caes. 
B.  G.  vii.  16.  3:  B.  C.  ii.  41.  6:  iii. 
47.  7. 

quo  ,  .  .  erumperet]  '  the  extent  of  the 
outbreak  of  that  Caecilius  Bassus  fellow.' 
This  man  was  an  obscure  knight  M'ho 
drew  away  two  legions  fromSextus  Caesar 
to  whom  Julius  had  entrusted  Syria. 
Sextus  was  murdered  by  his  soldiers,  and 
Bassus  occupied  Apamea.  Bassus  escaped 
from  punishment  owing  to  the  death  of 
Julius  Caesar.  "When  Cassius  in  42 


came  to  Syria,  as  governor  appointed  by 
the  Senate,  Bassus  refused  to  give  up  the 
command  to  him,  but  was  deserted  by 
his  soldiers,  with  whom  the  name  of  the 
Senate  was  still  powerful.  Cassius,  in 
consideration  of  his  hostility  to  Caesar, 
dismissed  him  unpunished  :  cp.  Dio  Cass. 
xlvii.  26-28;  Merivale  ii.  383,  iii.  219 
(ed.  1865). 

quid  tu  agas  .  .  .  acturus  sis']  '  what 
you  are  doing,  what  is  being  done,  and 
also  what  you  are  going  to  do.' 

in  summum  otium~\  Watson  justly  says 
that  this  is  a  strong  proof  that  Cornificius 
had  not  gone  to  Africa  before  he  was  sent 
to  Syria.  It  would  be  impossible  to  sup- 
pose that  Africa  had  been  completely 
tranquillized  after  the  campaign  in  which 
Thapsus  was  fought.  The  impending 
troubles  from  which  Cornificius  escaped 
were  probably  the  Spanish  Wars,  and 
perhaps  apprehended  disturbances  during 
Caesar's  absence. 

2.  sed  etiam  .  .  .  victoria]  cp.  Fam.  iv. 
9,  3  (487),  multa  enim  victori  eorum  arbitrio 
per  quos  vicit  etiam  invito  facienda  sunt. 

Ii4dis~\  Caesar  held  games  in  October, 
709  (45) :  cp.  648.  2.  But  if  we  suppose, 
as  is  probable  (cp.  note  to  §  1),  that  this 
letter  belongs  to  46,  then  the  games 
referred  to  are  the  Ludi  Victoriae  Caesaris 

N2 


196  EP.  671  (FAiV.  XII.  19). 

T.  Plancum,  audirem  Laberi  et  Publili  poemata.  Nihil  mihi  tarn 
deesse  scito  qmim  quicum  haec  familiariter  docteque  rideam  :  is  tu 
eris,  si  quarn  primum  veneris;  quod  ut  facias  non  mea  solum  sed 
etiam  tua  interesse  arbitror. 


671.     CICERO  TO  COKNIFICIUS  (FAM.  xii.  19). 
ROME;  MONTH  UNCERTAIN;  A.  u.  c.  708  OR  709;  B.  c.  46  OR  45; 

AET.  C1C.    60    OK    61. 

M.  Cicero  Q.  Cornificio  gratulatur    de  Syria  provincia  quam  Caesaris   beneficio 
acceperat. 

CICERO  CORNIFICIO  SAL. 

1.  Libentissime  legi  tuas  litteras,  in  quibus  iucundissimum 
mihi  fuit,  quod  cognovi  meas  tibi  redditas  esse;  non  enim  dubita- 
bam  quin  eas  libenter  lecturus  esses  :  verebar  ut  redderentur. 
Belliim  quod  est  in  Syria  Syriamque  provinciam  tibi  tributam 
esse  a  Caesare  ex  tuis  litteris  cognovi :  earn  rem  tibi  volo  beue  et 
feliciter  evenire;  quod  ita  fore  confido  fret  us  et  industria  et 
prudeutia  tua.  2.  Sed  de  Parthici  belli  suspicione  quod  scribis, 
sane  me  cornmovit.  Quid  enim  copiarum  haberes  cum  ipse 

held  at  the  end  of  Sept.  of  that  year  :  cp.  fine  prologue  he  delivered  is  still  preserved 

vol.  iv,  p.  liv,  note.  Schmidt  (p.  253  tf.)  (Macrob.   Sat.  ii.   7:  cp.   Suet.  Jul.  39). 

and  Ganter  in  Philoloyus,  1894,  pp.  134,  Horace  appears  to  have  had  a  poor  opinion 

137,  put  this  letter  in  46.  of  his  works  (Sat.   i.  10,  6),  and  Gellius 

T.Planctnn]  T.  Munatius  Plancus  Bursa  (xvi.  7.  4,  xix.  13.  3)  censures  his  use  of 

was  a  most  determined  enemy  of  Cicero :  lo\v  and  vulgar  words.     We  must,  with 

cp.  Fam.  vii.  2.  2  (182);  viii.  1.5(192).  Sillig   and    Wolfflin,    read    Putdili    here 

He  was   condemned  de  vi  in  connexion  for  Pubii.  For  the  works  of  Laberius  and 

with  the  burning  of  the  Senate  House  in  Syrus    cp.    Ribbeck,    Frag.    Com.,    pp. 

702  (52),  and  exiled.    He  was  restored  by  279  if.  (ed.  2). 

Caesar,  and  after  the  hitter's  assassination          familiariter  docteque  rideam~\     '  I    may 

was  an  active  supporter  of  Antony  :  cp.  have  a  friendly  and  cultured  laugh.' 
Phil.  vi.  10  ;  xiii.  27,  lllud  tauten  mirum 

quod  in  hoc  Planco  proverbi  loco  did  solet :  We  are  not  certain  as  to  the  year  or 

perire  eutn  non  posse  nisi  ei  crura  month  in  which  this  letter  was  written. 

fracta    essent.     JFracta  sunt  et   vivit:  We  have   accordingly  placed  it  in   con- 

cp.  Mr.  King's  note  on  this  passage,  and  nexion    with    the    preceding    letter    to 

Otto,  p.  99.     Plancus  was  driven  out  of  Cornificius. 

Pollentia  by  Aquila  with  a  broken  thigh  :  1.  meas]    probably  not  670,  as  it  was 

cp.  Phil.  xi.  14.     We  do  not  know  what  hardly  a  letter  Cornificius  would  have  read 

part  he  took  in  Caesar's  games.   Drumann  with  pleasure,  but  one  of  the  letters  which 

iv.  215  (=  231  ed.  Groebe)  fays  he  fought  Cicero  says,  in  §  1  of  that  epistle,  he  sent 

as  a  gladiator ;  but  we  do  not  know  on  when  he  heard  messengers  were  leaving 

what  evidence  he  bases  this  assertion.  Rome. 

Lttberi]      Decimus    Laberius    was    a          Bellum\     sc.  the  revolt  raised  by  Cae-    I 

Roman   knight  whom   Caesar   requested  cilius  Bassus. 

(i.e.  ordered)  to  act  in  his  own  mimes  in          2.  Quid  enim~\     So   HD  :  omitted  by    I 

competition  with  Publilius   Syrus.     The  M.     Klotz  inserts  Quantum  (the  reading 


EP.  672  (FAM.  XIIL  4).  197 

coniectura  consequi  poteram  turn  ex  tuis  litteris  cognovi ;  itaque 
opto  ne  se  ilia  gens  moveat  hoc  tempore  dum  ad  te  legiones  eae 
perducantur  quas  audio  duci.  Quod  si  pares  copias  ad  confli- 
geiidum  non  babebis,  non  te  fugiet  uti  consilio  M.  Bibuli,  qui 
se  oppido  mumtissimo  et  copiosissirao  tarn  diu  tenuit  quam  diu  in 
provincia  Parthi  fuerunt.  3.  Sed  baec  tu  melius  ex  re  et  ex  tem- 
pore constitues.  Mihi  quidem  usque  curaeerit  quid  agas,  dura  quid 
egeris  sciero.  Litteras  ad  te  numquara  babui  cui  darem  quin 
ded^rim ;  a  te  ut  idem  facias  peto,  in  primisque  ut  ita  ad  tuos 
scribas  ut  me  tuum  sciant  esse. 


672.     CICERO  TO  Q.  VALERIUS  ORCA  (FAM.  xm.  4). 

KOMK  ;    AUTUMN  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

M.  Cicero  Q.  Valerio,  quern  C.  Caesar  agris  militibus  adsignandis  praefecerat, 
Volaterranos  commendat,  ut  de  iis  agris  caveat. 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  Q.  VALERIO  Q.  F.  ORCAE  LEGATO  PROPR. 

1.  Cum  munioipibus  Volaterraneis  mihi  summa  necessitudo  est  ; 
niagno   euirn   meo  beneficio  adfecti  cumulutissime  mihi  gratiam 

of    the    Heilbronn    Fragment) :     Baiter  allotments  of  land  to  his  veterans,  and  as 

inserts  Quid.  such  Orca  was  in  vested  with  pro-praetorian 

consilio  M.  Bibuli~\     cp.  Att.  vi.  8,  5  authority.     For   Caesar's  distribution  of 

(281);   vii.  2,  6  (293),  Tiibnlus  qui  pet/em  lands,  cp.  Suet.  Cues.   38,  adsignavit  et 

porta   quoad  hostis    cis    Euphratem  fuit  agros  sed  nan  continues  nequis  possessorum 

non  extnlerit.  expelleretur :  also  note  to  Fam.  ix.  17.  1 

oppido}     Antioch.    '  (480).      These  three   letters    (672,   673, 

3.  Sed  haec  tu  menus']     "We  have  added  674)    give  us   a   clear    insight   into   the 

tu  with  Wes.  (E.  A.  4).  economic  difficulties  caused  by  the  division 

Litteras  .  .  .  dederim]     '  I  never  found  of  lands  among  Caesar's  veterans, 

anyone  to  whom  I  could  give  letters  for  1.    Void terr amis'}  Volaterrae, in  Etruria, 

you,  and  failed  to  give  them.'    For  quin  was  besieged  by  Sulla  for  having  sheltered 

cp.  Att.  i.  1.  3  (10),  Dies  fere  nullus  est  some  of  those  who  had  been  proscribed. 

quin  hie   Sairius   domum  weam  ventitet :  On  its  being  captured  after  a  severe  siege 

vii.  15.  1    (311):    Ter.   Eun.   1092  nun-  (Strabo,  v.  p.  223),  Sulla  declared  its  lands 

quam  etiam  fui  us  quam  quin  me  amarent  confiscated  and  its  rights  of  Ro'iian  citizen- 

omnes  plurimum.  sliip,  which  had  been  obtained  by  the  Lex 

Julia   of   664    (90),    cancelled.     But  the 

Orca  had  been  praetor  in  697  (57),  and  Roman    courts    did    not    recognize   this 

aided  in  the  restoration  of  Cicero  (Red.  in  deprivation  of  citizenship,  and  the  lands 

Sen.  23).     Next  year  he  was  governor  of  were  never  a<  tnally  confiscated i:  cp.  Caec. 

Afrii-a:  cp.  Fam.  xiii    6«.   2(115).    He  18;  102;  Pro  Domo  79, quoted  by  Watson; 

was  now  one  of  the  Land  Commissioners  also  Att.  i.  19.  4  (25),  cp.  C.  I.  L.  xi,  p. 

appointed  by  Caesar  for  carrying  out  the  325. 


198  EP.  672  (FAM.  XIII.  If). 

rettulerunt ;  nam  nee  in  honoribus  meis  nee  in  laboribus  umquam 
defuerunt.  Cum  quibus  si  mihi  nulla  causa  intercederet,  tamen, 
quod  te  vehementissime  diligo  quodque  me  a  te  plurimi  fieri  sentio, 
et  monerem  te  et  hortarer  ut  eorum  fortunis  consuleres,  praesertim 
cum  prope  praecipuam  causam  haberent  ad  ius  obtinendum : 
primum  quod  Sullani  temporis  acerbitatem  deorum  immortalium 
benignitate  subterfugerunt,  deinde  quod  summo  studio  populi 
Komani  a  me  in  consulatu  meo  defensi  sunt.  2.  Cum  enim  tribuni 
plebi  legem  iniquissimam  de  eorum  agris  pronmlgavissent,  facile 
senatui  populoque  Romano  persuasi  ut  eos  civis  quibus  fortuna 
pepercisset  salvos  esse  vellent.  Hanc  aetionem  meam  C.  Caesar 
primo  suo  consulatu  lege  agraria  comprobavit  agrumque  Yolaterra- 
n um  et  oppidum  omni  periculo  in  perpetuum  liberavit,  ut  mihi 
dubium  non  sit  quin  is  qui  novas  necessitudines  adiungat  vetera  sua 
benefieia  conservari  velit.  Q,uam  ob  rem  est  tuae  prudeutiae  aut 
sequi  eius  auctoritatem  cuius  sectarn  atque  imperium  summa  cum 
tua  dignitate  secutus  es,  aut  certe  illi  integram  omnem  causam  reser- 
vare  ;  illud  vero  dubitare  non  debes  quin  tarn  grave,  tarn  firmum, 
tarn  honestum  municipium  tibi  tuo  summo  beneficio  in  perpetuum 
obligari  velis.  3.  Sed  haec  quae  supra  scripta  sunt  eo  spectant 
ut  te  horter  et  suadeam  :  reliqua  sunt  quae  pertinent  ad  rogandum, 
ut  non  solum  tua  causa  tibi  consilium  me  dare  putes,  sed  etiam 
quod  mihi  opus  sit  me  a  te  petere  et  rogare.  Gratissimum  igitur 
mihi  feceris  si  Volaterranos  omnibus  rebus  integros  incolumisque 

nee   in   hofioribus    meis   nee   in    labori-  tribuni  plebi~\      Rullus    and    Flavius : 

bits']     'neither  in  my  days  of  glory  nor  <,p.  Att.  i.  19.  4  (25). 

my  days  of  trouble'':  cp.  Fain.  xiii.  7.  4  C.  Caesar']     He  would  naturally  have 

(674"),  nullum  umquam  fuisse  tempus  neque  kindly  feelings  towards  the  Volaterrans, 

honorum  nee  laborum  meorum.     We  have  as  being  the  representatives  of  the  Marians 

added,  with  Viet.,  nee  in,  as  the  corruptions  who  had  been  proscribed, 

in  M  (meis  [four  letters  omitted  at  the  end  sectaw']   often  used  of  a  political  party: 

of  a  line]  laboribus),   and  HD  (nee  meis  cp.  Liv.  xxix.   27.   2  (Scipio   speaking), 

laboribus)    can  be  thus  easily  accounted  quique  meam  sectam  imperium  auspicium- 

for.  que   terra  mariqiie  sequuntur.     The  word 

defuerunt]    '  failed  me.'    sc.  with  their  is  nearly   always   used    with  sequor  fol- 

votes.  lowing  :  cp.  note  to  ad  Brut.  i.  3.  4  (846). 

causa  intercederet]    '  if  no  such  relation  tarn  grave  .  .  .  honestum']  '  so  respect- 
as  this  existed  between   me   and   them.'  able,  prosperous,  and  honourable.' 
Watson  quotes  Pro  Quinct.  48  quicum  tibi  3.  reliqua  sunt .  .  .ad  rogandttni]  'What 
affinitas,  societas,  omnes  denique  causae  et  remains  is  of  the  nature  of  a  personal  re- 
necesftitudines  veteres  inter cedebont.  quest.' 

prope  praecipuam  causam]     '  an  almost  feceris  .  .  .  volueris"]     For  the  f  ut.  perf » 

paramount  claim.'  in  both  clauses  of  a  conditional  sentence 

2.  enim]     added  by  Viet. ;  Wesenberg  cp.  Att.  i.  20.   7  (26).     Madvig,  §  340, 

reads  qui  cum.  obs.  2,  says  that  it  indicates  that  the  one 


EP.  673  (FA  A/.  XIII.  5).  199 

esse  volueris  :  eorum  ego  domicilia  sedes,  rem  fortunas,  quae  et  a 
diis  inmortalibus  et  a  praestantissimis  in  nostra  re  publioa  civibus 
summo  senatus  populique  Roman!  studio  conservatae  sunt,  tuae 
fidei,  iustitiae  bonitatique  commendo.  4.  Si  pro  meis  pristinis  opibus 
facultatem  mihi  res  hoc  tempore  daret  ut  ita  defendere  possem 
Volaterranos  quern  ad  rnodum  consuevi  tueri  meos,  nullum  officium, 
nullum  denique  certamen  in  quo  illis  prodesse  possem  praeter- 
mitterem  ;  sed  quouiam  apud  te  nihilo  minus  hoc  tempore  valere 
me  confido  quam  valuerim  semper  apud  omnis,  pro  uostra 
summa  necessitudine  parique  inter  nos  et  mutua  benevolentia  abs 
te  peto  ut  ita  de  Volaterranis  mereare  ut  existiment  eum  quasi 
divino  consilio  isti  negotio  praepositum  esse  apud  quern  unum  nos 
eorum  perpetui  defensores  plurimum  valere  possemus. 


673.     CICERO  TO  THE  SAME  VALEKIUS  OECA 
(FAM.  xni.  5). 

HOME  ;    AUTUMN  ;    A.    U.    C.    709  ;     B.    C.    45  ;    AET.    CIC.    61. 

M.  Cicero  Q.  Valerium  rogat  ne  ager  C.  Curtii  dividatur. 
CICERO   S.  D.  Q.  VALERIO  LEG.  PR-OPE. 

1.  Non  moleste  fero  earn  necessitudiriem  quae  mihi  tecum  est 
notam  esse  quam  plurimis,  iieque  tameu  ob  earn  causam — quod  tu 
optime  existimare  potes — te  impedio  quo  minus  susceptum  nego- 
tium  pro  tua  fide  et  diligentia  ex  voluntate  Caesaris,  qui  tibi  rem 
magnam  difficilemque  commisit,  gerere  possis;  nam  cum  multi  a 
me  petant  multa,  quod  de  tua  erga  me  voluntate  non  dubitent, 
non  committo  ut  ambitione  mea  conturbem  officium  tuum.  2.  C. 

action  will  be  completed  at  the  same  time  '  as  to  lead  them   to  think   that  in  the 

as  the  other  :  cp.  Roby,  §  1482.  wisdom  of  Providence  there  has  been  set 

bonitatique]     '  goodness  of  heart.'  over  that  business  the  one  man  with  whom 

4.  apud  omnis]     Orelli  adds  bonos  :  but  I,  their  constant  defender,  can  have  the 

it  is  not  found  in  any  MS  and  is  not  abso-  greatest  influence.' 
lutely   required.     Cicero  means — '  if  my 

influence  with  you  now  is  not  less  than  it  1.  quod  .  .  .  pates']  'and  you  can  best 

has  been  generally  in  the  state.'     There  judge  of  this,'  viz.  that  I  should  not  wish 

never  was  a  time  when  Cicero  was  not  of  to  make  undue  claims  on  your  services  : 

Considerable  influence,  though  of  course  quod  is  in  apposition  to  the  whole  sen- 

that  influence  was  very  much  greater  at  tence. 
some  times  than  at  others.  cum  multi]     *  although  many.' 

isti  negotio}    sc.  this  division  of  lands :  ut   .  .  .  tuum']     '  that  by  any  private 


^00 


EP.  673  (FAM.  Xlll.  5). 


Curtio  ab  ineunte  aetate  familiarissime  sum  usus.  Eius  et  Sullani 
temporis  iniustissima  calamitate  dolui,  et  cum  iis,  qui  sinrilem 
iniuriam  acceperant,  amissis  omnibus  fortuuis  reditus  tamen  inl 
patriam  voluntate  omnium  concedi  videretur,  adiutor  inoolumitatis 
fui.  Is  habet  in  Volaterrano  possessionem,  cum  in  earn  tarnquam 
e  naufragio  reliquias  contulisset ;  hoc  autem  tempore  eum  Caesar 
in  senatum  legit,  quein  ordinem  ille  ista  possessione  amissa  tueri 
vix  potest ;  gravissimum  autem  est,  cum  superior  factus  sit  ordine, 
inferiorem  esse  fortuna,  minimeque  convenit  ex  eo  agro  qui 
Caesaris  iussu  dividatur  eum  moveri  qui  Caesaris  beneficio  senator 
sit.  3.  Sed  mihi  minus  libet  multa  de  aequitate  rei  scribere,  ne 
causa  potius  apud  te  valuisse  videar  quam  gratia ;  quam  ob  rem 
te  in  maiorem  modum  rogo  ut  C.  Curti  rem  meam  putes  esse; 
quicquid  mea  causa  faceres,  ut,  id  C.  Curti  causa  cum  feceris, 
existimes  quod  ille  per  me  habuerit  id  me  habere  abs  te.  Hoc  te 
vehementer  etiam  atque  etiam  rogo. 


interest  on  my  part  I  should  embarrass 
you  in  the  performance  of  your  duty.' 

2.  calamitute]  opp.  to  incolumitatis, 
'rehabilitation  '  :  cp.  Fam.  iv.  9.  4  (487) 
and  note.  Curtius  had  been  proscribed 
and  lost  his  citizenship  and  property :  cp. 
note  to  672.  1. 

in  earn  .  .  .  contulisset]  '  he  has  put 
all  that  remained  to  him  (of  his  wealth) 
into  it.' 

tueri  vix  potest]  No  property  qualifi- 
cation was  legally  required  in  order  to  be 
a  Senator  during  the  period  of  the  Republic 
(cp.  Willems,  Le  Senat,  i.  189-194; 
Momms.,  St.  R.  iii.  876) ;  but  as  a  matter 
of  fact  wealth  was  taken  into  considera- 
tion in  the  case  of  election  to  the  Senate  ; 
and  a  '  pauper  senator,'  just  as  a  *  pauper 
peer'  with  us,  was  at  a  disadvantage  in 
being  unable  to  keep  up  his  proper  position 
in  society. 


fortuna]  'wealth,'  'fortune.'  The 
plural  is  generally  used  to  express  this 
idea;  but  cp.  flor.  Ep.  i.  5.  12,  Quo  mihi 
fortunam  si  non  conceditur  uti :  Quintil. 
vi.  1.  50. 

3  causa  .  .  .  grat\a\  '  to  have  pre-  ' 
vailed  on  you  by  the  justice  of  the  case  ' 
rather  than  by  my  personal  influence.'  j 
To-day  one  would  hardly  hint,  even  in  a 
private  letter,  that  influence  should  have ! 
a  preponderating  weight  in  comparison; 
with  the  merits  of  a  case. 

quicqnid  .  .  .  abs  te]  '  and  in  whatever 
you  do  for  my  sake,  be  assured  that,  in] 
furthering  (or  perhaps  'although  you  are- 
furthering ')  the  interests  of  Curtius, 
any  favour  he  obtains  through  my 
influence  I  shall  regard  as  a  favour  to 
myself  from  you.' 


EP.  674  (FAM.  XIII.  7}.  201 


674.     CICEIiO  TO  GAIUS   GLUVIUS  (FAM.  xin.  7). 

KOMK  ;    AUTUMN  ;     A.    U.   C.  709  J    K.    0.    45  ;    AET.    01 C.    61. 

M.  Cicero  petit  a  C.  Cluvio,  quern  Caesar  agris  in  Gallia  Cisalpina  dividendis 
praefecerat,  ne  raunicipii  Atellani  vectigalem  agrum  dividat,  causam  integram  Caesari 
reservet. 

CICERO  CLUVIO   SAL. 

1.  Cum  in  Galliara  proficiscens  pronostranecessitudine  tuaque 
summa  in  me  observantia  ad  me  domum  venisses,  locutus  sum 
tecum  de  agro  vectigali  municipi  Atellani  qui  esset  in  Gallia, 
quan toque  opere  eius  munioipi  causa  laborarein  tibi  ostendi ;  post 
tuam  autem  profectionem  cum  et  maxima  res  municipi  honestis- 
simi  mihique  coniuuctissimi  et  suminum  nieum  officiurn  ageretur, 
pro  tuo  anirao  in  me  singular!  existirnavi  me  oportere  ad  te  accu- 
ratius  scribere,  etsi  non  sum  nescius  et  quae  temporum  ratio  et 
quae  tua  potestas  sit,  tibique  riegotium  datum  esse  a  C.  Caesare, 
non  indicium,  praeclare  intellego :  qua  re  a  te  tantum  peto  quan- 
tum et  te  facere  posse  et  libenter  mea  causa  facturum  esse  arbitror. 

This  Cluvius    cannot    have    been    the  Augustus  nominated  this  Cluvius  to  the 

banker  of  Puteoli,   cp.   Farn.  xiii.  56.  1  Senate,    inter  consulares   (Dio   Cass.    Hi. 

<231),  as  the  latter  appears   to  have  died  42.    4). 

before  the  autumn  of  709  (45),  cp.  663.  3.          1.  agro  vectigali~\     '  rent-bearing  land,' 

We  should  rather  consider   him    to  have  'leased   estates':  cp.  Fam.  xiii.    11.    1 

been  the    Cluvius     who  was    prnefectus  (452).     Atella  was  in  Campania,  between 

fabrum  of  Caesar  in  Spain,  in  the  early  Naples  and  Capua.     For  other  examples 

part  of  this  year  (cp.  C.  I.  L.  i.  p.  451).  of  municipalities  which  owned  property 

He  is  considered  by  Orelli  (Onom.)  and  in    a  distant   land,  cp.  Arpinum,  which 

Mom m sen  to  be  the  Cluvius  who  is  often  held  land  in  Gaul:  see  Fam.  xiii.   11,  1 

mentioned  in  the  celebrated  address  of  the  (452),  and  note  ;  and  Capua,  which  was 

consular,  Lucretius  Vespillo,  to  his  dead  given  lands  in  Crete  (Veil.  ii.  81). 
wife    Turia :     C.   I.    L.    vi.    1527:    cp.          cum  et  maxima  ...  age  re  tur~\     'when 

Mr.  Warde  Fowler,  Social  Life  in  the  Age  it  became  a  question  of  the  vital  interests 

of  Cicero,  p.  160  ff.,  and  Classical  Review,  of  a  municipality  which  was  most  honour- 

1905,  pp.  261-6.     In  33  he  is  said  to  have  a>>le  and  attached  to  me,  as  well  as  of  the 

been  made  consul  by  Antony,  but  to  have  performance  of  my  duty  in   the  highest 

been  soon  removed:   cp.   Dio  Cass.  xlix.  sense.'  Cii-ero  was  patron  of  the  Atellans  : 

44.  3,  where  his  praenomen  is,  however,  cp.    Q.    Fr.    ii.   12  (14),  3  (139),    est   ex 

given  as  Lucius.    This  has  been  sometimes  municipio  Ateilano  quod  scis  esse  in  fide 

supposed  to  be  a  mistake  for  Gaius ;   hut  noatra.    Atella  \o<t  its  municipal  rights 

it   is    more    probable    that    the   mistake  in  the  second  Punic   War,  but  regained 

is   in   the   nomen,    and    that    we   should  them  some  tim<-  before  the  age  of  Cicero, 

read    AOVKIOV    $\a.ovtov    (for   X\avoviov)  The    Harlequinades,    known  as    fabulae 

and   understand   the   reference   to   be  to  Atellimae,  l;ad  tueir  origin  in  this  town. 
L.  Flavins,  who  was  consul  suffectus  in          tibique  .  .  .  indicium]     '  and     that     a 

33  (C.  I.   L.  i2,   p.  160).      In    725  (29)  definite  business  has    been  given  you  by 


202  EP.  674  (FAM.  XIII.  7). 

2.  Et  primura  velim  existimes,  quod  res  est,  municipi  fortunas 
omnis  in  isto  vectigali  consistere,  his  autem  temporibus  hoc  muni- 
cipium  maximis  oneribus  pressum,  summis  adfectum  esse  difficul- 
tatibus.  Hoc  etsi  commune  videtur  esse  cum  multis,  tamen 
mihi  crede  singularis  huic  municipio  calamitates  accidisse,  quas 
idcirco  non  commemoro,  ne  de  miseriis  meorum  necessariorum  con- 
querens  homines  quos  nolo  videar  offendere.  3.  Itaque,  nisi 
magnam  spem  haberem  C.  Caesari  nos  causam  municipi  proba- 
turos,  non  erat  causa  cur  a  te  hoc  tempore  aliquid  coutenderern  ; 
sed  quia  confido  mihique  persuasi  ilium  et  dignitatis  municipi  et 
aequitatis  et  etiam  voluntatis  erga  se  habiturum  esse  rationem, 
ideo  a  te  non  dubitavi  contendere  nt  hanc  causam  illi  integram 
conservares :  4.  quod  etsi  nihilo  minus  a  te  peterem,  si  nihil  audi- 
vissem  te  tale  fecisse,  tameu  maiorem  spem  impetrandi  nactus  sum, 
postea  quam  mihi  dictum  est  hoc  idem  a  te  Kegiensis  irnpetravisse, 
qui  etsi  te  aliqua  necessitudine  attingunt.  tamen  tuus  amor  in  me 
sperare  me  cogit  te,  quod  tuis  necessariis  tribueris,  idem  esse 
tributurum  meis,  praesertim  cum  ego  pro  his  unis  petam,  habeam 
autem  qui  simili  causa  laborent  compluris  necessarios.  Hoc  me 
non  sine  causa  facere  neque  aliqua  levi  ambitione  commotum  a 
te  coutendere  etsi  te  existimare  arbitror,  tamen  mihi  adfirmauti 
credas  velim  me  huic  municipio  debere  plurimum,  nullum  umquam 
fuisse  tempus  neque  honorum  nee  laborum  meorum  in  quo  non 
huius  municipi  studium  in  me  exstiterit  singulare.  5.  Quapropter 
a  te  etiam  atque  etiam  pro  nostra  summa  coniunctione  proque  tua 
in  me  perpetua  et  maxima  benevolentia  maiorem  in  modum  peto 
atque  contendo  ut,  cum  fortunas  agi  eius  municipi  intellegas, 
quod  sit  mihi  necessitudine,  officiis,  benevolentia  coniuuctissimum, 
id  mihi  des,  quod  erit  huius  modi  ut,  si  a  Caesare  quod  speramus 
impetrarimus,  tuo  beneficio  nos  id  consecutos  esse  iudicemus ;  sin 

Caesar,  and  not  the  discretionary  power  neque  .  .  .  commotum']  '  not  from  any 

of  a  judge.'  unprincipled  motive  of  self -interest. ' 

2.  vectigali']     '  rent.'  nee    honorum     nee     laborum    meorum\ 

meorum  necessariorum]  '  of  those  con-  « either  in  my  days  of  glory  or  of 

nected  with  me.'  trouble  '  :  cp.  672.  1. 

homines  quos  nolo']  i.e.  the  partisans  5.  id  mihi  des,  quod]  Editors  usually 

of  Caesar,  who  appear  to  have  acted  place  a  long  stop  alter  des  ;  but  that  would 

harshlyi  make  the  apodosis  unduly  short  consider- 

4. .  Regiensis']  i.e.  the  inhabitants  of  ing  the  length  of  the  protasis,  and  would 

Regium  Lepidi,  a  Roman  colony  on  the  lay  too  great  weight  of  emphasis  on  id. 

Aemilian  road  between  Mutina  and  Accordingly  we  have  put  a  comma  after 

Parma,  des  with  Wes.  and  Mendelssohn. 


EP.  675  (FAM.  XII I.  8).  208 

minus,  pro  eo  tamen  id  habeamus,  quod  a  te  data  sit  opera  ut 
impetraremus.  Hoc  cum  mihi  gratissimum  feceris,  turn  viros 
optimos,  homines  honestissimos  eosdemque  gratissimos  et  tua 
necessitudine  dignissimos,  summo  beneficio  in  perpetuum  tibi 
tuisque  devinxeris. 


675.     CICERO  TO  MAKCTJS  EUTILIUS  (FAM.  xm.  s). 
ROME;  AUTUMN  ;  A.  u.  c.  709;  B.  c.  45;  AET.  cic.  ei. 

M.  Cicero  a  M.  Rutilio  petit  ut  C.  Albinii  senatoris  praedia  ne  attingat. 

M.  CICERO  M.  RUTILTO  SAL. 

1.  Cum  efc  mihi  conscius  essem  quanti  te  facerem  et  tuam  erga 
me  benevolentiam  expertus  essem,  non  dubitavi  a  te  petere  quod 
mihi  petendum  esset.  P.  Sestium  quanti  faciam  ipse  optime  scio ; 
quanti  autem  facere  debeam  et  tu  et  oinnes  homines  sciunt.  Is  cum 
ex  aliis  te  mei  studiosissimum  esse  cognosset,  petivit  a  me  ut  ud  te 
quam  accuratissime  scriberem  de  re  C.  Albini  senatoris,  cuius  ex 
filia  natus  est  L.  Sestius,  optimus  adulescens,  filius  P.  Sesti.  Hoc 
idoirco  scripsi  ut  intellegeres  non  solum  me  pro  P.  Sestio  laborare 
debere,  sed  Sestium  etiam  pro  Albinio.  2.  Res  autem  est  haec. 
A  M.  Laberio  C.  Albinius  praedia  in  aestimationem  accepit,  quae 
praedia  Laberius  emerat  a  Caesare  de  bonis  Plotianis.  Ea  si  dicam 
lion  esse  e  re  publica  dividi,  docere  te  videar,  non  rogare  ;  sed  tamen 

pro  eo  .  .  .  impetraremus]  In  this  per-  P.  Sestius,  the     client    of    Cicero :     cp. 

plexing    sentence  we    have  ventured    to  Sest.  6. 

read  quod  for  the  MSS  quoniam,  *  but  if  2.  Ees  autem  est  hacc]  Laberius  had 
not,  that  at  all  events  in  place  thereof  we  bought  the  confiscated  goods  of  a  certain 
may  have  this,  that  you  have  done  your  Plotius,  who  was  either  one  of  the  Pom- 
best  that  we  should  obtain  it.'  We  do  peians,  or  possibly  Plautius  Hypsaetis, 
not  know  of  any  example  of  the  colloca-  condemned  for  bribery  under  Pompey's 
tion  id  .  .  .  quoniam.  law  of  52  :  cp.  Dio  Cass.  xl.  53.  1.  As 

Laberius   was  a  debtor  of  Albinius,   he, 

ltutilio~\  "We  do  not  know  of  any  other  in   accordance    with   Caesar's  law,  made 

certain  reference  to  this  Rutilius.  over  these  lands  in  payment  of  the  debt, 

1.  quam  accuratissime  scriberem~\  '  make  these   lands   having  been   valued  at  the 

•a  special  (or  '  specific  ')  appeal  to  you.'  price  they  would  have  fetched  before  the 

The  word  is  most   commonly  used  with  Civil  War  began  :   cp.  note  to  Fam.  ix. 

dicere  and  scribere.  16.  7  (472).     This  is  the  meaning  of  in 

C.  Albini']     He   was  father-in-law   of  aestimationem  accepit. 


204  EP.  676  (FAM.   V.  11). 

cum  Caesar  Sullanas  venditiones  et  adsignationes  ratas  esse  velit, 
quo  firmiores  existimeutur  suae,  si  ea  praedia  dividentur  quae  ipse 
Caesar  vendidit,  quae  tandem  in  eius  venditionibus  esse  poteril 
nuctoritas  ?  sed  hoc  quale  sit  tu  pro  tua  prudentia  considerabis. 
3.  Ego  te  plane  rogo  atque  ita  ut  maiore  studio,  iustiore  de  causa, 
magis  ex  animo  rogare  nihil  possim,  ut  Albiuio  parcas,  praedia 
Laberiana  ne  attingas.  Magna  me  adfeceris  non  modo  laetitia,  sed 
etiam  quodam  modo  gloria,  si  P.  Sestius  Lomini  maxime  necessario 
satis  fecerit  per  me,  ut  ego  illiuni  plurimum  debeo  ;  quod  ut  facias 
te  vehementer  etiam  atque  etiam  rogo.  Maius  mihi  dare  beneticium 
nullum  potes  :  id  mihi  intelleges  esse  gratissimum. 


676.     CICERO  TO  VATINIUS  (FAM.  v.  n). 

ROME  ;    OCTOBER  (END)  J    A.  TT.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AKT.  CIC.  61. 

P.  Vatinio  roganti  promittit  M.  Cicero  eius  uxori  se  adfuturum.  Addit  de  Dionysi 
fugitive  et  de  spe  triumphi  Dalmatici. 

M.  CICERO  VATINIO   IMP.  S. 

1.  Grata  tibi  mea  esse  officia  non  miror;  coguovi  enim  t 
gratissimum  omnium,  idque  numquam  destiti  pniedicare ;  ne 
enim  tu  mihi  habuisti  modo  gratiam,  verum  etiam  cumulatissim 
rettulisti :  quam  ob  rem  in  reliquis  tuis  rebus  omnibus  pari  m 
studio  erga  te  eteadem  voluntate  cognosces.  2.  Quod  mihi  ferui 
nam  primariarn,  Pompeiam,  uxorem  tuain,  commendas,  cum  Sun 

venditiones  et  adsign<ttiones~\     '  sales  and  Vutinius  thanking  Cicero  for  his  aid   i 

allotments,'  viz.  of  property  confiscated  in  the  matter,  are  both  lost ;  but  that  sue 

connexion  with  the  Sullan  proscriptions.  letters  were  written  can  be  gathered  from 

auclorit(ts~\    'right  of  propeity,'  'title':  the  opening  words  of  this  epistle.     The 

cp.    Off.    i.    37,    from   the    xn.    Tables,  distance  between  Rome  and  Nurona  was 

adversus      hostem       aeterna      auctoritas,  a  journey  of  about  twenty  days,  so  that 

'  against  a    stranger    right    of    property  this  letter  was  written  about  a  month  and 

never  expires.'  a  half  after  the  supplication  was  decreed. 

3.  dfbeo\    So  Ernesti  and  most  editors  ;  praedicare]      '  proclaim '  :    cp.  note   to 

MRS  debeam.     This  is   a   simpler   change  622.  2. 

than  to  read  cum  for  ut  \vith  Cratander.  in  reliquis]      We  have  added  in  with 

Marty ni-Laguna,  as  rebus  can  hardly  be 

1.  mea    esse    officia]      Vatinius    wrote  the  dative.     H  omits  rebus;  and  if  this  is 

Faro.  v.  9  (636)  on  July  llth.     This  pro-  not   a  mere  error  (which  probably  it  is), 

bably  reached  Cicero  about  the  beginning  tuis  omnibus  may  be  the  dative,  and  mean 

of   August.      The   supplication    was  not  '  I  am  as  zealous  in  your  interest  as  all 

decreed    until    September,  when    Caesar  the  rest  of  your  friends  are.' 

returned   to   Rome.     Cicero's   letter   an-  2.feminam  primarintn]  cp.  Verr.  iii.  97. 

nouncing   this   decree,  and  the   letter  of  Sura']     Probably  a  confidential  freed- 


EP.  677  (FA 31.   VI L  29).  205 

nostro  statira  tuis  litteris  lectis  locutus  sum,  ut  ei  meis  verbis 
diceret  ut  quicquid  opus  esset  mihi  deiiuutiaret ;  me  omnia 
quae  ea  vellet  summo  studio  curaque  facturum  :  itaque  faciam 
eamque,  si  opus  esse  videbitur,  ipse  couveniam.  Tu  tamen  ei 
velim  scribas  ut  nullam  rem  ueque  tarn  maguam  neque  tarn 
parvam  putet  quae  mihiaut  difficilis  aut  parum  me  digna  videatur : 
omnia  quae  in  tuis  rebus  agam  efc  non  laboriosa  mihi  et  honesta 
videbuiitur.  3.  De  Dionysio,  si  me  amas,  confice :  quamcumque 
ei  fidem  dederis  praestabo ;  si  vero  improbus  f uerit,  ut  est,  duces 
eum  captivum  in  triumpho.  Delmatis  di  male  faciant  qui  tibi 
molesti  suut!  sed,  ut  scribis,  brevi  capientur  et  inlustrabuut  re& 
tuas  gestas;  semper  euim  habiti  suut  bellicosi. 


677.     CUBJTJS  TO  CICERO  (FAM.  vn.  29). 

PATRAE  ;    OCTOBER  29  J    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

M.  Curius  M.  Ciceronem  laudatis  eius  erga  se  beneficiis  rogat  ut  Ser.  Sulpicii  se 
successori  commendet. 

CURIUS  M.  CICERONI  SUO  SAL. 

1.  S.  v.  b. ;  sum  euim  xP^aet  t^v  tuns,  icrr/o-ft  3c  Attici  nostri ; 

ergo  fructus  est  tuus,  manoipium  illius  ;  quod  quidem  si  iuter  seues 

man  of  Vatinius,  as  Apella  was  of  Fadius  ploits'  :  cp.  Fam.  i.  6.  2  (104),  inlustrabit 

Gallus  (668.  2).  tuam  amplitudinem  hominum  iniuria. 

meis  verbis]     'from  me':  cp.  note  to 

Fam.  xv.  8  (215).  The  language  of  Curius  is  discussed  at 

denuntiaref]     « intimate.'  length  by  J.  H.  Schmalz  in  the  Zeitschrift 

3.  Dionysio']  cp.  638.  2  ;  639.2.  fur  das    Gymnasialwesen,  xxxv.    (1881), 

quamcumque.  .  . praestabo]     'whatever  137-140. 

engagement  you  make  with  him  I  shall  1.  S.  v.  b.]  =  si  vales  bene  (est). 

fulfil.'  Xprjo-ei]  The  opposition  of  xP^ffls  an(* 

si  vero   improbus  fuerif]      '  if   he   has  KTTJO-IS  is  very  common  in  Greek,  especially 

proved  himself  a  villain,  as  he  is,  you  will  in  the  Politics  and  Ethics  of  Aristotle, 

please  lead  him  captive  in  your  triumph.'  fructus}     put  simply  for  usus  fructus: 

This  means  that  if  he  has  had  friendly  cp.  Cicero's  reply  to  this  letter,  Fam.  vii. 

dealings  with  the  Dalmatians,  who  were  30.    2    (694).     The  fructus  includes  the 

at  war    with   the    Romans,    he  may  be  usus,  but  not  the   usus  the  fructus:  cp. 

dealt  with  according  to  the  laws  of  war.  Munro  on  Lucr.  iii.  971 — 

Perhaps,  however,  the  meaning  is  no  more  yitaque  manciple  null!  datur,  omnibus  usu. 
than  '  if  he  prove  an  obstinate  rogue,  as 

he  is,'  i.e.  if  he  will  not  return,  no  matter  mancipium  =  dominium  here,  as  also  in 

what  assurance  you  give  him.  the  passage  from  Lucretius. 

sunt]     '  who  are  troubling  you'  ;  sin t  senes  comptionalis.]     At  slave-sales  old 

would  mean  '  for  troubling  you.'  and  worthless  slaves  were  often  put  up, 

inlustrabunt']     '  shed  lustre  on  your  ex-  not  individually,  but  in  a  lot ;  hence  the 


206 


EP.  677  (FAM.   VII. 


oomptionalis  venale  proscripserit,  egerit  non  multum.  At  ilia  nostra 
praedicatio  quanti  est,  nos,  quod  siraus,  quod  habeamus,  quod 
homines  existimemur,  id  omne  abs  te  habere !  Qua  re,  Cicero  mi, 
persevera  coustanter  nos  conservare  et  Sulpici  successori  nos  de 
meliore  nota  commenda,  quo  facilius  tuis  praeceptis  obtemperare 
possimus  teque  ad  ver  libentes  videre  et  nostra  refigere  deportareque 


word  here  means  ' a  cheap  job  lot';  so 
in  Plaut.  Bacch.  976,  Nunc  Priamo 
nostro  si  est  quis  emptor,  comptionalem 
senem  Vendam  ego  venalem  quern  habeo, 
where  see  Ussing.  There  is  no  reference 
to  the  senes  qui  ad  coemptiones  faciendas 
inter imendorum  sacrorum  causa  reperti 
sunt,  Mur.  27,  where  see  Mr.  Heitland's 
note.  The  form  comptionales,  which  is 
found  in  M,  is  well  defended  by  Lachmann 
on  Lucr.  p.  135  (on  ii.  1061).  Perhaps 
we  should  have  read  coptari  for  cooptari 
in  Fam.  iii  10.  9  (261). 

proscripserit}  '  advertise  for  sale.' 
egerit  non  multum~\  *  he  won't  do  much 
good,'  that  is,  '  he  will  not  make  much 
profit,'  a  colloquial  expression  :  cp.  Plane. 
83,  non  nihil  egisti,  where  Holden  com- 
pares Ter.  Ad.  935,  Prop.  i.  10.  20,  and 
many  more  examples.  Schmalz  (p. 
138)  adds  Matius  ap.  Fam.  xi.  28.  4  (785), 
sed  nihil  agunt ;  Galba  ap.  Fam.  x.  30.  4 
(841),  necegit  quicquam;  Fronto,p.  164  N"., 
<id  ostentandum  mihi  animum  tuum  non 
multum  egit. 

at  .  .  .  habere  /]  '  but  that  constant 
asseveration  of  mine — namely,  that  all 
I  am,  all  1  have,  all  my  recognition  as 
a  member  of  society,  is  solely  due  to  you 
— how  that  enhances  my  value  ! '  Curius 
is  pointing  out  that  though  his  real  value 
is  very  small,  and  therefore  KTTJo-et  or  as 
a  mancipium  he  is  almost  worthless,  yet 
the  fact  that  he  is  able  to  boast  the  refining 
influences  of  Cicero's  society  and  advice 
is  of  such  importance  that  xrtffet  or  as  a 
fructus,  as  a  useful  instrument,  he  has  a 
high  value.  This  effusiveness  seems  quite 
excessive  to  us,  but  Cicero  says  of  him  est, 
quam  facile  diligas,  OUT^X^«"  *n  homine 
urbanitas,  Att.  vii.  2.  3  (293).  As  quod 
seems  to  be  the  conjunction,  habeamus 
has  the  absolute  sense  of  '  owning  pro- 
perty ' :  cp.  787.  7  note.  Hotmann 
notices  that  Cicero  is  decidedly  prone  to 
'  pregnant '  uses  of  homo.  Not  only  does 
he  use  it  in  the  sense  of  one  subject  to  the 
changes  and  chances  of  this  mortal  life, 
and  not  above  the  weaknesses  of  humanity, 
e.g.  Tusc.  ii.  53  ;  Fam.  v.  17.  3  (179),  but 


also  as  (1)  '  one  who  possesses  the  dignity 
and  moral  worth  of  a  man,'  e.g.  Tusc. 
iii.  77,  cum  Socrates  Alcibiadi  persiiasisset\ 
eum  nihil   hominis  esse :    Fam.  xi.  29.  2 
(762),  Quod  tuum  iudiciumnisi  mea  summa] 
benevolentia  erga  te  . .  .  comprobaro,  ipse  me  \ 
hominem  non  putabo ;  (2)  '  a  man  of  taste,'  \ 
e.g.  in  this   passage,  in  Att.  xiii.  52.  2 
(679),  and  the  celebrated  Q.  Fr.  ii.  9(11),) 
4  (132),  where  see  note;  (3)   'a  man  of 
understanding,'    e.g.    Att.    ii.  2.  2  (28), 
where  Boot  compares  Ter.  Ad.  107  ilium 
tu  tuum,  si  esses  homo,  sineres  nuncfacere' 
dum    per   aetatem    licet ;   (4)   *  a   man  of 
feeling,'  cp.  Att.  xii.  38.  3  (582),-si  modo 
homines  sint,  existiment  me  . .  .  reprehen- 
dendum  non  esse:    Fam.  xv.  17.  3  (541), \ 
se  in  his  malis  hominem  praebuit.  As  far  as 
the  sense  is  concerned,  Dr.  Reid  refers  us 
to  Liv.  vi.  14.  7,  8  (se}  videre  lucem  forum 
civium  ora  M.  Manli  opera  ;  omnium  paren-  ; 
tiuin  beneficia  ab  illo  se  habere ;  .  .  .  quod-', 
cunque  sibi  cum  patria,  penatibus  publicist 
ac  privatis,  i^^ris  fuerit.  id  cum  uno  homint 
esse  ;  and  suggests  that  possibly  among  the 
many  services  Cicero  had  done  to  Curius 
had  been  a  successful   defence  in  a  law! 
court:  cp.  Fam.  xiii.  50.  1  (695). 

persevera  .  .  .  conservare']  For  the  in- ; 
finitive  after  this  verb,  cp.  Fam.  ix.  16.  8 1 
(472) ;  it  usually  takes  in  with  ablative. 

Sulpici  successori']  Marcus  Acilius  :  cp. 
682  ink. 

de  meliore  nota~]  '  give  me  an  introduc- 
tory letter  of  a  superior  brand,'  a  metaphor 
drawn  from  wines  :  cp.  Hor.  Carm.  ii.  3.8, 
interiore  nota  Falerni :  Catull.  68.  28, 
quisquis  est  de  meliore  nota :  Petron.  83, 
ut  facile  appareret  eum  ex  hac  nota  litera- 
torum  esse ;  123,  ex  hac  nota  domina  est 
mea  ;  132,  severioris  notae  homines  :  Plin. 
Epp.  ix.  26.  9.  It  was  plainly  an 
pression  belonging  to  the  language  of 
ordinary  life. 

refigere]  'to  break  up  my  establish- 
ment.' This  too  is  a  phrase  partaking  of 
the  nature  of  slang ;  we  might  render 
'  demdnager '  or  '  flit.' 

deportareque]    '  and  to  fetch  home,' 
to  Rome  :  cp.  Fam.  vii.  15  fin.  (174), 


EP.  678  (FAM.   V.  10  a). 


207 


tuto  possimus.  2.  Sed,  amice  magne,  noli  liano  epistulam  Attico 
ostendere ;  sine  eum  errare  et  putare  me  virum  bonum  esse  nee 
solere  duo  parietes  de  eadem  fidelia  dealbare.  Ergo,  patrone  mi, 
bene  vale  Tironemque  meum  saluta  nostris  verbis.  Data  a.  d.  mi. 
Kal.  Nov. 


678.     VATINIUS  TO  CICERO  (FAM.  v.  10  a). 

NARONA  J    DECEMBER  5  J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  G.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

P.  Vatinius  post  supplicationes  sibi  decretas  scribit  se  propter  nives,  f rigora,  imbres 
coactum  esse  oppidum  captum  in  Dalmatia  et  bellum  confectum  relinquere  :  rogat 
M.  Ciceronera  ut,  si  opus  sit,  ad  Caesarera  turn  consulem  causam  suam  agat. 

[VAT1NIUS  CICERONI  SUO  SAL.] 

.  .  .  Ego  post  supplicationes  mihi  decretas  in  Dalmatian!  pro- 
fectus  sum  :  sex  oppida  vi  oppugnando  cepi  .  .  .  funum  hoc,  quod 


trede  nihil  ex  ista  provincia  potes,  quod 
iucundius  sit,  deportare.  Dr.  Reid,  on  De 
Sen.  1,  says — "  The  verb  deportare  is  nearly 
always  in  the  best  writers  used  of  bring- 
ing things  from  the  provinces  to  Italy  or 
Rome,  and  not  vice  versa,  the  Romans 
using  '  down '  of  motion  towards  the 
•capital  where  we  use  '  up.'  "  Curius  had 
been  settled  at  Patrae  for  a  long  time,  and 
was  now  thinking  of  breaking  up  his 
•establishment  there  and  returning  to 
Rome. 

possimus]  The  repetition  of  this  word 
need  not  suprise  us  in  the  letter  of  such 
an  indifferent  stylist  as  Curius. 

2.  amice  magne~\  '  powerful,'  '  influen- 
tial,' the  sense  which  Verrall  rightly 
ascribes  to  yue-yas  <t>i\os  in  the  Medea 
549  (cp.  Div.  in  Caec.  23,  magnus  ille 
defensor  et  amicus  eius  tibi  suffragatur ; 
Juv.  vi.  313,  magnos  visurus  amicos}. 

duo  parietes}  *  to  whitewash  two  walls 
from  the  same  pot'  is  like  our  proverb 
'to  blow  hot  and  cold,'  or  'to  run  with 
the  hare  and  hunt  with  the  hounds.' 
It  is  said  of  one  who  pretends  to  be  alto- 
gether devoted  to  one  person,  while  at  the 
same  time  offering  his  services  to  another: 
cp.  Paroemiographi  Graeci,  p.  36  (Gais- 
ford),  8uo  TO'I^OVS  aAef^etV  CTT)  TUV 
aju.<j)OTfpi£6i'T(i}i'  Kal  Sta  jueVt/u  -^(apovvruv 
Iv  /xaxots  ^  <|>iAi'at5  :  Petron.  39,  in 
Geminis  autem  nascuntur  bigae  et  boves  et 


colei  et  qui  utrosque  parietes  linunt.  The 
proverb  is  not  akin  to  '  killing  two  birds 
with  one  stone.'  That  idea  is  otherwise 
expressed,  Rose.  Am.  80,  unamercede  duas 
res  adsequi ;  Plaut.  Cas.  476,  uno  in  saltu 
lepide  apros  capiam  duos. 

nostris  verbis}  *  in  my  name  ' :  cp.  676. 
2.  Boot  (Obs.  Grit.  p.  15),  with  some 
probability,  wishes  to  read  Tironemque 
nostrum  valuta  meis  verbis. 

This  is  the  conclusion  of  a  letter,  the 
beginning  of  which  is  lost.  It  was 
written  before  Fam.  v.  10  (696),  to  which, 
in  the  MSS,  it  is  joined  without  any  sign 
that  it  is  part  of  another  letter. 

decretas]  These  supplications  were 
probably  decreed  in  September  after 
Caesar's  return  to  Rome:  cp.  676.  1. 

vi  oppugnando']  Of  course  pugnando 
would  be  more  usual,  as  Cobet  points  out : 
cp.  Sail.  Cat,  7.  7  ;  but  as  it  is  allowable 
to  use  such  an  expression  as  pecunia  op- 
pugnare,  Fam.  i.  1.  ]  (95),  there  is  no 
impossibility  in  such  an  overloaded  phrase 
as  'storming  by  force,'  especially  in 
Vatinius :  cp.  also  Bell.  Afr.  36.  4,  cas- 
tellum  .  .  .  vi  expugnando  est  potitus 
(where,  however,  Wolfflin  reads  pug- 
nando}. 

unum~\  So  the  MSS.  Possibly,  as  has 
been  suggested,  this  is  the  remnant  of 
Ulcinium,  which  was  a  coast  town  ti 


208 


EP.  679  (ATT.  XIII. 


erat  maximum,  quater  a  me  iam  captum  ;  quattuor  enim  turris  et 
quattuor  muros  cepi  et  arcem  eorum  totam,  ex  qua  me  nives, 
frigora,  imbres  detruserunt,  indigneque,  mi  Cicero,  oppidum  cap- 
tum et  bellum  confectum  relinquere  sum  coactus.  Qua  re  te  rogo, 
si  opus  erit,  ad  Caesarem  meam  causam  agas  meque  tibi  in  omnis 
partis  defend  end  um  putes,  hoc  existimans,  nemiiiem  te  tui  aman- 
tiorem  habere.  Vale.  Data  Nonis  Decembribus,  Narona. 


679.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xm.  52). 

PTJTEOLI  ;    DECEMBER.  19  J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

De  Caesaris  adventu  et  quern  ad  modura  se  gesserit  exponitur. 
CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 


1.  0  hospitem  mihi  gravem  tamen  a^rtijueAijroy  :  fuit  enim 
periucunde.    Sed  cum  secundis  Saturnalibus  ad  Piiilippum  vesperi 


little  north  of  Dyrrhaohium,  near  Scodra. 
It  is  probable  that  Vaiinius  giive  the 
names  of  all  the  six  towns.  Mendelssohn, 
however,  thinks  that  this  was  not  the 
case,  and  that,  if  any  change  at  all  is 
made,  Docleae  (Ptol.  ii.  16.  12)  or  Doclea- 
tium  (C.  I.  L.  iii.  1705  :  Plin.  H.  N.  iii. 
143)  sh-  >uld  be  substituted  for  hoc.  Docleae 
lies  about  thirty  miles  noith  of  Scodra. 

indigneque]  goes  with  coactus  sum, 
'  and  I  did  not  deserve  to  he  tbus  forced 
to  leave  the  town.'  This  is  no  douht  the 
retreatot  Vatinius  to  which  Appian  (lllyr. 
13)  refers,  though  the  latter  erroneously 
places  it  after  Caesar's  death.  The 
embassy  of  the  Dalmatians,  which  is 
mentioned  in  that  chapter,  probably 
came  to  Caesar  in  46,  after  he  had  \von 
the  battle  of  Thapsus. 

ad  Caesarem']  This  is  interesting  as 
showing  the  strict  account  -which  Caesar 
exacted  of  any  failure  on  the  part  of 
his  generals  ;  and  also  the  influence  which 
Cicero  must  have  been  considered  to 
possess  with  Caesar,  when  one  of  the 
latter's  most  able  lieutenants  asked  for 
his  good  offices  in  such  a  case  as  the 
present.  For  ad=apud  (cp.  546  init.). 
Schmalz  (p.  23)  compares  Plaut.  Cas. 
192,  ins  union  ad  mulieres  obtinere,  and 
Weissenborn  on  Liv.  viii.  23.  8  ;  xxviii. 
18.  2  ;  cp.  Sonnenschein  on  Plaut.  Hud. 
1282,  and  Thesaurus  s.v.  ad,  p.  520,  21  ff. 


in  omnis  partis]  cp.  Fam.  iv.  10.  2 
(536),  idque  in  omnis  partis  valeret;  Alt. 
xi.  6.  2  (418),  Brundisi  iacere  in  omnis 
partis  est  molestum. 


This  is  one  of   the   most    celebrated 
letters  in  Cicero's  Correspondence. 

1.  0  .  .  .  d/tcTdjueAr/Toi']  We  have 
introduced  the  slight  change  suggested 
by  Boot  in  the  reading  of  the  MSS,  which 
is  0  hospitem  mihi  tarn  gravem  a.fjKTa/j.4- 
Ar/To»>.  This  would  naturally  mean  '  () 
how  little  reason  I  have  to  regret  the 
visit  of  my  so  formidai-le  guest,'  but  0 
and  tarn  .*uit  very  ill  together.  Now  *  0 
what  a  formidable  guest,  yet  I  have  no 
reason  to  regret  his  visit,'  gives  an  excel- 
lent sense,  and  tarn  and  tamen  are  con- 
stantly confounded.  We  certainly  desire 
some  adversative  conjunction  to  prece< 
a/jL€Ta]ULe\7)Tov.  Possibly,  however,  we 
should  add  dAA'  ;  as  AAA  might  easily 
have  been  lost  before  AM.  Boot,  who 
in  his  text  gives  the  reading  of  th 
MSS,  strangely  proposes  to  get  rid  of 
the  incompatibility  of  0  and  taw.  by 
omitting  0  and  governing  hospitem  by 
d/ier.,  a  construction  which  would  be 
possible  only  if  there  were  such  a  verb  as 


fuit  enim  periucunde]  '  for  it  was  quite 
pleasant  '  :  cp.  opipare  sane  et  apparate 


EP.  679  (ATT.  XI 11. 


209 


venisset,  villa  ita  completa  a  militibus  est  ut  vix  triclinium  ubi 
cenaturus  ipse  Caesar  esset  vacaret :  quippe  hominum  cio  cio.  Sane 
sum  commotus  quid  futurum  esset  postridie,  ac  mihi  Barba  Cassius 
subvenit :  custodes  dedit.  Castra  in  agro :  villa  defensa  est.  Ille 
tertiis  Saturnalibus  apud  Philippum  ad  horam  vn,  nee  quemquam 
admisit:  rationes  opinor  cum  Balbo.  Inde  ambulavit  in  littore. 
Post  horam  vin  in  balneum :  turn  audivit  de  Mainurra :  vultum 
uon  mutavit.  Unctus  est,  accubuit.  'E/icrcioji;  agebat;  Itaque  et 


belo\v :  libenter  fuit,  §  2  ;  lit  familiariter 
essem  et  libenter,  783.  1  ;  Antonio  volo 
peius  esse,  733.  3  ;  mi  gravius  esse,  568.  1. 

Sed~\  'however,'  announces  the  begin- 
ning of  the  detailed  description  of  the 
incident  first  briefly  characterized  by  an 
exclamation . 

secundis  Saturnalibus]  December  18. 
The  Saturnalia,  originally  lasting  one 
Jay,  afterwards  extended  over  three ; 
they  began  fourteen  da\  s  before  the 
kalends  of  January,  which  previously  was 
December  17.  After  the  reformation  of 
the  calendar  by  Caesar,  December  17 
was  sixteen  days  before  the  kalends  of 
January  ;  the  day  for  the  beginning  of 
the  Saturnalia  remained  unchanged,  the 
17th.  Macrob.  i.  10.  2. 

fhilippwn]  consul,  56,  stepfather  of 
Octavian.  He  had  a  villa  near  Puteoli, 
which  must  have  been  a  large  one  to  hold 
two  thousand  men. 

completa  a  militibus']  This  is  a  stronger 
expression  than  the  more  usual  completa 
militibus.  It  indicates  that  soldiers 
crowded  into  every  room ;  hence  '  there 
was  hardly  a  room  to  spare  for  Caesar  to 
dine  in.'  For  compleri  a  cp.  Tusc.  v. 
112  Drusi  domum  compleri  a  consultori- 
bus :  and  perhaps  the  MSS  are  right  in 
Att.  iv.  1.  5  (90)  gradus  templorum  ab 
infima  ptebe  coinpleLi  sunt. 

commotus  quid]  '  I  was  made  anxious 
(by  the  doubt)  what  would  befall  me  the 
next  day.'  For  such  a  pregnant  constr. 
Hofmann  compares  771.  1,  earum  exem- 
plum  nobis  legit  si  quid  viderelur,  '  to  see 
if  anything  should  occur  to  me.'  Caesar 
had  intimated  his  intention  of  visiting 
Cicero  the  following  day,  and  Cicero  did 
not  know  what  he  would  do  with  the  two 
thousand  armed  men. 

^ac\  For  this  use  of  ac  cp.  Verg.  Eel. 
vii.  6,  Hue  mihi,  dum  teneras  defendo  a 
frigore  myrtos,  Vir  gregis  ipse  caper  deer- 
raverat,  aique  ego  Daphnin  Aspicio  ;  on 
which  passage  Papillon  says,  "  atque 

VOL.    Y. 


expresses  the  immediate  sequence  of  one 
event  upon  another  where  a  temporal  con- 
junction (quum]  would  be  the  more  strictly 
logical  way  of  expressing  the  relation 
between  the  two  clauses  "  :  cp.  G.  i.  203, 
ii.  80,  Aen.  ii.  692.  iii,  9,  v.  858,  and 
L.  S.  s.  v.  atque,  5  a.  But  though  ac  can 
thus  be  defended,  it  is  very  likely,  in  a 
plain  narrative  like  this,  that  it  is  a  mere 
copyist's  mistake  for  at,  which  is  read  by 
Ernesti  and  Wesenberg. 

Barba  Cassius  subvenit]  Barba  Cassius 
(a  friend  of  Caesar  and  Antony,  Phil, 
xiii.  3)  came  to  his  assistance  by  com- 
pelling the  soldiers  to  encamp  in  the  open 
country,  and  setting  a  guard  over  Cicero's 
villa  to  prevent  their  entering  it. 

ad  horam  vif]  'till  about  twelve.' 
See  Diet.  Antt.  s.v.  hora  (art.  by  A  S. 
Wilkins). 

rationes  .  .  .  cum  Balbo]  'accounts,  I 
fancy,  with  Balbus.'  Balbus  was  his 
agent.  Prof.  Goligher  notices  that  there 
is  no  clear  indication  at  what  hour  Caesar 
came  from  Philippus  to  Cicero's  house. 

audivit  de  Mamurra]  Mamurra  was 
Caesar's  praefectus  fabrum  in  Gaul,  and 
was  assailed  in  two  bitter  epigrams  of 
Catullus  (29  and  57).  We  do  not  know 
what  news  was  conveyed  concerning 
Mamurra,  certainly  not  the  news  of 
Catullus'  lampoons,  which  were  written 
some  years  before  this  time.  It  has  been 
supposed  that  it  was  his  death. 

vultum  non  mutavit]  Vultum  is  found 
only  in  Z,  not  in  M.  It  seems  required, 
and  suggests  that  the  intelligence  may 
have  been  the  death  of  Mamurra.  Boot 
ingeniously  suggests  that  the  true  reading 
might  be  non  mutivit,  '  he  did  not  say  a 
word.' 

'E/icrt/crji/]  This  means  'he  was 
undergoing  a  course  of  emetics,'  as  is 
shown  by  the  deviation  from  the  tense  of 
the  two  preceding  verbs.  Some  word  like 
Siairav  seems  to  be  understood.  Others  say 
/,  but  that  seems  less  appropriate. 
0 


210 


EP.  679  (ATT.  XIII. 


edit  et  bibit  aStw?  et  iucunde  :  opipare  sane  et  apparate,  nee  id 
solum,  sed 

bene  cocto  et 
Condito,  sermoue  bono,  et,  si  quaeris,  libenter. 

2.  Praeterea  tribus  tricliniis  accept!  ol  nepl  avrbv  valde  copiose. 
Libertis  rainus  lautis  servisque  nihil  defuit.  Nam  lautiores 
eleganter  accepi.  Quid  multa?  homines  visi  sumus.  Hospes 
tamen  non  is  quoi  diceres  '  Amabo  te,  eodem  ad  me,  cum  revertere.' 
Semel  satis  est.  ^irovScuov  ov&v  in  sermone:  ^AoAo-ya  multa. 
Quid  quaeris  ?  Delectatus  est  et  libenter  f  uit.  Puteolis  se  aiebat 
unum  diem  fore,  alter um  ad  Baias.  Habes  hospitium  sive  €7nora0- 
/uecav  odiosam  mihi,  dixi,  non  molestam.  Ego  paullisper  hie,  deinde 
in  Tusculanum.  Dolabellae  villam  cum  praeteriret,  omnis  arma- 


See  Munro,  '  Elucidations  to  Catullus,' 
pp.  92-95,  on  the  question  whether  this 
practice  of  vomitus  implied  a  gluttonous 
disposition.  "We  hear  elsewhere  of  Caesar's 
undergoing  this  treatment  (Deiot.  21). 
Caesar  was  no  glutton  or  hard  drinker. 

a  S  e  a>  s]   '  without  fear '  of  indigestion. 

opipare  sane  et  apparate']  These  adverbs 
might  be  taken  with  edit  and  only  a 
comma  put  at  iucunde.  But  apparate 
would  be  rather  harsh  in  this  connexion. 
Rather  supply  erat,  '  it  (the  dinner)  was 
quite  sumptuous  and  well-served.' 

bene  cocto  .  .  .  libenter}  from  Lucilius 
(1122  Marx),  quoted  in  Fin.  ii.  25.  There 
Cicero  distinguishes  between  libenter  and 
bene  cenare.  A  glutton  might  dine  libenter, 
but  not  bene.  Bene  cocto  et  condito  (the 
MSS.  of  Fin.  ii.  25  omit  et)  indicates 
that  the  food  was  good ;  then  he  adds 
that  '  the  talk  was  agreeable,  and  in  a 
word  (si  quaeris  =  quid  quaeris,  below) 
the  dinner  was  pleasant.'  It  is  a  mistake 
to  make  cocto  condito  agree  with  sermone ; 
the  participles  agree  with  some  such 
word  as  cibo  or  apparatu  understood,  or 
possibly  supplied  in  an  unquoted  portion 
of  the  original  verse  of  Lucilius. 

2.  tribus  tricliniis']  Cicero  divides 
Caesar's  retinue  (01  -jrepl  avrov)  into  three 
classes,  each  class  being  entertained  in  a 
separate  room.  The  three  classes  seem 
to  have  been  (1)  the  liberti  lautiores] 
(2)  the  liberti  minus  lauti;  (3)  the  servi. 
All  three  were  entertained  in  veiy 
abundant  style.  The  second  and  third 
had  plenty,  and  the  upper  class  of  freed- 
men,  the  lautiores,  had  quite  an  elegant 
dinner. 


homines]  (  a  social  figure,'  '  a  man  of 
the  world':  see  on  Ep.  677.  1.  How- 
ever, here  the  meaning  might  also  be 
1  we  were  quite  friendly  together '  ; 
Caesar  did  not  'assume  the  god.' 

Amabo  .  .  .  revertere]  Peerlkamp  says 
this  is  an  iambic  line  taken  from  some 
comic  poet;  and  he  would  read  ehodum 
(comparing  Ter.  Andr,  184)  for  eodem. 
If  so,  there  must  be  hiatus  after  eodem 
(which  is  quite  possible),  and  revertere 
must  be  the  present  used  for  the  future, 
'  when  you  are  on  your  way  back ' ;  this 
too  is  possible :  cp.  Verg.  G.  i.  209,  (Libra 
ubi)  medium  luci  atque  umbris  iam  dividit 
orbem  Exercete,  viri,  tauros,  and  Madvig 
339,  obs.  1.  But  ehodum  after  amabo  te 
is  surplusage,  and  the  future  revertere  is 
more  natural;  this  form  of  the  future  second 
person  singular  is  often  used  by  Cicero, 
e.g.  consequere.  Fam.  vii.  11  fin.  (167). 
It  is  more  likely  that  the  words  are 
Cicero's,  '  my  dear  fellow,  come  back 
here  and  dine  with  me  on  your  return.' 
Eodem  =  '  to  this  same  place.' 

27TouSa?oi'  .  .  .  multa]  'no  serious 
(political),  but  much  literary,  talk.' 
cp.  Fam.  xv.  18.  1  (530)  Longior  autem 
(sc.  epistula  fnisset)  si  <f>\vapov  aliquem 
habuisset,  nam  ffirovSdfciv  ('to  discuss 
polities')  sine  periculo  vix  possumus:  cp. 
note  to  634  fin  :  632.  5. 

ad  Baias]  l  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Baiae.' 

Habes  .  .  .  molestam]  l  Now  you  have 
the  whole  story  of  his  visit — or  perhaps  I 
should  call  it  his  billeting  on  me — which 
was  troublesome,  as  I  have  told  you,  but 


EP.  680  (FAM.  IX. 


211 


torum  copia  dextra  sinistra  ad  equum  nee  usquam  alibi.     Hoc  ex 
Nicia. 


680.     CICERO  TO  DOLABELLA  (FAM.  ix.  12). 

POMPEII,  OH  FORMIAE  J    DECEMBER  17  (ABOUT)  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ; 

AET.  CIC.  61. 

M.  Cicero  P.  Dolabellae  gratulatur  de  Baiarum  salubritate  et  orationem  pro  rege 
Deiotaro  mittit. 

CICERO  DOLABELLAE. 

1.  Gratulor  Baiis  nostris,  si  quidem,  ut  scribis,  salubres  repente 
factae  sunt,  nisi  forte  te  amant  et  tibi  adsentantur  et  tarn  diu,  dum 
tu  ades,  sunt  oblitae  sui ;  quod  quidem  si  ita  est,  minime  miror 
caelum  etiam  et  terras  vim  suam,  si  tibi  ita  conveniat,  dimittere. 
2.  Oratiunculam  pro  Deiotaro,  quam  requirebas,  habebam  mecum^ 
•quod  non  putaram :  itaque  earn  tibi  misi ;  quam  velim  sic  legas  ut 
oausam  tenuem  et  inopem  nee  scrip tione  magno  opere  dignam. 
Sed  ego  bospiti  veteri  et  amico  munusculum  mittere  volui  levidense 


really  not  disagreeable.'  The  Latin  word 
for  (TriffraQ/Jieia  is  deductio  (Phil.  ii.  62). 

dextra  sinistra  ad  equum~],  se.  se  prae- 
.stabat  or  something  of  the  kind ;  '  the 
whole  guard  paraded  under  arms  right 
And  left  of  Caesar,  who  was  on  horse- 
back, and  this  they  did  nowhere  else '  : 
45p.  Curtius  iii.  3.  21,  Dextra  laevaque 
regein  ducenti  ferine  nobilisnimi  propin- 
quorum  comitabantur.  Perhaps  here  it 
was  intended  as  a  sort  of  compliment  to 
Dolabella.  Dextra  sinistra  appears  to  be 
-a  technical  term  of  drill.  For  the  asyn- 
deton cp.  Sail.  Jug.  101.  9;  and  for  nee 
•usquam  alibi  cp.  Plaut.  True.  66  ;  Liv. 
xxxix.  38.  1. 

Hoc  ex  Nicia~\  sc.  audivi.  This  Nicias, 
a  grammarian  of  Cos.  was  a  friend  both 
of  Cicero  and  of  Dolabella,  and  some- 
thing of  a  gossip  :  cp.  604  tin.;  623.  2  ; 
perhaps  752  init. 

The  editors  say  that  this  letter  was 
written  from  Puteolanum  ;  but  it  is  un- 
likely that  Cicero  would  write  in  this 
strain  when  he  was  but  a  stone's  throw 
from  Baiae.  It  was  certainly  not  written 


from  Rome  or  from  Tusculanum,  for 
Cicero  implies  (§  2)  that  he  is  away  from 
his  books.  Probably  it  was  sent  from  his 
Pompeianum  orFormianum.  Boot  notices 
that  Dolabella  had  a  villa  at  Formiae : 
cp.  Att.  xv.  13.  5  (794). 

1.  ades]     The  MSS  give  abes  :  cp.  criti- 
cal note  to  682.  2  ;  but  all  editors  change 
to  ades,  i.e.  Baiae  is  naturally  unhealthy  ; 
but  on  your  arrival  she  has  forgotten  her 
usual  bad  nature,  and  has,  in  affection 
for  you,  shown  herself  at  her  best.     The 
change  to  ades  is  required  by  the  next 
sentence.     Salubris  can  be  used  in  a  two- 
fold sense — (1)  health-giving  ;  (2)  health, 
enjoying — -both  of  which   meanings  the 
word  'healthy'  has. 

quod  quidem']  '  and,  indeed,  if  this  be 
so,  I  do  not  at  all  wonder  that  heaven  and 
earth  should  forego  their  wonted  severity 
to  suit  your  convenience.' 

2.  seriptione]     '  of  being  committed  to 
writing.' 

mittere  volui]  so  HD  ;  volui  is  omitted 
by  M,  but  supplied  by  all  editors.  '  I 
wished  to  send  you  a  light  coarse-spun 
gift.'  For  levidense  the  Dictt.  quote 

02 


212 


JSP.  681  (ATT.  XIII. 


crasso  filo,  cuius  modo  ipsius  solent  esse  muuera.  Tu  velim  animo 
sapient!  fortique  sis,  ut  tua  moderatio  et  gravitas  aliorum  infamet 
iniuriam. 


681.     CICERO  TO  ATTIOUS  (ATT.  xm.  42). 
TUSCULUM;  END  OF  DECEMBER;  A.  u.  c.  709  ;  B.  c.  45;  AET.  cic.  61. 

De  sermone  cum  Quinto  filio  babito,  turn  de  rebus  domesticis. 
CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 


1.  Venit  ille  ad  me,  KCU  paXa  k-cmj^j/e,  et  ego,  av  $t  £r)  ri 
;  '  Rogas  ?  '  inquit  '  cui  iter  instet  et  iter  ad  bellum,  idque 
cum  periculosum  turn  etiam  turpe.'  '  Quae  vis  igitur  ?  '  inquam. 
*  Aes'  inquit  '  aliemim,  et  tameii  ue  viaticum  quidem.'  Hoc  loco 
ego  sumpsi  quiddam  de  tua  eloqueutia  ;  nam  tacui.  At  ille 
'  Sed  me  maxime  angit  avunculus.'  '  Quidnam  ?'  inquam.  *  Quod 
mihi  '  inquit  *  iratus  est/  *  Cur  pateris  ?  '  inquam  ;  '  malo  enini  ita 
dicere  quam  cur  committis  ?  '  '  Non  patiar  '  inquit  :  '  causam  enim 
tollam.'  Et  ego  *  Rectissime  quidem.  Sed  si  grave  non  est,  velim 
scire  quid  sit  causae/  '  Quia,  dum  dubitabam  quam  ducerem,  non 
satis  i'aciebam  matri,  ita  ne  illi  quidem.  Nuno  nihii  mihi  tanti  est. 


Isid.  Orig.  xix.  22,  Levidensis  vestis 
dicta  quod  raro  filo  sit  leviterque  densata. 
Pa vitensis  contraria  levidensi  dicta  quod 
graviter  pressa  atque  calcata  sit. 

crasso  filo~\  This  is  a  variation  of 
crassa  Minerva,  '  of  home-spun  mother 
wit.'  On  this  metaphor  from  spinning, 
cp.  Palmer  on  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  2.  3  ;  Quintil. 
i.  10.  28,  libet  propter  guosdam  imperi- 
tiores  etiam  eras  siore,  ut  vocant,  Mu s  a 
dubitationem  hnius  utilitatis  exitnere  ;  Hor. 
Epp.  ii.  1.  76,  quicquamcrasse  composition , 
'  coarsely.'  For  the  opposite  tenui  filo, 
cp.  Orat.  124 ;  Hor.  Epp.  ii.  1.  225 ;  and 
Wilkins  ad  loc. 

aliorum  infamet  iniuriam']  '  may  bring 
into  ill-repute  the  wrong-doing  of  others,' 
i.e.  of  the  other  partisans  of  Caesar:  cp. 
Fam.  i.  6.  2  (104). 

1.    Venit  ille']  sc.  Quintus  junior. 

ical  nd\a  KarriQ-f]  s]  '  moult  triste- 
tnent,'  'in  doleful  dumps.' 

<rv  5t  S^  ri  ffvvvovs~\  '  why  so  pale 
and  M'an?' 


turpe}  because  he  had  to  fly  from 
debts  iii  Rome,  and  even  so  ((amen,  i.e. 
though  he  had  contracted  debts),  had 
no  sufficient  viaticum  or  allowance  for 
expenses. 

Quae  vis~\  sc.  est,  '  what  obligation 
compels  you?'  (to  go). 

pateris]  <  why  do  you  permit  this  to 
be  so  ?'  a  very  courteous  expression  imply- 
ing that  Quintus  had  the  matter  altogether 
in  his  own  hands.  Cur  committis  would 
mean  '  Why  do  you  cause  him  to  be  so  ? ' 
committere  implies  direct  blame;  Dr.  Reid 
compares  706  fin.  The  present  Malo  shows 
that  this  sentence  is  addressed  to  young 
Quintus.  If  it  were  parenthetical, 
addressed  to  Atticus,  it  would  be  malui : 
cp  sumpsi,  tacui. 

illi~\     sc.  avunculo,  i.e.  Atticus. 

nihil  mihi  tanti  est]  literally  *  nothing 
is  to  me  of  such  moment '  as  to  induce  me 
to  incur  my  uncle's  displeasure.  We  might 
render  «  now  1  will  put  myself  right  with 
him  at  any  cost.' 


EP.  681  (ATT.  XIII.  42). 


213 


Faciam  quod  voluut.'  '  Feliciter  velim/  inquara,  f  teque  laudo.  Sed 
quando  ?  '  '  Niliil  ad  me  J  inquit '  de  tempore,  quoniam  rem  probo.' 
'  At  ego/  inquam, '  censeo,  prius  quam  proficiscaris.  Ita  patri  quoque 
morem  gesseris.'  *  Faciam '  inquit  *  ut  censes/  Hie  dialogus  sic 
conclusus  est.  2.  Sed  heus  tu,  diem  meum  scis  esse  in.  Nonas 
lanuarias.  Aderis  igitur.  3.  Scripseram  iam  :  eccetibi,  oratLepidus 
ut  veniam.  Opinor  augures  fnil  habere  ad  templum  effandum. 
Eatur  :  /mi}  cnc6p$ov.  Videbimus  te  igitur. 


Nihil  ad  me]  sc.  per  tine  i ;  '  as  to  the 
when  I  am  indifferent,  now  that  I  have 
made  up  my  mind  to  the  thing, ^  to  securing 
a  reconciliation  at  any  price,  and  possihly 
to  marrying  as  they  wish,  as  Feliciter 
would  seem  to  show:  cp.  Juv.  2.  119, 
Signatae  tabulae,  dictum  '  feliciter .' 
There  was  some  talk  of  young  Quintus 
marrying  a  daughter  of  Q,.  GelliusCanus 
(661.  2),  a  friend  of  Atticus. 

2.  diem  meum]    'my   birthday.'     The 
Thesaurus   (1031.    74)    quotes   only   one 
-other  passage  in  this  sense, viz.  Gens.  iii.  6, 

si  diem  tuum  neglegentius  celebravero. 

3.  ifnif]     The  sense  seems  to   require 
something  like  me  velle. 

ad  templum  effandum~]  '  to  consecrate  the 
temple '  (cp.  Liv.  x.  38.  15),  probably  of 
Felicitas  (cp.  Dio  Cass.  xliv.  5).  It  is  a 
technical  augural  expression.  Effari 
templum  literally  means  '  to  proclaim 
solemnly  a  restricted  area  '  as  one  within 
which  the  auspices  could  be  taken  :  cp. 
Varro  L.  L.  vi.  53,  hinc  effata  dieuntur,  qui 
augures  finem  auspiciorum  caelestum  extra 
urbem  agris  sunt  effati  ut  esset :  Fest. 
I57a.  28,  templum  est  locus ita  effatus et  ita 
septus  ut  ea  una  parte  pateat  angulosque 
ajfixos  habeat  ad  terrain  :  Servius  on  JEn. 
vi.  197,  proprie  effata  sunt  augurumpreces, 
unde  ager  post  pomeria  ubi  captabantur 
auguria  dicebafur  effatus :  cp.  Wissowa, 
'Religion  und  Kultus,  p.  455. 

/AT)  (r/coV8ou]  If  Nil  is  corrected 
to  velle,  the  sense  of  the  passage  up  to 
the  corrupt  Greek  words  is  clear  enough  : 
*  just  as  1  had  written  [telling  you  that  1 
should  expect  you  at  Tusculum,  where  I 
now  am,  on  my  birthday],  lo  and  behold 
you  a  call  to  Home  from  Lepidus  ;  I  sup- 
pose he  wants  to  get  together  the  augurs 
for  the  dedication  of  the  new  temple.  Go 
I  must.'  So  far  there  is  nothing  difficult ; 
•but  what  of  the  Greek  ?  Since  Gronovius 
suggested  /u.ia(r/j.a  Spvos,  that  weak  conjec- 
ture has  held  its  place  in  the  text,  in  spite 
of  the  duct  >.is  Utter  arum,  of  the  unintelli- 


gibility  of  the  supposed  proverb,  and  of 
its  unsuitableness,  as  understood,  to  the 
passage  on  which  it  has  been  thrust. 
Mtorr^a  Spvos,  which  has  nothing  in 
common  with  the  MS  reading  except 
Hiacr-,  is  supposed  to  allude  to  '  an  act  of 
impiety  against  the  Dodonaean  oak  once 
committed  by  the  Thebans,'  and  Cicero  is 
said  to  have  used  this  proverb  to  indicate 
that  the  dedication  of  the  temple  by 
Lepidus  was  an  act  of  impiety — perhaps 
because  it  was  on  the  site  of  the  Curia 
Hostilia — all  which  guesswork  affords  an 
excellent  example  of  the  influences  which 
have  impeded  the  interpretation  of  the 
letters  of  Cicero  since  the  Revival  of 
Learning.  Let  us  dismiss  this  guess  so 
unworthy  of  Gronovius,  and  obelize  the 
Greek  words,  if  we  can  do  nothing  better. 
But  we  think  we  can  do  something  much 
better.  Let  us  make  a  single  postulate, 
that  H  was  corrupted  into  IA,  and  the 
words  of  Cicero  will  be  MH2KOPAOT. 
Wh.t  then  is  the  meaning  of  /xr?  07C(fy>5ou? 
"We  find  in  Gaisford's  Faraemiographi 
Graeci,  p.  144  (=  Leutsch  and  Schneidewin 
i.  p.421,  ed.  1839),  that  there  was  a  proverb 
tva  /J.-T]  (TKopoSa  /UTjSe  KVO./J.OVS  (sc.  <f>d"yr)s) 
meaning  '  so  that  you  may  not  get  yourself 
into  trouble.'  The  Scholiast  explains 
that  this  meaning  emerges  from  the  fact 
that  persons  about  to  engage  in  military 
duty  ate  garlic  to  whet  their  courage, 
and  those  who  were  about  to  try  a  case 
as  dicasts  ate  beans  to  keep  them  awake  ; 
so  that  the  whole  proverb  meant  '  so  that 
I  may  keep  out  of  trouble,  whether 
military  or  civil,'  that  is,  '  so  that  I  may 
keep  a  quiet  life.'  For  garlic  as  a  stimulus 
to  courage  for  fighting,  cp.^  Xen.  Symp. 
iv.  9  cs  fJ.fi>  yap  fJ.a.X"nv  fy/u«/*e"<p  Ka\us  ex«t 
Kpo/ji/uivov  virorpcayeiv  &(nrep  %vioi  TOVS 
aXfKTpvovas  fficopoSa  ffiriffavrts  ffv/A&d\- 
\ovffi ;  and  also  Aristoph.  Ach.  166  ;  Eq. 
494. 

Whatever  we  may  think  of  the  Scho- 
liast's account  of  the  origin  of  the  proverb, 


214 


El\  682  (FAM.  XIII.  SO). 


682.    CICEEO  TO  MAECUS  ACILIUS  CANINUS 
(FAM.  xin.  so). 

ROME  (?)  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

M.  Cicero  M.  Acilio  Canino  proconsuli  Siciliae  L.  Manlium  ad  hereditatem 
nam  obtinendam  commendat. 

CICERO  ACILIO  PROCONSULI  SAL. 

1.  L.  Manilas  est  Sosib.     Is  fuit  Catinensis,  sed  est  una  cum 
reliquis  Neapolitans  civis    Eoraaims   factus  decurioque  Neapoli ; 


we  can  ask  for  no  better  authority  on  its 
application:  and  that  he  gives  ;*  it  is  a 
proverb  eirl  rS>v  rjffvxT]  £U>VTWV,  that  is,  it 
answers  to  our  proverb  '  anything  for  a 
quiet  life.'  This  is  further  established  by 
the  Scholiast  on  Aristoph.  Lys.  689,  where 
^TTore  #01777  (TKopoSa  is  explained  'tva  ^ 
els  iapav  e\0y  'that  he  may  not  get  into 
trouble.'  (The  reading  S>pav  is  an  obvious 
blunder.  It  would  make  the  comment 
absolutely  inexplicable  :  now  £pav  is  a  not 
infrequently  used  word  for  '  trouble '  in 
Greek.)  In  the  time  of  Cicero  the  pro- 
verb was  simply  yur?  a-KopSov  (partitive 
genitive),  o-KopSov  being  the  form  in  late 
Greek,  and  the  verb  (pdyta  being  charac- 
teristically understood.  The  proverb  is 
precisely  of  the  normal  type  of  Greek 
expressions  used  by  Cicero,  in  which 
he  contents  himself  with  alluding  to  a 
saying  by  using  two  or  three  of  the  first 
words  of  it.  We  need  not  here  refer  to 
more  examples  than  ^Se  Siitnv  (where  we 
have  to  understand  Siiccta-ps  trplv  Uv  afupo'iv 
uG0oj>  aKoiKTys):  epooi  TIS  (sc.  V  eKaaros 
elSei-rj  re'xJ'T/v^ 

The  proverb  is  completely  applicable  to 
the  context  of  the  letter.  «  Go  I  must,' 
says  Cicero,  'if  I  want  to  keep  out  of 
trouble';  'go  I  must  or  get  into  hot 
water,'  would  be  an  analogous  expression 
in  English.  Cicero  feared  that  any  hesi- 
tation in  complying  with  the  desires  of 
Lepidus  might  involve  him  in  a  mis- 
understanding with  Caesar.  Lepidus 
was  at  this  time  Caesar's  alter  ego.  In 
Ep.  654.  1  Cicero  says — Lepidus  .  .  . 
rogat  magno  opere  ut  sim  Kal.  in  senatu, 
tne  et  sibi  et  Caesari  vehetnenter  gratum 
essefacturum. 

As  unsatisfactory  as  the  guesses  of 
Gronovius  and  Muecke  (for  which  see 
Adn.  Grit.)  is  the  conjecture  of  Schmidt, 
who  reads  /ui'ao>ta  K6Spov.  It  is  not  true, 
as  he  and  Boot  assume,  that  t*ias  was 


ever  an  alternative  form  (Nebenform)  for 
fA(a<r/j.a  ;  it  is  an  error  for  /ufa<r/uano  doubty 
but  the  fact  that  a  syllable  dropped  out  in  . 
Hesychius  affords  no  reason  why  a  syl- 
lable should  have  dropped  out  in  the 
letters  of  Cicero.  We  find  in  Hesychius- 
fj.ias  $  fj.ia.ffiJ.6s,  obviously  an  error  for; 
/j,iacrfjLa  1)  jj.ia.crij.6s,  and  it  is  quite  impos- 
sible that  juias  should  have  ever  been 
another  form  of  /J-ICHT/LIOS.  Moreover,  the- 
note  in  Hesychius  would,  according  to- 
this  view,  omit  the  form 
which  is  the  commonly  accepted  form  of 
the  word.  Schmidt  imagines  that 
KoSpov  means  {  ein  Kodrusmord,'  and 
that  '  ein  Kodrusmord  '  is  '  ein  Frevel 
der  nichtdem  Caesarismus  niitzt,  sondern 
die  republikanische  Opposition  starken 
wird.*  We  may  think  about  accepting 
this  reading  when  we  learn  why  Caesar 
should  be  called  Codrus,  why  /-UCK 
should  be  written  pins,  and  how 
pollution  of  (or  blot  on)  Codrus'  could 
mean  'a  thing  of  no  use  to  Caesarism, 
but  likely  to  strengthen  the  opposition.' 
Gurlitt  (Steglitz  Progr.  1898,  p.  12) 
suggests  Eatur?  a.8iacrit€irTbv  '  Should 
I  go  ?  I  cannot  quite  see  my  way  in  the 
matter.'  But  the  alteration  is  very  far 
from  the  Greek  letters  of  the  manuscript. 
The  words  in  which  Dio  Cass.  xliv.  5 
alludes  to  the  dedication  of  the  temple  of 
Felicitas  by  Lepidus,  who  was  Master  of 
Horse  to  Caesar,  as  Dictator,  are  :  8>s  re 
TQ.VTO.  e'Se'^ciTO,  ret  re  ?Arj  ot  ra  Hovnva. 
Xuffai  Kal  rbv  '\ffQfjibv  rbv  rrjs  IleAo- 
irovvT]ffov  8iopv£ai,  {ZovhevT-fipiov  re  rt 
Kaii'bi'  irotriffai  vpoffera^av,  c 
'Offr'iXiov  Kaiirep  avoiKoSoftiidev  KaOypedij" 
rov  vabv  EwTvxt/as  evravda 
i  ic  Kal  6  AeiriSos 


This  Acilius  was  a  lieutenant  of  Caesar^ 
and  commanded  in  48  at  Oricum  (Caes. 


EP.  682  (FAM.  XIII. 


215 


erat  enim  adscriptus  in  id  municipium  ante  civitatem  sociis  et 
Latinis  datam.  Eius  frater  Catinae  nuper  mortuus  est.  Nullam 
omnino  arbitramur  de  ea  hereditate  controversiam  eum  habiturum, 
et  est  hodie  in  bonis;  sed,  quoniam  habet  praeterea  negotia  vetera 
in  Sicilia  sua,  et  hanc  hereditatem  fraternam  et  omnia  eius  tibi 
commendo  in  primisque  ipsum  virum  optimum  mibique  f  amiliaris- 
simum,  iis  studiis  litterarum  doctrinaeque  praeditum  quibus  ego 
maxime  delector.  2.  Peto  igitur  abs  te  ut  eum,  sive  aderit  sive 


B.C.  iii.  15,  16,  39).  In  the  latter  passage 
some  MSS  read  Manius  Acilius  Ganianus 
Ugatus  (others  legatus  Caniniamis).  Hence 
Klebs  in  Pauly-Wissowa  (p.  251  Acilii 
No.  15)  conjectures  that  the  man's  name 
was  Marcus  (cp.  Dio  Cass.  xlii.  12, 
where  see  Boissevain's  note)  Acilius 
Caninus,  as  a  quaestor  urbanus  of  that 
name  (probably  a  son  or  other  relative), 
appears  in  an  inscription  of  Ostia,  C.  I.  L. 
xiv.  153,  which  is  of  a  little  earlier  date 
than  28  B.C.  Some  time  between  48  and 
the  latter  part  of  45  he  was  proconsul  of 
Sicily.  Towards  the  end  of  45  he 
succeeded  Sulpicius  as  governor  of 
Achaea  :  cp.  G94.  3  :  697.  1.  It  is  hard 
to  say  exactly  when  Acilius  was  proconsul 
of  Sicily.  Allienus  was  governor  of  that 
province  in  the  early  part  of  46  :  cp.  Bell. 
Afr.  2,  26,  34;  and  Furfanius  Postumus 
at  the  beginning  of  45 :  cp.  Fam.  vi.  9 
(527).  It  would  seem  accordingly  that 
governors  did  not  hold  their  positions  for 
a  full  year.  So  that  we  are  left,  in  the 
absence  of  definite  evidence,  to  place  the 
Sicilian  proconsulship  of  Acilius  either  in 
the  latter  half  of  46,  or  the  middle 
of  45.  After  the  murder  of  Caesar 
he  appears  to  have  been  in  command  of 
some  forces  in  Macedonia  destined  for  the 
Parthian  War  (Nic.  Dam.  16,  where  we  are 
to  read  'A/ciAios  for  Al^lKios  with  Lange). 
Cicero  speaks  with  gratitude  of  the  kind- 
ness Acilius  showed  him  during  the 
unhappy  year  he  spent  at  Brundisium, 
48-47  (695.  1.  2)  :  though  indeed  he  was 
bound  to  do  so,  as  Cicero  had  twice 
successfully  defended  him  in  capital 
cases,  i.e.  in  cases  involving  his  civil 
position  (694.  3). 

1.    L.    Manlius    Sosis]      'There    is    a 

certain  L.  Manlius  Sosis.'     Sosis  was  a 

Greek  who  obtained    Roman  citizenship 

'  by  the  influence  of  a  certain  L.  Manlius  : 

cp.  note  on  Fam.  xiii.  21.  2  (516). 

adscriptuti]  '  enrolled  in.'  In  this  sense 
adscribere  generally  has  in  or  ad,  but  not 


always:  cp.  Arch.  7  ;  Liv.  xxxviii,  34.  6  ; 
with  accusative  and  dative  it  means  '  to 
impute.'  The  Neapolitans  did  not  wish 
at  first  to  exchange  the  favourable  treaty 
which  subsisted  between  them  and  Rome 
for  full  Roman  citizenship,  when  it  was 
offered  to  them  in  90  by  L.  Julius  Caesar. 
Dr.  Reid  (note  on  Balb.  21)  suggests  that 
the  reasons  may  have  been  '  the  subjec- 
tion to  the  census,  the  land  service  with 
the  legion,  the  exchange  of  old  laws  for 
the  Roman  law,  the  abolition  of  local 
politics.'  But  after  considerable  hesitation 
it  appears  that  Neapolis  definitely  accepted 
the  Julian  law  (cp.  C.  I.  L.  x.  p.  171). 

et  est  hodie  in  bonis]  'and  he  has  now 
possession  of  the  goods.'  When  the  full 
forms  of  civil  law  had  not  been  complied 
with  in  regard  to  the  devolution  of  pro- 
perty, by  which  forms  alone  dominium 
over  it  ex  iure  Quiritiumeould  be  acquired, 
the  praetor  gave  the  property  to  the  man 
who  seemed  to  have  the  fairest  claim,  or, 
if  such  claimant  was  already  in  possession, 
maintained  him  therein.  If  that  possession 
was  undisturbed  for  two  years,  the  holder 
obtained  full  ownership.  This  temporary 
possession  was  called  bonorum  po.isessio, 
and  gave  the  holder  that  kind  of  owner- 
ship which  was  called  (at  least  in  Byzan- 
tine times,  and  in  technical  language) 
bonitarium.  For  the  praetor  regarded  all 
that  which  constituted  the  inheritance 
as  part  of  the  goods  (in  bonis)  of  the 
person  to  whom  he  gave  or  allowed  pos- 
session: cp.  Justinian  Inst.  iii.  9,  and 
Sandars  (ed.  6),  p.  xlix.  304.  Poste's 
Gaius,2  p.  187. 

in  Sicilia  sua]  «  in  his  native  Sicilv'  : 
There  is  no  necessity  to  read  tua  with 
Schiitz. 

iis  st'tidiis  .  .  .  praeditum"]  '  possessing 
the  same  taste  for  literature  and  learning 
which  gives  me  the  greatest  pleasure  '  : 
cp.  Gael.  24,  adulescentes  .  .  .  rectissimis 
studiis  atque  optimis  arlibus  .  .  praediti. 

2.  Peto  .  .  .  trades]  Kleyn  (p.  50)  wishes 


216 


EP.  683  (FAM.  XIII.  31). 


non  venerit  in  Sicilians,  in  meis  intimis  maximeque  necessariis 
scias  esse  itaque  tractes  ut  intellegat  meam  sibi  commendatiouem 
raagno  adiumento  fuisse. 


683.      CICEttO  TO  THE  SAME  ACILIUS  (FAM.  xm.  31). 

HOME  (?)  ;    A.  IT.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  (JIG.  61. 

M.  Cicero  Acilio  C.  Flavium  commendat.j 

CICERO  ACILIO  PROCONSULI  SAL. 

1.  C.  Flavio,  honesto  et  ornato  equite  Eoraano,  utor  valde 
familiariter ;  fuit  enim  generi  mei  C.  Pisonis  pernecessarius, 
meque  diligentissime  observant  et  ipse  et  L.  Flavins,  f rater  eius. 
Uuapropter  velim  honoris  mei  cansa,  quibns  rebus  honeste  et  pro 
tua  dignitate  poteris,  quarn  honorificeutissime  et  quam  liberalis- 
sime  C.  Flavium  tractes :  id  mihi  sic  erit  gratum  ut  gratius  esse 
nihil  possit.  2.  Sed  praeterea  tibi  adfirmo — neque  id  ambitione 
adductus  facio,  sed  cum  familiaritate  et  necessitudine,  turn  etiam 
veritate — te  ex  C.  Flavi  officio  et  observantia  et  praeterea  splen- 
dore  atque  inter  suos  gratia  magnam  voluptatem  esse  capturum. 
Vale. 


to  add  cum  before  in,  and  to  read  ita  for 
itaque;  and  Boot  (Obs.  Grit.,  p.  25)  to 
read  quern  for  cum,  and  ita  for  itaque. 
No  alteration  is  required  ;  c}>.  Div.  in 
Caecil.  1.  2,  cum  quaestor  in  Sicilia 
fttissem,  indices,  itaque  ex  ea  provincia 
deeessissem  tit  .  .  relinquerem .  Pluygers 
(Mnemosyne,  1873,  p.  65)  reads  sive 
mox,  adding,  with  some  humour,  '  quo- 
quo  modo  tractare  absentem,  qui  non 
venerit,  Acilio  durum  ac  difficile  erit.' 
But  if  you  assist  a  man's  undertakings, 
you  may  be  said  to  treat  him  well,  even 
though  you  do  not  meet  him  personally. 

1.   C.  Flavio]     This  C.  Flavius  is  the 


man  who  proposed  to  Atticus  (cp.  Nep. 
Att.  8.  3)  that  the  Equites  should  com- 
bine to  raise  a  fund  in  support  of  the 
tyrannicides.  Atticus  refused,  and  is 
censured  by  Brutus  for  his  lack  of  spirit  : 
cp.  ad  Brut.  i.  17.  3  (865),  where  see 
note,  and  cp.  ad  Brut.  i.  6.  4  (867).  He 
was  prnefectus  fabrum  of  Brutus,  and 
fell  at  Philippi  to  the  deep  grief  of  his 
commander  (Plut.  Brut.  51.) 

ornato~]     'distinguished.' 

0.  Pisonis]  i.e.  C.  Piso  Frugi  :  cp. 
Att.  i.  3,  3  (8). 

2.  ambitione']  'any  interested  motive': 
cp.  674.  4  ;  684.  1. 


EPP.  684,  685  (FAM.  XIII.  32,  33}  217 

684.      CICERO  TO  THE  SAME  ACILIUS  (FAM.  xm.  32). 
ROME  (?)  ;  A.  u.  c.  709  ;  B.  c.  45  ;  AKT.  cic.  61. 

M.  Cicero  Acilio  Archagathum  et  Philonem  hospites  snos  commendat. 
CICERO  ACILIO  PROCONSULI  SAL. 

1.  In  Halesina  civitate  tarn  lauta  tamque  nobili  coniunctis- 
simos  babeo  et  liospitio  et  familiaritate  M.  et  C.  Clodios  Arcbaga- 
;bum  et  Philonem.  Sed  vereor  ne,  quia  compluris  tibi  praecipue 
commendo,  exaequare  videar  ambitione  quadam  commendationes 
meas :  quamquam  a  te  quidem  cumulate  satis  fit  et  mibi  et  meis 
omnibus.  2.  Sed  velim  sic  existimes,  bane  familiam  et  bos  mibi 
maxime  esse  coniunctos  vetustate,  officiis,  benevolentia.  Quam  ob 
rem  peto  a  te  in  maiorem  modum  ut  iis  omnibus  in  rebus,  quan- 
:um  tua  fides  dignitasque  patietur,  commodes  :  id  si  feceris,  erit 
mibi  vehementissime  gratum. 


685.      CICERO  TO  THE  SAME  ACILIUS  (FAM.  xm.  33). 

ROME  (?)  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45;    AET.  CIC.  61. 
M.  Cicero  Acilio  Cn.  Nusonis  libertos  et  negotia  commendat. 

[CICERO  ACILIO  PROCONSULI  SAL.] 

Cn.  Otacilio  Nasone  utor  familiarissime,  ita  prorsus  ut  illius 
ordinis  nullo  familiarius  ;  nam  et  buraanitate  eius  et  probitate  in 

1.  Halesina]  Halesa  was  in  the  middle  and   C.  Philo  '  :  cp.    Fain.   xiii.    21,    2 

of  the  north  coast  of  Sicily.     It  was  the  (516). 

first  Sicilian    state    which      joined    the  exaequare  .  .  .  meas']    '  to  make  all  my 

Romans  in   the  First  Punic  "War  (Diod.  recommendations    equally    strong    from 

xxiii.  5),    and   Mras    accordingly  treated  some  interested  motive' :  cp.  683.  2. 

M'ith  considerable    favour  in   the  settle-  2.  vetustate']  '  old-standing  friendship': 

raent  of  the   island.     In   the  Verrines,  so  in  Fam.  v.  15.  2  (587)  ;  x.  10.  2  (834); 

iii.  13,  it  appears  as  one  of  the  eivitates  xi.   16.  2   (888)  ;  xi.    27.    2  (784)  :  but 

sine  foedere  liberae   et  immimes.     Cicero  amieitiae    vetustas   is   also    found  :    cp. 

seems  to   have  spelled  the  \vord  Halesa,  Fam.  iv.  7.  1  (486). 
hut  the  Greek  name  is  "A.\ai<ra,  and  the 

diphthong  is  found  on  coins  :  cp.  Momm-  Nawne~\   Kleyn  and  Wes.,  on  account 

sen  in  C.  I.  L.  x.  p.  768.  of  ordinis,  wish  to  add  after  Nasone  the 

M.  et  C.   Clodio*  Archagathum  et  Phi-  letters  e.  R.  (=  equite  Romano). 
ionem~\  '  the  two  Clodii,  M.  Archagathus 


218  EPP.  686,  687  (FAM.  XIII.  3^  35}. 

consuetudine  cotidiana  magno  opere  delector.  Nihil  iam  opus  es 
exspectare  te  quibus  eum  verbis  tibi  commendem,  quo  sic  utar 
ut  scripsi.  Habet  is  in  provincia  tua  negotia,  quae  procuran 
liberti,  Hilarus,  Autigonus,  Demostratus,  quas  tibi  negotiaquc 
omnia  Nasonis  non  sectis  commendo  ac  si  raea  essent.  Gratissi- 
mum  mihi  feceris  si  intellexero  hanc  commendation  em  magnum 
apud  te  pondus  habuisse.  Vale. 


686.  CICEEO  TO  THE  SAME   ACILIUS  (FAM.  xm.  34). 

ROME  (?)  J    A.  U.  C.  709  ',    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIO.  61. 

M.  Cicero  Acilio  Lysonem  Lilybitanum  commendat. 

[CICERO  ACILIO  PROCONSULI  SAL.] 

Avitum  mihi  hospitium  est  cum  Lysone,  Lysonis  filio,  Lily 
bitano,  valdeque  ab  eo  observer  coguovique  dignum  et  patre  e 
avo ;  est  enim  nobilissima  familia.  Quapropter  commendo  tib 
maiorem  in  modum  rem  domumque  eius,  magnoque  opere  abs  t< 
peto  cures  ut  is  intellegat  meam  commendationem  maximo  sib 
apud  te  et  adiumento  et  ornamento  fuisse. 

687.  CICERO  TO  THE  SAME  ACILIUS  (FAM.  xm.  35). 

HOME  (?)  ;    A.  U.    C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

M.  Cicero  Acilio  Philoxenum  hospitem  commendat. 

CICKRO    ACILIO   PROCONSULI   SAL. 

1.  C.  Avianius  Philoxenus  antiquus  est  hospes  meus  et  praetei 
hospitium  valde  etiam  familiaris,  quern  Caesar  meo  beneficio  in 

Nihil  iam  .  .  .  scripsi~\     '  there  is   no  Lilybaeum  :   cp.  Ep.  690,  and  Pseudo 

need  for  you  to  wait  to  see  the  language  Ascon.  p.  100.     The  correct  form  of  th 

in  which  I  recommend  a  man  with  whom  adj.  is  Lilybitanus  :  cp.  C.  I.  L.  x.  p.  742, 

I  am  on  the  terms  described.'     Note  the  and  Div.  in  Caee.  55  :  Verr.  iv.  32  ;  v.  10. 

generic   subject  utar.      The   indicative  peto  cures']     —  peto  ut  cures  ;  cp.  691| 

utor  would  mean  'in  which  I  recommend  and  often,  e.g.  Verg.  Aen.  vi.  76.  ipsa 

this  man  with  whom  I  am  on  the  terms  canas  oro. 

described.'  maximo  .  .  .fuisse']   '  has  been  a  source 

of  great  assistance  and  distinction.' 

Avitiini}    «    dating   from    his    grand- 
father' :  cp.  [Vergil]  Ciris,  112.  1.  C.  Avianius  Philoxenus]      As  Phi-, 

Lilybitano~]     Cicero   was  quaestor    at  loxenus   appears   to  have  been  made   a 


EP.  688  (FAM.  XIII.  36}. 

Novocomensis  rettulit;  nomen  autem  Aviani  secutus  est,  quod 
homine  nullo  plus  est  usus  quam  Flacco  Avianio,  meo,  quern  ad 
modum  te  scire  arbitror,  familiarissimo  :  quae  ego  omnia  conlegi  ut 
intellegeres  non  volgarem  esse  commendationem  hanc  meam. 
2.  Peto  igitur  abs  te  ut  omnibus  rebus,  quod  sine  molestia  tua 
facere  possis,  ei  commodes  habeasque  in  numero  tuorum  perficias- 
que,  ut  intellegat  has  litteras  meas  magno  sibi  usui  f  uisse :  erit 
id  mihi  maiorem  in  modum  gratum. 


688.    CICERO  TO  THE  SAME  ACILIUS  (FAM.  xm.  se). 

ROME  (?)  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

M.  Cicero  Acilio  Demetrium  Megam  cominendat. 

CICERO  ACILIO  PROCONSULI  SAL. 

1.  Cum  Demetrio  Mega  mihi  vetustum  hospitium  est,  fami- 
liaritas  autem  tauta  quanta  cum  Siculo  nullo.  Ei  Dolabella 
rogatu  meo  civitatem  a  Caesare  impetravit,  qua  in  re  ego  interfui  ; 
itaque  nunc  P.  Cornelius  vocatur  ;  cumque  propter  quosdam  sordidos 
homines,  qui  Caesaris  beneficia  vendebant,  tabulam,  in  qua  nomina 


Roman    citizen    at  Cicero's  request,  he  'E\\-f]vuv  vvijp^av  of  eiri^aveararoi'  roii- 

ought   to  have   taken   the   name   of  M.  rois  Se  ical  iro\ireiav  eSwwe  Kal  eveypafytv 

Tullius:    see   note   to   Fam.  xiii.   21,    2  avrobs    els    robs    ffwoiKovs'     ov    nevroi 

(516)  :     but   it   would   seem    from    this  wKt\ffa.v  avro&i'  a\\a  Kal  roHvofjidi  ye  rf 

passage  that  sometimes  Greeks  took  the  Kriffmari   e'/cetVot  Kare\nrov.     Weo/cu/jurai 

name  of  the  Roman  to  whom   they  were  70?  eK\T\Qi]ffav  airavres'  TOVTO  8e  pedep- 

most  attached,  and  it  was  probahly  at  the  (jL-i\vevQev  No^Sou/iKo^ou^  \cyerai.    Douht- 

suggestion  of  Avianius   (cp.    Fam.   xiii.  less  Philoxenus  was  one  of  these  noble 

79  (526))  that  Cicero  used  his  influence  in  Greeks. 

the  matter.  It  may  be  noticed  that  under  We  find  elsewhere  that  Novum  Comum 

the  Empire,  at  least   from  the  time  of  was   considered   as   specially  under  the 

Claudius,    such     naturalized    foreigners  protection   of  Caesar:  cp.  Att.  v.  11.  2 

almost  always,  even  kings  very  frequently  (200),  where  see  note  :    and  cp.  also  Dr. 

(cp.  C.I.L.  v.  32,  vii.  11),  tookthe  name  Reid  (Journal  of  Roman  Studies,  i.  74ff.). 

of  the  Emperor  under  whom  they  had  Appian,  B.  C.  ii.  26,  is  in  error  when  he 

obtained  the  privilege  :    cp.   Mommsen  says  that  the  town  only  received  the  Jus 

St.  R.  iii.  64,  note  1.  Latii. 

Novocomensis]  Strabo  (v.  1,  6.  p.  213) 
in  speaking  of  Comum,'  after  telling  what 

Pompeius  Strabo  and  C.  Scipio  did  for  the  1.  Mega]    This   Megas  appears  to  be 

town,  continues  e?ra  6  debs  Kaiffap  trevro.-  declined  like  JEneas. 

Kto-xiAi'ous  eiriffwctKicrev  (sc.  in  accordance  qua  in  re  ego  inter/id^  '  and  I  was  pre- 

with  the  Vatinian    law  of  695  (59)  :  cp.  sent  on  the  occasion.' 

Suet.  Caes.  28).     «i>  of  TrevraKoffioi  T&V  Cornelius]  cp.  note  to  687.  1. 


220  EP.  689  (I' AM.  XIII.  37). 

civitate  donatorum  incisa  ossent,  revelli  iussisset,  eidem  Dolabellae 
me  audiente  Caesar  dixit  niliil  esse  quod  de  Mega  vereretur,  bene- 
ficium  suum  in  eo  manere.  2.  Hoc  te  scire  volui,  ut  eum  in 
civium  Romanorum  numero  haberes,  ceterisque  in  rebus  tibi  eum 
ita  commendo  ut  maiore  studio  nerninem  commend arim.  Gratissi- 
mum  mini  feceris,  si  eum  ita  tractaris  ut  intellegat  meam  commen- 
dationem  magno  sibi  ornamento  fuisse. 


689.     CICERO  TO  THE  SAME  AC1LIUS  (PAM.  xm.  37). 

110MK   (?)  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AKT.  CIC.  61. 

M.  Cicero  Acilio  eommendat  Hippiam  ut  eius  bona  liberentur. 

CICEKO  ACILIO  PROCONSULI  SAL. 

Hippiam,  Philoxeui  filium,  Calactinum,  liospitem  et  necessa 
rium  meum,  tibi  commeudo  in  maiorem  modum :  eius  bona,  quern 
ad  modum  ad  me  delata  res  est,  publice  possidentur  alieno  nomine 
contra  leges  Calactinorum.    Id  si  ita  est,  etiam  sine  mea  commen 
datione  ab  aequitate  tua  res  ipsa  impetrare  debet  ut  ei  subvenias 
Quoquo  modo  autem  se  res  liabet,  peto  a  te  ut  honoris  mei  causa 
eum  expedias  tantumque  ei  commodes  et  in  hac  re  et  in  ceteris 
quantum  tua  fides  dignitasque  patietur  :  id  mihi  vehementer  gratum 
erit. 

revelli'}     cp.  Verr.  ii.  112,  quae  tabula  publice  .  .  .nomine"]  '  are  held  by  th 

turn  tuo  imperio  revulsa.  State  oil  the  ground  of  a  bond  with  \vhic 

iussisset}  sc.  Caesar.     It  is  interesting  Hippias  has  nothing  to  do  '  (Wieland)  ;  ori 

to  note  that  Caesar's  powers,  like  those  of  perhaps   'in  the  name  of  another,'  i.e.i 

the  Emperors  later,  included  the  right  of  the    property  had    been   seized  by  thei 

conferring  the  franchise.  State  for  some  other  man's  delinquency, 

2.  magno  sibi  ornamento]  so  HD  ;  sibi  and  registered  in  that  other  man's  name, 

is  omitted  by  M.  but    the     property    really    belonged    t<W 

Hippias. 

Calactinu)>i}    Cale  Acte  was  a  town  on  Jides    dignitasque~\       '  conscience     and 

the  north  coast  of  Sicily,  east  of  Halesa.  position.' 


EPP.  690,  691  (FAM.  XIII.  38,  39).  221 


690.     CICERO  TO  THE  SAME  ACILIUS  (FAM.  xm.  38). 
ROMP:(?);  A.  u.  c.  709  ;   B.  c.  45  ;  AET.  cic.  ei. 

M.  Cicero  Acilio  L.  Bruttii  negotia  procuratoresque  commendat. 
CICERO  ACILIO  PltOCONSULI  SAL. 

L.  Bruttius,  eques  Komanus,  adulescens  omnibus  rebus  ornatus, 
.n  meis  familiarissimis  est  meque  observat  diligentissime,  cuius 
cum  patre  magna  mini  fuit  amicitia  iam  inde  a  quaestura  mea 
Siciliensi.  Omnino  nunc  ipse  Bruttius  Romae  mecum  est ;  sed 
;amen  domum  eius  et  rem  familiarem  et  procuratores  tibi  sic  com- 
mendo  ut  maiore  studio  commendare  non  possim.  Gratissiinum 
mihi  feceris,  si  curaris  ut  intellegat  Bruttius,  id  quod  ei  recepi, 
tianc  meam  commendationem  sibi  magno  adiumento  fuisse. 


691.     CICERO  TO  THE  SAME  ACILIUS  (FAM.  xm.  39). 

ROME  (?)  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  J    B.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.  61. 

M.  Cicero  Acilio  M.  Titurnium  Rufum  commendat. 

[CICERO  ACILIO  PROCONSULI  SAL.] 

Cum  familia  Titurnia  necessitudo  mihi  intercedit  vetus,  ex  qua 
Teliquus  est  M.  Titurnius  Rufus,  qui  mihi  omni  diligentia  atque 
officio  est  tuendus  ;  est  igitur  in  tua  potestate  ut  ille  in  me  satis 
sibi  praesidi  putet  esse.  Quapropter  eum  tibi  commendo  in 
maiorem  modum  et  abs  te  peto  efficias  ut  is  commendationem 
hanc  intellegat  sibi  magno  adiumento  fuisse :  erit  id  mihi  vehe- 
menter  gratum. 

quaesturamea  Siciliensi}  Cicero  had  been  omni    .  .  .  ojicio]    'by   every    act  of 

quaestor  at  Lilybaeum  (cp.  Ep.  686)  in       attention  and  service  I  can  show  him.' 
75   under  Sext.   Peducaeus    as    praetor          peto  efficias}  cp.  686. 
(Verr.  ii.  138,  v.  35).     The  other  Sicilian 
quaestorship  was  at  Syracuse. 


222 


JSP.  692  (FAM.  XVI.  18). 


692.    CICERO  TO  TIRO  AT  TUSCULUM  (FAM.  xvi.  is). 

HOME  ;    DECEMBER  (END)  J    A.  U.  C.  709  J    H.  C.  45  J    AET.  CIC.   61. 

M.  Cicero  de  rebus  domesticis  scribit  ad  Tironem  eumque  maximo  opere  hort* 
ut  valetudini  operam  det. 

TULLIUS  TIRONi  SAL. 

1.  Quid  igitur  ?  non  sic  oportet  ?  equidem  ceuseo  sic.  Adden- 
dum etiam  *  suo.'  Sed,  si  placet,  invidia  vitetur,  quam  quidei 
ego  saepe  contempsi.  Tibi  Bta^oprjmv  gaudeo  profuisse.  Si  ver< 
etiam  Tusculanum,  dii  boni  !  quanto  mihi  illud  erit  amabilius  ! 
sed,  si  me  amas,  quod  quidem  aut  facis  aut  perbelle  simulas,  quod 
tamen  in  modum  procedit,  sed  utut  est,  indulge  valetudini  tuae,  cui 


Nothing  definite  can  be  said  about  the 
date  of  this  and  the  following  letter. 
The  references  to  Tiro's  health  and  to 
the  holilor  show  that  both  belong  to  the 
same  time.  There  seems  no  objection  to 
their  being  placed  at  the  end  of  709  (45). 

Quid  .  .  .  '  suo']  See  Introd.  to  vol.  i 
(ed.  3),  p.  57,  where  this  and  other 
passages  bearing  on  the  use  of  ihepraeno- 
•>nen  are  treated.  Cicero  here  omits  Tiro's 
praenomen,  which  might  be  thought  too 
familiar  in  addressing  a  freedman.  For 
an  example  of  the  formal  words  of  a 
letter  taken  literally,  cp.  Fam.  v.  14 
(585). 

8 1  a  (J>  6  p  t]  arii'']  'perspiration,'  'sweat- 
ing.' Diaphoretic  is  now  a  common 
medical  term. 

Tusculanum~\  sc.  profucrit,  '  if  the  air 
of  Tusculum  has  the  same  good  effect, 
heavens,  how  that  will  enhance  my 
affection  for  the  place  ! ' 

quod  tamen  in  modum~\  Dr.  Reid  has 
sent  us  the  following  valuable  note :  — 

' '  In  modum  :  with  this  passage  should 
be  compared  2  Verr.  4,  §  20,  haec  tibi 
laudatio  procedat  in  numerum  (Lucr.  has 
in  numerum  procedere,  iv.  788),  where 
editors  rightly  compare  in  numerum  ludere, 
brachia  tollere.  exsultare,pulsareaera,etc. 
In  modum  procedit  is  a  phrase  of  exactly 
the  same  type,  and  may  be  similarly 
illustrated  :  cp.  Catullus,  "ixi.  38,  '  agite, 
in  modum  \  dicite,  0  Hy  menace  Hymen.' 
There  is  hardly  an  expression  in  which 
numerus  occurs  to  which  one  cannot  find 
a  parallel  with  modus.  Somewhat  similar 


is  tabulae  in  ordinem  confectae,  Rose.  Com. 
§  7,  i.e.  '  so  as  to  keep  the  right  arrange- 
ment.' 

<l  I  would  not  refer  quod  to  Tiro's 
health,  but  regard  it  as  equivalent  to 
simulare,  understood  from  simulas :  '  if 
you  care  for  me,  as  indeed  you  either  do, 
or  make  a  very  nice  pretence  of  it,  which 
pretence,  however,  I  must  say  answers 
your  wishes  (i.e.  produces  the  same 
effect  on  me  as  the  reality  would  do),  well 
then  (sed  resumptive),  however  that  is, 
take  care  of  your  health,'  etc." 

The  metaphor  in  procedere  in  modum 
(numerum)  is  that  of  undisturbed  rhyth- 
mical movement,  and  hence  comes  to 
mean  movement  in  accordance  with  one's 
wishes.  Manutius  says :  "sumptumopinor 
ab  histrionibus  numerum  in  motu  servant- 
ibus  "  :  cp.  Parad.  26,  Ristrio  sipaulo  se 
movit  extra  numerum. 

The  explanation  of  this  passage  given 
by  Dr.  Reid  shows  that  the  insertion  of 
an  adjective  such  as  mirum  (Lambinus), 
or  incredibilem  (Wesenberg),  is  not  neces- 
sary. These  admonitions  to  Tiro  to  take 
care  of  his  health  seem  to  have  been 
either  uncalled  for  or  very  accurately 
attended  to,  for  we  are  told  by  Jerome,  in 
Eusebius,  that  he  reached  the  age  of 
100  years. 

utut  esf^  So  we  read  with  Manutius 
and  Lambinus.  Gronovius  retains  the  MS 
nt,  referring  to  Plaut.  Poen.  833,  where 
however,  modern  editors  read  utut. 

indulge  .  .  .  non  satis]  '  Give  way  to 
considerations  of  your  health,  to  which. 


EP.  692  (FAM.  XVI.  18). 


223 


juidem  tu  adhuc,  dum  mihi  deservis,  servisti  non  satis.     Ea  quid 

)ostulet  non  ignoras  :  Treaty,  aKOiriav,  TrcptTrarov  (TU/U^UCT/OOV,  rptytv, 

vXvalav  KotXiag.     Fac  bellus  revertare  ;  non  modo  te,  sed  etiam 

Tusculanum  nostrum  plus  amem.    2.  Parhedrum  excita  ut  hortum 

pse  conducat  ;  sic  holitorem   ipsum  commovebis.     Helico  nequis- 

imus  HS  cio  dabat,  nullo    aprico  horto,  nullo   einissario,  uulla 

maceria,  nulla  casa.     Iste  nos  tanta  inpensa  derideat?    calface 

lominera,  ut    ego    Motlionem  ;    itaque    abutor   coronis.     3.  De 


litherto,  in  your  devoted  attention  to  me, 
TOU  have  not  paid  sufficient  attention.' 

ffyiv  .  .  .  /co i At' as]  a  kind  of  pre- 
cription,  and  therefore  written  in  Greek  ; 
ee  vol.  i3  86,  note.  For  rptyiv,  '  mas- 
age,'  which  appears  as  rptyiv  in  M,  some 
ditors  read  Teptytv ;  in  which  one  re- 
ognizes  the  characteristic  tendency  of 
aedical  advisers  to  tell  their  patients  to 
:eep  their  minds  amused,  while  at  the 
ame  time  prescribing  a  regime  which 
enders  all  enjoyment  or  amusement  an 
mpossibility.  But  we  must  adhere  to 
tytv  of  HDF. 

Fac  .  .  .  amem']  Boot  (Obs.  Grit.  p.  27) 
olds  that,  if   Cicero  did   not  intend  to 
oin  these  sentences,  he  would  have  used 
bo   and   not  amem ;  aud   accordingly 
roposes  non  modo<ut>  te  sed  etiam  <ut> 
"usculanum  nostrum  plus  amem.     But  we 
an  easily  understand  out   of  Fac   bellus 
tvertare  something  like  quod  si  facias.    If 
nendation  were  resorted  to,  it  would  be 
mpler  to  add  turn  after  nostrum. 
2.  Parhedrum.  .  .  Mothoneni]  As  far  as 
-e    can   understand   the    circumstances 
lluded   to   in   this   section   they  are  as 
follows: — Cicero  had  let  the  flower  and 
vegetable  garden  of  his  Tusculan  villa  to 
a  market  gardener  when  in  a  very  incom- 
plete  condition,    without   any    spot    for 
growing  choice  flowers,  without  drains  or 
a  wall  on  which  to  train  fruit  trees,  or  a 
lodge  for  the  gardener.    Cicero  had  added 
•all  these   improvements,   and  wished  to 
raise  the  rent.     The   «  scoundrel  Helico  ' 
{another  market  gardener  apparently)  had 
offered  nearly  as  much  as  the  rent  now 
demanded,  and  that  hefore  any  of  these 
improvements  were   made ;   '  is    he    (the 
present  tenant)  to  he  allowed  to  scoff  at 
-a  raised  rent  after  all  the  expense  I  have 
gone  to  ?  '     Cicero  could  of  course  have 
evicted  his  tenant,  hut  he  preferred  not  to 
do  so  until  at  least  he  had  secured  another. 
One  P;irhedrus  seems  to  have  been  looking 


after  the  place,  and  Cicero  tells  Tiro  to 
'  stir  him  up  '  (excita,  calface)  to  make 
an  offer  :  '  thus,'  lie  writes,  '  you  will 
smarten  up  '  (commovebis)  the  gardener ; 
and  these  were  the  tactics  which  Cicero 
pursued  successfully  with  Motho  in  a 
similar  transaction.  Dr.  Reid  writes  that 
"  possibly  heluo  or  helluo  is  the  right 
reading.  Cp.  Leg.  Agr.  i.  §  2,  where 
Baiter's  MS,  denoted  by  F,  has  hellico  for 
the  word.  I  should  then  take  dabat  = 
'  used  to  give,'  i.e.  before  I  made  all  these 
improvements,  for  which  I  have  charged 
him  so  little."  Schutz  wishes,  with  some 
old  editors,  to  read  salaco  '  swaggerer '  for 
helico.  He  says  "  salaco  =  $airavcoi>  oirov 
/J.T)  8e?  quomodo  Theophrastus  hoc  voca- 
bulurn  est  interpretatus  :  cp.  665.  2. 
Salaco  n  em  vocat  ilium  holitorem  quod 
hortum  non  dum  sic,  ut  nunc  erat,  ex- 
cultum  et  ornatum  HS  cio  conduxerit; 
nunc  vero,  cum  tot  ornamenta  accesserint 
quanto  aequum  sit  augere  locationis 
pretium  nolit." 

aprico  horto~\  a  spot  in  the  garden 
especially  laid  out  so  as  to  catch  as  much 
sun  as  possible.  It  would  be  used,  as 
greenhouses  with  us,  for  growing  choice 
flowers.  Schiitz  thinks  the  words  must 
be  corrupt,  and  conjectures  nullo  apiario, 
nulla  cohorte,  or  nulla  avium  cohorts. 
Orelli  suggests  nullo  apricatorio. 

itaque  . .  .  coronix]  It  formerly  occurred 
to  us  that  possibly  the  phrase  abutor 
coronis  may  be  corrected  by  altering  to 
ab  utro  coronas,  '  and  so  arrange  as  to 
close  with  whichever  of  them  will  supply 
me  with  flowers.'  The  landlord  seems 
sometimes  to  have  let  his  market- 
gardens  on  the  terms  that  the  gar- 
dener should  supply  him  M'ith  flowers, 
which  were  mainly  used  for  wreaths  at 
entertainments,  and  were  far  more  indis- 
pensable to  an  ancient  Roman  than  they 
are  to  us.  Here  Cicero  writes  in  his  usual 
elliptic  fashion,  '  and  so  (itaque  =  et  ita} 


224 


EP.  693  (FAM.  XVI. 


Crabia  quid  agatur,  etsi  nunc  quidem  etiam  nimiurn  est  aquae, 
tamen  velim  scire.     Horologium  raittam,  et  libros  si  erit  sudum, 
Sed  tu  iiullosne  tecum  libellos,  an  pangis  aliquid  Sophocleum 
l^ac  opus  adpareat.   A.  Ligurius,  Caesaris  familiaris,  mortuus  est  J 
bonus  homo  et  nobis  amicus.    Te  quando  exspectemus  fac  ut  sciam.. 
Cura  te  diligenter.     Vale. 


693.     CICERO  TO  TIRO  AT  TUSCULUM  (FAM.  xvi.  20). 

ROME  ;    A.  U.  C.  709  (END)  ;    B.  C.  45  ;    AET.  CIC.  61. 

M.  Cicero  Tironi  scribit  de  cura  vuletudinis,  de  componendis  libris,  de  holitore, 
gladiatoribus  spectandis. 

TULLIUS  TIRONI  SAL. 

Sollicitat,  ita  vivam,  me  tua,  mi  Tiro,  valetudo ;  sed  confid< 
si  diligentiam  quam  instituisti  adhibueris,  cito  te  firmum  fore; 
Libros  compone ;  indicem,  cum  Metrodoro  lubebit,  quonfam  eriu 

let  as  to  (give  it)  to  whichever  you  can 
get  the  flowers  from,'  itagiie  (loces)  ut  (ei 
des)  ab  utro  coronas  (accepturus  sis).  One 
cannot,  however,  feel  any  confidence  that 
this  is  what  Cicero  wrote.  If  he  wrote 
abutor  coronis,  it  can  mean  '  I  am  posi- 
tively wasteful  in  garlands,'  he  has 
flowers  in  such  abundance ;  and  this 
interpretation  suits  fairly  well.  Dr.  Eeid 
says — "  Itaqnc  seems  to  lead  up  to  some 
result  of  having  *  warmed  lip '  Motho. 
Abutor  appears  to  me  a  corruption  of 
abundo  (abitdo') "  :  cp.  Boot  (Obs.  Crit. 
p.  27),  who  suggests  the  same  emendation. 

3.  Crabra~\  au  aqueduct  which  extended 
from  Tusculum  to  Rome,  and  for  the  use 
of  which  Cicero  paid  ti  tax  to  the  town  of 
Tusculum  :  cp.  Leg.  Agr.  iii.  9. 

Horologium"]  i.e. solarium,  'a sun-dial.' 
The  first  sun-dial  which  was  used  in 
Home  was  that  constructed  for  Catana  in 
Sicily  in  B.C.  263.  It  was  not  till  a 
hundred  years  later  that  Q.  Maximus 
I'hilippus  constructed  one  specially  for 
Rome  (Plin.  H.  N.  vii.  213).  They  were 
afterwards  common  in  private  houses 
(Marquardt-Mau  Privatleben*  789). 

si  erit  stiduni}  '  weather  permitting,' 
for  damp  might  injure  the  manuscripts. 

iiullosne  tecum  Hbellos]  '  have  you  no 
light  literature  with  you  ? ' :  sc.  /tabes  cp. 
605.  3  Cras  aut  teaut  causam  (sc.  habebo]  : 
Att.  xvi.  12  (800)  Uonitm  animum  (sc. 
habe).  It  seems  strange  that  Cic.  should 
ask  Tiro  whether  he  had  books  with  him 
when  he  had  access  to  Cicero's  library  at 


Tusculum  :  cp.  693.  But  we  may  supj 
that  Cicero's  library  was  not  very  wel 
stocked  with  books  of  poetry  or  the  sor 
of  light  literature  an  invalid  \vould  likeJ 
Dr.  Reid  notes  that  "  Libellosis  here  usedj 
as  often  (cp.  Catullus,  Upiduin  novntm 
libelltiw;  Prop.,  Ov.,  Mart,  etc.),  of  ihm 
lighter  poetry  as  opposed  to  the  seriouJ 
styles,  the  epic  or,  as  here,  the  tragic  J 
for  I  think  Cicero  is  alluding  to  a  tragedy! 
from  Tiro's  hand  rather  thiin  a  transla-1 
tion." 

Sophockum"]  *  are  you  engaged  on  anyj 
work  in  the  style  of  Sophocles  ? '  Probably! 
Tiro  contemplated  writing  a  tragedy  :  cp  J 
Verg.  Eel.  8, 10  (of  Pollio),  sola  SophodeA 
tua  carmina  digna  cot/iurno.  Pangere  is 
often  used  of  poetical  composition,  e.gJ 
Hor.  Epist.  i.  18.  40. 

Fac  opus  adpareat}     '  let  us  see  some! 
fruit  of  your  labours  '  :  cp.  ut  huius  pere-t 
grinationis  aliquod  tibi  opus  exstet,  AttJ 
ii.  4.  3  (31).  Note  that  Cicero  uses/™  tit 
a   line   or  two  below.     Biicheler   (as   is 
pointed  out  by  Mendelssohn)  notices  than 
Marcus  Cicero  uses  both/a^,  Fum.  xiv.  G 
(414),  Att.  iv.  4  b,  2  (107),  and  fac  utM 
Att.  ii.  6  fin.  (33),  10  fin.  (38)  ;  but  thai 
Quintus  Cicero  always  uses/«c  tit. 

A.  Ligurius}     He  is  mentioned  in  Q. 
Fr.  iii.  7,  2  (156).     Ligurius  appears  in 
Att.  xi.  9,  2  (423)  as  the  recipient  of  a 
letter  from  Quintus  Cicero  full  of  slander* 
against  his  brother  Marcus. 

Libros    compone;    indicem]     'arrange! 


EP. 


(FAM.  XVI. 


225 


irbitratu   vivendum   est.     Cum   holitore,  ut  videtur.     Tu  potes 
ilendis   spectare    gladiatores,  postridie  redire ;  et   ita   censeo : 
rerum,  ut  videbitur.     Cura  te,  si  me  amas,  diligenter.     Vale. 


iy  books  and  make  a  catalogue  of  them, 
hen    Metrodorus   (the   doctor)    will  be 
[pleased  to  allow  you  :  for  you  must  order 
•our  life  at  his  bidding.'5    Index  with 
•eference  to  books  can  mean  either   *  a 
italogue '  (as  here,  Plin.  Epp.  iii.  5.  2, 
.nd  Quintil.  x.  1.  57)  or  a  'title'   (De 
rat.   ii.   61).    "We    are    to    understand 
ipone  in  the  sense  of  «  compose,'  *  make ' 


with  indicem.     The  library  at  Tusculum 
is  probably  referred  to. 

Cum  holitore]  cp.  last  letter.  Supply 
some  word  like  fac :  cp.  564.  3.  Tu 
vero  nihil  (sc.  fac)  nisi  ut  illi  volent ;  or 
age :  cp.  629.  2.  Tu  cum  Pisone  (sc.  age), 
si  quid  poteris.  Ut  videtur  means  'at 
your  discretion.' 


VOL.  v. 


LETTERS  OF  THE  TWENTY-FIFTH  YEAR  OF  CICERO'S 
CORRESPONDENCE, 

EPP.  694-815. 


A.  U.C.    710  J    B.C.   44;    AKT.  C1C.  62. 

COSS.  C.  JULIUS  CAESAR  V  AND  M.  ANTONIUS. 

AFTER  THE  IDES  OF  MARCH  P.  CORNELIUS  DOLABELLA. 


THE  letters  of  this  year  shed  much  light  on  the  intricate  series  of  events 
subsequent  to  the  murder  of  Caesar,  which  Cicero  first  received  with  almost 
inarticulate  expressions  of  delight,  but  afterwards  found  not  to  be  so  unmixed 
a  blessing.  From  this  point  of  view  it  is  interesting  to  contrast  the  remark- 
able letter  to  Basilus,  Fam.  vi.  15  (699),  a  little  scream  of  triumph,  with  a 
passage  in  Att.  xv.  4,  3  (734),  where  he  writes :  *  If  things  go  on  in  this  way, 
I  feel — you  will  not  be  angry  with  me  for  saying  it — I  feel  no  pleasure  in  the 
memory  of  the  Ides  of  March.'  It  is  not  necessary  here  to  recapitulate  the 
complicated  details  which  again  brought  Cicero  to  the  van  of  political  strife, 
and  which  culminated  in  his  death.  The  correspondence  of  the  present  year 
(not  concluded  in  this  volume,  which  only  runs  to  the  end  of  August)  finishes 
the  letters  to  Atticus,  and  takes  us  down  to  the  time  when  the  first  four  of 
the  Philippics  against  Antony  had  already  seen  the  light.  The  year  is  very 
rich  in  philosophical  works.  During  it  he  published  the  Tusculan  Disputa- 
tions, De  Natura  Deorum,  De  Divinatione,  De  Fato,  De  Gloria,  De  Senectute, 
De  Araicitia,  De  Officiis,  Topica,  Timaeus. 


P2 


228 


EP.  694  (FAM.    VII.  30}. 


694.     CICERO  TO  CURIUS  AT  PATRAE  (FAM.  vn.  30). 


ROME 


;    JANUARY  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  J    AET.  C1C.  62. 


Cicero   Curio   scribit   quam  misere  se  res  publica  habeat  molesteque  fert  quc 
C.  Caesar  Caninium  ad  aliquot  horas  consulem  crearit :  turn  de  litteris  commendaticiis 
ad  Acilium  missis  significat. 

CICERO  CURIO  S.  1). 

1.  Ego  vero  iam  te  nee  hortor  nee  rogo  ut  domum  redeas ;  quin 
hinc  ipse  evolare  cupio  et  aliquo  pervenire  '  ubi  nee  Pelopidarum 
nomen  nee  facta  audiam.'  Incredibile  est  quam  turpiter  mihi 
facere  videar  qui  his  rebus  intersim.  Ne  tu  rideris  multo  ante 
providisse  quid  impenderet,  turn  cum  hinc  profugisti.  Quamquam 
haec  etiam  auditu  acerba  sunt,  tamen  audire  tolerabilius  est  quam 
videre.  In  campo  certe  non  fuisti  cum  hora  secunda  comitiis 
quaestoriis  institutis  sella  Q,.  Maximi,  quern  illi  consulem  esse 
dicebant,  posita  esset,  quo  mortuo  nuntiato  sella  sublata  est ;  ille 


1.  Ego  vero}  These  words,  as  usual, 
point  to  a  question  asked,  which  is  here 
answered.  '  No,  I  do  not  now  urge  you 
or  ask  you'  :  cp.  note  to  574.  1.  This 
letter  is  a  reply  to  677,  and  Cicero 
begins  by  answering  §  1  of  that  letter, 
quo  facilius  tuis  praeceptis  obtemperare 
possimus  teque  ad  rer  libentes  videre. 
Cicero  here  uses  iam  because  in  Fam.  vii. 
28.  1  (477)  he  had  said,  Memini  cum  mihi 
desipere  videbare  quod  cum  istis  potius 
viveres  quam  nobiscum — a  passage  which 
also  shows  that  we  should  take  turn  a  few- 
lines  below  with  providisse. 

ubi  .  .  .  andiam~\  A  favourite  quotation 
of  Cicero's  from  the  '  Pelops '  of  Accius  : 
cp.  note  to  Fam.  vii.  28. 2  (477).  Sometimes 
it  is  represented  only  by  the  words  ubi 
nee  Pelopidarum.  In  Att.  xv.  11.3  (744) 
it  is  ubi  nee  Pelopidarum  facta  neque 
f amain  audiam.  Hence  Ribbeuk  gives 
the  ver^e  as  ubi  nee  Pelopidarum  nomen 
nee  facta  aut  famam  audiam,  a  trochaic 
septenarius. 

Ne]  A  particle  of  asseveration,  formerly 
written  nae.  It  is  always  followed  by  a 
pronoun  in  Cicero. 

comitiis  quaestoriis  iiutiiutis]  Caesar 
at  this  time  took  care  to  superintend  the 
elections ;  and,  as  he  did  not  return  from 


Spain  till  September  or  October,  and  then 
celebrated  a  triumph  and  gave  shows  to-  < 
the  people,  the  elections,  usually  held  in  i 
the  summer,  were  delayed  till  December. 
Though  a  chair  was  placed  for  the  consul, 
it  must  be  remembered  that  it  was  Caesar 
and  not  the  consul  who  presided  (Momms. 
St.  R.  ii,2  709,  note  1).  The  quaestors,  as- 1 
well  as  the  tribunes  and  aediles,  werai 
elected  at  the  comitia  tributa. 

Q.  Maximi]  In  709  (45)  Caesar  was  for 
nine  months  consul  without  a  colleague. 
On  his  return  from  Spain  he  resigned, 
and  had  C.  Trebonius  and  Q.  Maximus 
elected.  Hence  the  latter  is  called  tri- 
mestris  consul  (Suet.  Caes.  80).  For  quern 
illi  dicebant  cp.  771.  1,  ad  conaules  sive 
quo  alio  nomine  sunt. 

ille  .  .  .  habuit]  Caesar  (ille}  had  taken 
the  auspices  for  the  comitia  tributa,  for 
the  business  of  the  day  was  the  election 
of  quaestors.  Mommsen  (St.  R.  i2.  95, 
note  6)  says  that  the  signs  required  of  the 
gods  were  not  .different  for  the  different 
comitia,  but  that  in  asking  for  signs  it 
was  notified  to  the  gods  what  the  par- 
ticular comitia  were  and  the  object  for 
which  they  Mrere  summoned.  For  ille 
=  Caesar,  cp.  note  to  648.  2. 


EP.  694  (FAM.    VII.  30). 


229 


autem,  qui  comitiis  tributis  esset  auspicatus,  centuriata  habuit ; 
consulem  liora  septima  renuntiavit,  qui  usque  ad  Kalendas  Ian. 
esset,  quae  erant  f uturae  mane  postridie  :  ita  Caninio  consule  scito 
neminem  prandisse.  Nihil  tamen  eo  consule  mail  factum  est ;  fuit 
enim  rairifica  vigilantia,  qui  suo  toto  consulatu  soranum  non  viderit. 
2.  Haec  tibi  ridicula  videntur — rion  enim  ades;  quae  si  videres, 
lacrimas  non  teneres.  Quid,  si  cetera  scribam?  sunt  enim  innu- 
merabilia  generis  eiusdem,  quae  quidein  ego  non  ferrem,  nisi  me 
in  philosopliiae  portum  contulissem  et  nisi  liaberem  socium  studio- 
rum  meorum  Atticum  nostrum ;  cuius  quoniam  proprium  te  esse 
scribis  mancipio  et  nexo,  meum  autem  usu  et  fructu,  contentus 


consukm~\  C.  Caninius  Rebilus  :  cp.  Dio 
Cass.  xliii.  46 :  and  Tae.  Hist.  iii.  37, 
Prid.  Kal.  Nov.  Roscius  Regulus  iniit 
consulatum  eiuravitque  .  .  .  nam  consul  uno 
die  et  ante  fuerat  Caninius  Rebilus  Gaio 
Caesar e  dictator e  cum  belli  civilis  praemia 
festinarentur :  cp.  Suet.  Caes.  76.  Cani- 
nius served  as  a  legate  of  Caesar  in  Gaul, 
Africa,  and  Spain.  In  the  latter  cam- 
paign it  was  rumoured  that  he  had  been 
shipwrecked  (580.  4  ;  590.  4).  In  Africa 
in  46  he  had  held  proconsular  power,  and 
received  the  surrender  of  Thapsus  (Bell. 
Afr.  86.  3 ;  93.  3).  He  was  one  of  the 
witnesses  of  the  Sctum  de  Judaeis  of  710 
(44):  cp.  Willems,  Le  Senat,  pp.  254, 
521.  Dio  Cass.  (xlviii.  32,  3)  mentions 
the  case  of  an  aedile  who  M'as  elected  for 
one  day  in  714  (40) ;  and  (xlix.  43,  7)  of 
a  praetor  who  was  elected  for  a  few  hours 
in  721  (33). 

inane  postridie']  The  civil  day  amongst 
the  Romans  dated  from  midnight  to  mid- 
night, and  all  children  born  in  that  inter- 
val were  said  to  be  born  on  the  same  day ; 
the  natural  day  was  from  sunrise  to  sun- 
set :  cp.  Varro  ap.  Gell.  iii.  2,  2. 

neminem  prandi*se~\  Trebellius  Pollio 
(Vit.  trig.  tyr.  8,  2)  gives  a  different  turn 
to  this  joke.  Ut  ille  consul  qui  sex  meri- 
dianis  horis  consulatum  suffectum  tenuit  a 
M.  Tullio  tali  aspersus  est  ioco  «  Consulem 
habuimus  tarn  sever  um  tamque  censorium 
ut  in  eius  mai/istmtn  nemo  pranderit, 
nemo  ccnaverit,  nemo  dormiverit.'  For  other 
jokes  made  by  Cicero  on  this  incident  see 
Macrobius,  ii.  3,  6,  Caninius  quoque  Re- 
bilus, qni  uno  die  consul  fuit,  rostra  cum 
ascendisset,  pariter  honorem  iniit  consulates 
et  eiuravit:  quod  Cicero  omnigaudensocca- 
sione  urbanitatis  increpuit:  'Ao'7y  flewpr/rhs 
(so  Dr.  Reid  points  out  to  us  that  we  must 


read.  Tie  compares  Plut.  Plac.  i.  3.  9 
(=  877  D)  where  the  atoms  of  Epicurus  are 
oru>fj.ara  \6ytf  dfwprtrd,  so  small  that  they 
were  not  perceptible  to  sense)  est  Caninius 
consul^ :  et  deinde  '  Hoc consecutus  est  Rebi- 
lus ut  quaereretur  quibus  consulibus  consul 
fuerit ' :  cp.  vii.  3, 10,  '  Solent  esse  famines 
diales,  modo  consules  diales  (as  if  from  dies, 
a  use  not  found  elsewhere)  habemusj  et 
in  eundem  i  Vigiluntissimus  est  consul 
nosier  qui  in  consulatu  suo  somnum  non 
viditj  eidemque  exprobanti  sibi  quod  ad 
eum  consulem  non  venisset  '  Veniebam ' 
inquitj  '  sed  nox  me  comprehendit '  :  cp. 
Plut.  Caes.  58.  Macrobius,  hoveever, 
mistakes  the  name  and  tells  the  story  of 
Vatinius:  cp.  ii.  3,  5 ;  and  indeed  Vatinius 
and  Calenus  were  consuls  for  three  months 
in  47  (Dio  Cass.  xlii.  55.  4).  The  chief 
example  of  short  tenures  of  office  is  the 
year  38,  in  which  there  were  67  praetor- 
Ob,  xlviii.  43.  2). 

viderif]  '  did  not  let  sleep  come  upon 
his  eyes':  cp.  Ter.  Heaut.  491,  somnum 
hercle  ego  hac  node  ('last  night')  oculis 
non  vidi  meis.  Bockel  quotes  an  anony- 
mous epigram — 

Vigilantem  habemus  consulem  Caninium 
Qui  in  consulatu  sonmum  non  vidit  suo. 

2.  in  philosophiae  portum']  cp.  Tusc. 
v.  5,  his  gravissimis  casibus  in  eundem 
portum  (sc.  philosophiae  in  sinum),  ex  quo 
cramus  egressi,  magna  iactati  tempestate 
confugimus. 

mancipio  et  nexo~\  This  is  an  allusion 
to  the  beginning  of  Curius'  letter  (677), 
to  which  this  is  the  answer.  Words- 
worth (Frag.,  pp.  522,  523)  explains  the 
difference  between  these  two  terms  as 
follows  :—mancipatio  is  the  ceremony  of 


230 


EP.  694  (FAM.   VII. 


isto  sum  ;  id  enim  est  cuiusque  proprium,  quo  quisque  fruitur  atqu< 
utitur.    Sed  haec  alias  pluribus.    3.  Acilius,  qui  in  Graeciam  cui 
legionibus  missus  est,  maximo  meo  beneficio  est — bis  enim  est  a  m< 
iudicio  capitis  rebus  sal  vis  defensus — et  est  homo  non  ingrati 
meque  vehementer  observat :  ad  eum  de  te  diligentissime  scripsi 
eamque  epistulam  cum  hac  epistula  coniunxi,  quam  ille  quo  mod< 
acceperit  et  quid  tibi  pollicitus  sit  velim  ad  me  scribas. 


the  conveyance  of  what  alone  was  con- 
sidered property,  res  mancipi,  in  early 
times,  viz.  land  and  ftuj/ux"  opyava  such 
as  slaves  and  cattle.  It  was  effected  per 
aes  et  libram  in  the  presence  of  five  wit- 
nesses, all  full-grown  Roman  citizens 
representing  the  five  classes  of  the  Servian 
constitution,  and  a  libripens  whose  func- 
tion theoretically  was  to  weigh  the 
uncoined  bars  of  copper  (Gaius,  i.  119). 
"  Now  while  mancipatio  is  a  conveyance 
or  transfer,  nexum  is  a  bond  or  contract. 
The  two  seem  to  have  originated  in  the 
same  process,  since  nexum  is  defined  as 
cmne  quod  geritur  per  aes  et  libram. 
Gradually  mancipium  was  restricted  to 
actual  transfer,  while  nexum  was  used  to 
express  an  incomplete  conveyance."  It 
is  not,  however,  sure  that  the  distinc- 
tion is  so  certain  or  so  marked.  From  the 
obscure  passages  in  Varro  L.  L.  vii.  105 
and  Festus  165  (the  text  in  both  being  very 
uncertain)  we  seem  to  gather  that  Roman 
lawyers  were  divided  in  opinion,  Manilius 
and  Aelius  Gallus  [and  probably  Cicero 
De  Orat.  iii.  159]  holding  that  mancipa- 
tion was  a  species  of  nexum :  Mucius 
Scaevoia  considering  nexum  and  man- 
cipium  side  by  side  as  species  of  per  aes 
et  libram  gerere.  See  the  able  and 
exhaustive  treatise  by  Mr.  Roby  (Roman 
Private  Z«w,pp.  296-310,  esp.  pp.  304-5). 
He  shows  that  nexum  in  Livy  has  refer- 
ence to  physical  bonds,  in  Cicero  to  a 
bond  not  physical  but  abstract,  what  we 
call  a  contract.  For  further  details  see 
Gaius,  iii.  174. 

cuiusque  .  .  .  quisque}  For  quisque  in 
both  clauses  cp.  Phil.  ii.  119,  ut  ita  cnique 
eveniat  tit  de  republica  quisque  mereatur, 


where  Mayor  quotes  from  Nagelsbar! 
(p.  297)  Off.  i.  21  ;  Rep.  iii.  18  ;  Fin.  iv. 
33.  He  notices  also  that  where  there  is 
but  one  quisque,  it  is  generally  in  th< 
relative  clause  in  Latin  ;  with  us  it  is 
in  the  demonstrative  clause. 

3.  maximo     meo     beneficio     est]     ThisJ 
strange  ablative  of  quality  is  also  found 
in  Phil.  viii.  18,  negat  se  illi  amicum  esse- 
debere ;  cum  tuo  magno  es.tel  benejicio  venit 
eum  contra  se,  '  Antony   had   taken  part 
against  him,  though  under  great  obliga- 
tions to  him.'  In  both  places  Wesenbei 
would    supply    usus.     In    our    passage 
Cratander    has    supplied   affectus.     It  is 
certainly  a  much  stranger  ablative  than*' 
magna  gloria  esse,  and  the  like,  quoted  by  j 
Madv.   272,  obs.  2,  or  even  than  Q,.  FrJ 
iii.  3,  4  (151),  summo  studio  rhetoris,  for, 
which  hns  been  proposed  summe  studiosus~\ 
Yet  it  may  possibly   be  explained  as  a] 
tolerably  permanent  condition  of  Acilius  ;.! 
having  received  favours  from  Cicero,  he] 
is   permanently    under   an   obligation   to-] 
him.     For  unusual  ablatives  of  quality  J 
Andresen  compares,  among  others,  FamJ 
vi.  4.  4  (540),  quanto  ftterim  dolor e  ;  xiiJ 
16.  3  (736)  ;   etiam  si  odio  pari  fuerit  in' 
eos\  Att.  vi.   1.  23  (252),  nee   nulla  nee\ 
magna  spe  sumus ;  Fam.  v.  2.  4  (14)  sena- 
tus  consultum  ea  praescriptione  est.     Wei 
may   add  Sest.  27  qui  mutata  veste  non( 
erat :  Nepos   Hannih.    2   numqitam  par\ 
periculo  Carthago  fuerat. 

rebus salvis]  '  successfully,'  or  4  without, 
loss,'  lit.  '  his  fortunes  being  safe.  Thiil 
has  been  interpreted  to  mean  '  when  the  j 
republic  still  existed,'  but  then  an  adjec- 
tive signifying  '  public  '  would  have  been 
required  with  rebus. 


EP.  695  (FAM.  XIII.  50).  23.1 


695.     CICERO  TO  MARCUS  ACILIUS  CANINUS. 
(FAM.  xiii.  50). 

ROME  (?)  ;   JANUARY  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  ;    AKT.  CIC.  62. 

M.  Cicero  Acilio  Achaeae  proconsul!  commendat  M'.  Curium,  Patris  negotiantem. 

CICERO  S.  D.  ACILIO. 

1.  Sumpsi  hoc  mihi  pro  tua  in  me  observantia,  quam  penitus 
perspexi  quam  diu  Brundisi  fuiraus,  ut  ad  te  familiariter  et  quasi 
pro  meo  iure  scriberem,  si  quae  res  esset  de  qua  valde  laborarem. 
M'.  Curius,  qui  Patris  negotiatur,  ita  mihi  familiaris  est  ut  nihil 
possit  esse  coniunctius.  Multa  illius  in  me  offioia,  multa  in  illurn 
mea,  quodque  maximum  est,  summus  inter  nos  amor  et  mutuus. 
2.  Quae  cum  ita  sint,  si  ullam  in  amicitia  mea  spem  liabes,  si  ea, 
quae  in  me  officia  et  studia  Brundisi  contulisti,  vis  mihi  etiam 
gratiora  efficere — quamquam  sunt  gratissima — si  me  a  tuis  omnibus 
amari  vides,  hoc  mihi  da  atque  largire  ut  M*.  Curium  sartum  et 
tectum,  ut  aiunt,  ab  omnique  iucommodo,  detrimento,  molestia 
sincerum  integrurnque  conserves.  Et  ipse  spondeo  et  omnes  hoc 
tibi  tui  pro  me  recipient,  ex  mea  amicitia  et  ex  tuo  in  me  officio 
maximum  te  fructum  summamque  voluptatem  esse  capturum. 
Vale. 

ACILIO]     So  we  read  with  all  editors  nostra   coniunctius.     The    reading  of   D 

since  Lullemand.    The  MSS.  give  ATCTO.  and  H  renders  this  clever  conjecture  no 

But  Cicero  could  not    in    this   letter  be  longer  necessary. 

recommending    Curius  to  anyone  except  2.  si  ea  .  .  .  gratissima]  '  if  you  wish 

the  governor  of  Achaea;  and  the  governor  to  lay  me  under  a  greater  obligation  of 

at  this  time  was  M.  Acilius  Caninus:  cp.  gratitude  for  all  the  favours  and  services 

note  to  682.  you    have     done    me    at     Brundisium, 

1.  Brundisi}  in  706  (48)  and  707  (47).  though  that  obligation  is  supreme.' 

pro  meo  iure]     «  \vith  a  right  to  do  so':  sartum  et   tectutn]     '  right  and  tight,' 

cp.  694.  3.  the  regular  phrase  for  buildings  when  in 

laborarem]     '  I  was  very  anxious.'  a  good  state  of  repair  :  cp.  note  to  Fam. 

coniunctius']      So    D  :    coniuncius  H  ;  xiii.  11.  1  (452).     For  the  metaphorical 

coniunctio    M ;    hence    Lehmann  (p.  90)  use  of  the  expression  cp.    Plaut.  Trin. 

conjectured  «£  nihil  possit  eise  <coniunc-  317,  sarta  tecta  tua  praecepta  usque  habui. 

titis  quam  nostra>   coniunctio,  comparing  Usually  et  is  omitted. 

Fam.  xiii.  19.   1  (518)  familiaritas  .   .  .  sincerum       inteyrumque] .   'clear     and 

aic    est  aucta    ut  nihil  sit   familiaritate  safe.' 


232 


EP.  696  (FAM.   V.  10). 


696.    VATINIUS  TO  CICERO  (FAM.  v.  10). 

IsARONA  ;    JANUARY  (EN1))  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44  *,    AET.  CIC.  62. 

P.  Vatinius  scribit  de  Dionysio  servo  fugitive,  de  Catilio  pirata  capto,  de  rebwj 
gestis  suis,  de  decernendis  supplicationibus. 

VATINIUS  CICERONI  SUO  SAL. 

1.  S.  V.  B.  E.  E.  Q.  V.  De  Dionysio  tuo  adhuc  nihil  extrico, 
et  eo  minus  quod  me  frigus  Dalmaticum,  quod  illinc  eiecit,  etiam 
hie  refrigeravit ;  sed  tamen  non  desistain  quin  ilium  aliquando 
eruam.  Sed  tamen  omnia  mihi  dura  imperas :  de  Catilio  nescio 
quid  ad  me  scripsisti  deprecationis  diligentissiraae.  Apage  te  cum 
nostro  Sex.  Servilio  ;  nam  mebercule  ego  quoque  ilium  amo  :  sed 
huiusce  modi  vos  clientis,  huius  modi  causas  recipitis  ?  hominem 
unum  omnium  orudelissimum,  qui  tot  ingenuos,  matresfamilias, 
civis  Komanos  occidit,  abripuit,  disperdidit,  regiones  vastavit? 
Simius,  non  semissis  homo,  contra  me  arma  tulit,  et  eum  bello  cepi. 


1.  S.  V.  B.  E.  E.  Q.  V.}  =  si  vales  bene 
est,  ego  quoque  (or  quideni)  valeo. 

extrico~\  a  word  of  common  life — 
'hunt  up,'  'fish  out.'  It  is  used  in 
Plaut.  (Epid.  152)  and  Horace  (Sat.  i.  3, 
88)  of  raising »  money  with  difficulty, 
'  screw  out.'  Properly  it  means  to  get 
clear  of  toils  or  snares,  Hor.  Carm.  iii.  5. 
31. 

illinc  eiecif}  cp.  678,  ex  qua  me  nives, 
frigora,  imbres  detruserunt. 

refrigeravit]  '  has  frozen  me  up  here 
again.' 

non  desistain  quin~\  For  this  construc- 
tion Schmalz  (Lie  Latinitdt  des  P.  Vati- 
nius, p.  14)  compares  Plaut.  Rud.  228, 
neque,  si  vivit,  earn  viva  nmquam  quin 
inveniam  desistam.  Cicero  uses  the  in- 
finitive after  non  desistere  (cp.  676.  1, 
nunquam  destili  pracdicare),  as  does 
Caesar. 

aliquando']  Boot  (Obs.  Grit.  p.  10)  sug- 
gests, with  much  probability,  alicunde ; 
cp.  608.  3  sicunde. 

Catilio']  sometimes  printed  C.  Atilio. 
He  was  probably  a  pirate ;  but  we  do  not 
hear  of  him  elsewhere.  Shuckburgh 
thinks  he  may  have  been  an  old  Pompeian 
officer  who  took  to  piracy.  His  former 
position  may  perhaps  account  for  his 


having  received  a  regular  trial.  We  do  not 
know  anything  further  about  Sex.  Ser- 
vilius.  The  praenomen,  Dr.  Reid  tells  us, 
is  not  elsewhere  found  in  the  Servilian 
family. 

deprecationis  diligentissimae}  '  most 
earnest  appeal  for  mercy.' 

matresfamilias}  So  MR ;  but  G  has 
patresfamilias.  We  felt  inclined  to  read 
the  latter,  as  the  passage  would  then 
make  a  good  climax,  'free-born  men, 
heads  of  houses,  Roman  citizens ' ;  bun 
the  collocation  of  ingenui  and  tnatres- 
familias  is  found  in  Verr.  iv.  116,  initto 
adhibitam  vim  ingenuis,  matresfamilias 
violatas. 

occidit,  abripuit,  disperdidit]  '  killed, 
raped,  ruined ' ;  occidit  seems  to  refer 
specially  to  civis  Romanos,  abripuit  to 
matresfamilias t  disperdidit  to  ingennos. 
The  dis-  is  intensive,  as  in  dispereo:  cp. 
Conington  ad  Verg.  Eel.  iii.  27,  solebat 
Stridenti  miserum  stipula  disperdere  car- 
men. Such  forms  as  disperii,  discupiot 
distaedet  belong  to  every-day  life,  which 
is  always  fond  of  exaggerations ;  see 
Wagner  on  Plaut.  Aul.  p.  108  :  cp.  dis- 
suaviabor  in  Q.  Cic.  Fam.  xvi.  27.  2 
(815). 

Simius,  non  semissis  homo}     *  an  ape- 


EP.  696  (FAM.    V.  10). 


233 


2.  Sed  tamen,  mi  Cicero,  quid  facere  possum  ?  omnia  mehercule 
cupio  quae  tu  mihi  imperas ;  meam  animadversionem  et  suppli- 
cium,  quo  usurus  eram  in  eum  quern  cepissem,  remitto  tibi  et 
condono :  quid  illis  respondere  possum  qui  sua  bona  direpta, 
navis  expugnatas,  fratres,  liberos,  parentis  occisos  actione  expos- 
tulant  ?  Si  mehercules  Appi  os  haberem,  in  cuius  locum  suffectus 
sum,  tameu  hoc  sustinere  non  possem.  Quid  ergo  est?  Faciam 
omnia  sedulo  quae  te  sciam  velle.  Defenditur  a  U.  Volusio, 
tuo  discipulo,  si  forte  ea  res  poterit  adversaries  fugare ;  in  eo 
maxima  spes  est.  3.  Nos,  si  quid  erit  istic  opus,  defendes. 
Caesar  adlmc  mihi  iniuriam  facit ;  de  meis  supplicationibus  et 


like  creature  not  worth  a  half -penny.' 
There  is  a  sort  of  paranomasia  on  the 
words.  For  semissis  cp.  Persius  v.  76, 
non  tressis  agaso;  for  the  genitive  cp. 
Plaut.  True.  611,  hominem  non  nauci; 
Poen.  381,  homo  trioboli :  for  simius,  as  a 
term  of  abuse,  cp.  Hor.  Sat.  i.  10.  18, 
Fam.  viii.  12.  2  (270) :  simiolus  Fam.  vii. 
2.  3  (182). 

2.  meam  .  .  .  condono']  l  the  punish- 
ment and  penalty  which  I  intended  to 
inflict  on  my  captive  I  give  up  and  remit 
at  your  request.' 

qui  sua  .  .  .  expos  tulant~\  Krause  and 
"Wes.  read  <ob>  sua  bona,  and  this  we 
adopted  in  our  former  ed.  But  Dr.  Reid 
has  convinced  us  that  we  should  not  add 
ob,  but  read  actione  ('  by  legal  procedure ' 
which  had  been  opened,  cp.  defenditur  a 
Volusio},  or  perhaps  <hac>  actione,  expos- 
tulant.  Cicero  would  probably  have  used 
txpostulare  with  de :  cp.  Fam.  v.  2.  9 
(14);  iii.  10.  6  (261).  For  expostulate 
with  ace.  cp.  Ter.  Andr.  639,  adeamne 
ad  eum  et  cum  eo  iniuriam  hanc  expos- 
tulem.  Orelli  too  boldly  alters  actiones 
into  a  Catilio.  Schmalz  (p.  15)  notices 
that  Orelli's  reading  may  be  paralleled 
by  Plaut.  Mil.  697  Turn  obstetrix  expostu- 
lavit  mecum  parum  missum  sibi. 

mehercule&\  M  reads  mercules :  but  we 
do  not  know  of  any  other  case  where  the 
contracted  mercules  occurs,  though  mer- 
eule  seems  to  be  often  found  :  cp.  Neue- 
Wagener  ii.  991.  For  the  form  meher- 
cules (see  Adn.  Grit.),  which  is  less 
elegant  than  mehercule,  cp.  Cic.  Orat.  157. 
Cicero  himself  occasionally  uses  it.  Sir  J. 
•Sandys  quotes  five  examples  from  the 
speeches:  but  Fam.  x,  18.  3  (870)  is  by 
Plancus.  It  is  often  found  in  the  letters 
of  Cicero's  correspondents,  e.g.  Plancus  : 


cp.  Farn.  x.  11.  3  (848)  ;  Cassius,  xv.  19, 
3  (542)  ;  Asinius  Pollio,  x.  32.  4  (896). 
It  may  be  noticed  that  mehercule  never 
stands  at  the  beginning  of  a  sentence. 

App\\  most  probably  Appi  us  Claudius 
Pulcher,  whom  Cicero  succeeded  in  the 
government  of  Cilicia,  but  who  had 
perished  in  the  Civil  War.  Vatinius  had 
stood  for  the  augurate  in  59  :  cp.  Att.  ii. 
9.  2  (36) ;  but  seems  not  to  have  obtained 
it  until  the  death  of  Appius  Claudius 
(early  in  48). 

Quid  ergo  est  ?~]  '  what  is  to  be  done 
then?'  cp.  1'am.  ix.  15.  5  (481);  viii. 
12.  2  (279) ;  x.  23.  1  (895) ;  a  phrase 
from  the  language  of  ordinary  life. 
Schmalz  (p.  24)  adds  Petron.  31, 'where 
Friedlander  quotes  many  passages  from 
Seneca,  e.g.  De  Vita  Beata  25  (in  which 
chapter  it  occurs  several  times).  This  is 
an  instance  of  the  way  private  influence 
was  brought  to  bear  on  a  provincial 
governor,  and  is  not  very  creditable  to 
Cicero. 

Q.  Volttsio"]  He  was  with  Cicero  in 
Cilicia,  and  was  sent  by  him  into  Cyprus 
to  hold  an  assize  there.  Cicero  says  lie 
was  certus  homo  sed  mirifice  etiam  ab- 
stinens,  Att.  v.  21.  6  (250) :  cp.  Fam.  v. 
20.  3  (302). 

3.  Caesar  adhuc  mihi  iniuriam  facit~\ 
Schmidt  (p.  361)  notes  that  feelings  of 
unfair  treatment  like  this  must  have  led 
some  of  Caesar's  generals  and  other 
officials  to  join  in  the  conspiracy. 

siipplicationibus']  cp.  Ep.  678.  A 
stipplicatio  hud  been  granted  to  Vatinius 
in  September ;  but  apparently  no  arrange- 
ments [had  been  made  as  regards  the 
details  of  its  celebration,  nor  did  Caesar 
take  any  steps  towards  bringing  before 
the  Senate  the  consideration  of  these 


234 


EP.  697  (FAM.   VII.  31}. 


rebus  gestis  Dalmaticis  adhuc  non  refert,  quasi  vero  non  iustissimi 
triumph!  in  Dalmatia  res  gesserim  !  nara  si  hoc  exspectandum 
est  dum  totum  bellum  conficiam,  viginti  oppida  sunt  Dalmatii 
antiqua;  quae  ipsi  sibi  adsciverunt  arnplius  sexaginta:  haec  nisi 
omnia  expugno,  si  mihi  supplicationes  non  decernuntur,  longe 
alia  condicione  ego  sum  ac  ceteri  imperatores. 


697.    CICERO  TO  CURIUS  AT  PATRAE  (FAM.  vii.  31). 
ROME;  FEBRUARY;  A.  u.  c.  710;  B.  c.  44  ;  AET.  cic.  62. 

Invitat  M.  Cicero  M'.  Curium  ad  mutua  officia  et  ut  in  urbem  veteris  urbanitat 
tuendae  causa  redeat  rogat. 

CICERO  CURIO  S.  D. 
1.  Facile  perspexi  ex  tuis  litteris,  quod  semper  studui,  et  me  a 
te  plurimi  fieri  et  te  intellegere  quam  mihi  carus  esses ;  quod 
quoniam  uterque  nostrum  consecutus  est,  reliquum  est  ut  officiis 
certemus  inter  uos,  quibus  aequo  animo  vel  vincam  te  vel  vincar 
abs  te.  Acilio  non  fuisse  necesse  meas  dari  litteras  facile  patior. 


points.  Vatinius  was  annoyed  at  this,  and 
also  that  his  subsequent  '  Dalmatian 
exploits '  in  November  and  December 
were  not  discussed,  nor  what  he  considered 
a  fitting  reward  for  them  (i.e.  a  triumph), 
voted  to  him.  We  know  that  about  this 
time  a  triumph  not  infrequently  followed 
hard  upon  a  supplicatio  :  cp.  Fain.  xv.  5. 
2  (266)  neque  supplicationem  seqnitur 
temper  triumphus. 

rebus  gestis  Dalmaticis]  In  good  prose 
the  only  adjectives  used  with  res  gestae 
are  those  expressive  of  magnitude,  e.  g. 
memorabiles  or  praeclarae  or  the  like. 
Vatinius  should  have  said  in  Dalmatia : 
cp.  Sail.  Jug.  30.  1,  res  in  Africa  gestae  ; 
Liv.  xxx,  17.  12,  rernm  gestarum  prospere 
in  Africa.  In  Fronto,  p.  220  (Naber)  we 
find  in  rebus  gestis  Eomanis,  where  he 
should  have  said  a  Romania:  cp.  Schmalz, 
pp.  20,  21. 

iustissimi  triumphi]  For  a  lengthy  dis- 
cussion on  the  conditions  necessary  to 
qualify  for  a  triumph,  see  Mommsen,  St. 
R.  i2.  124-133  ;  one  of  the  principal  con- 
ditions was  that  5000  of  the  enemy  should 
have  fallen  in  one  battle  (Val.  Max.  ii.  8, 
1).  For  this  genitive  of  quality,  cp. 
Diager  i.  461,  who  quotes  Rose.  Am.  17, 
plurimarnm  palmarttm  vetus  gladiator : 


Fain.  ix.  26.  4  (479),  non  multi  cibi  hos-, 
pitem  accipies,  multi  ioci.  Landgraf  no- 
tices that  as  classical  Latin  did  not  favour 
compound  adjectives—  though  popular 
language  did,  cp.  multibibus  (Plaut.  )  :  multi- 
scius  (Apul.)  —  the  want  was  supplied  by  the- 
genitive  of  quality.  Thus  Rose.  Am.  17 
plwimarum  palmarum  =  iroAvorTe^TJs  : 
Att.  xiii.  29.  1  (604)  Cornificia  vetula, 
Kane  et  multarum  nuptiarum  —  vo\vyaja.os: 
Hor.  Carm.  iii.  9.  7  multi  Lydia  nominis  =  ' 


quae  ipsi  sibi  adsciveruni]  The  antece- 
dent to  quae  is  probably  sexaginta,  and  the 
translation  is,  '  there  are  twenty  ancient 
towns  in  Dalmatia  ;  those  which  they  have 
joined  to  themselves  are  more  than  sixty*  — 
an  asyndeton  which  may,  however,  be 
tolerated  in  Vatinius.  These  cities  appear 
to  have  formed  a  league.  The  cities  of 
the  region  near  to  which  the  Aetolian 
League  had  formerly  flourished  had  a 
strong  gravitation  towards  one  another. 

ac  ceteri}  Cicero  would  hardly  have 
used  ac  before  a  word  beginning  with  a 
guttural. 

1.  meas"]  i.e.  695. 

facile  patior']  *  I  am  glad,'  cp.  note  to 
590.  1. 


EP.  697  (FAM.    VI I.  31}. 


235 


2.  Sulpici  tibi  operam  intellego  ex  tuis  litteris  non  multura  opus 
fuisse  propter  tuas  res  ita  contractas  ut,  quern  ad  modum  scribis, 
1  nee  caput  nee  pedes':  equidem  vellem  uti  pedes  haberent,  ut 
aliquando  redires.  Yides  enim  exaruisse  iam  veterem  urbanita- 
tem,  ut  Pomponius  noster  suo  iure  possit  dicere, 

*  Nisi  nos  pauci  retineamus  gloriam  antiquam  Atticam.' 

Ergo  is  tibi,  nos  ei  succedimus.  Yeni  igitur,  quaeso,  ne  tarnen 
semen  urbanitatis  una  cum  re  p.  intereat. 


2.  Sulpici  .  .  .  intereat]  '  I  perceive 
from  your  letters  that  you  did  not  to  any 
considerable  extent  require  the  services  of 
Sulpicius  owing  to  the  inchoate  nature  of 
your  business  contracts,  which,  as  you 
say,  have  neither  head  nor  foot.  I  wish 
they  had  feet,  that  you  might  come 
buck  some  time  or  other.  For  you  see  that 
the  fountain  of  our  old  wit  has  quite  run 
dry ;  so  that  our  good  Pomponius  has 
every  right  to  say  —  Unless  we  few 
supported  still  the  .Attic  fame  of  yore. 
Well,  then,  he  takes  your  place  (when 
you  are  absent),  and  I  take  his  (when  he 
is  absent).  Come  then,  I  beg  of  you, 
lest,  after  all,  the  very  seed  of  wit  perish 
along  with  the  freedom  of  the  state  ! '  For 
opus  fuisse  used  -with  a  subject,  cp.  Fam. 
ii.  6.  4  (177),  dux  nobis  et  auctor  opus  est, 
where  see  other  examples.  Though  res  con- 
tractae  is  the  regular  Latin  for  '  contracts ' 
(see  Holden  on  Off.  i.  15),  there  can  be 
little  doubt  that  here  contractas  means 

reduced  in  extent.' 
'  nee  caput  nee  pedes1']  For  this  proverb, 

ivbich  implies  that  the  thing  in  question 
has  no  organic  unity,  but  is  in  such  a 
state  of  confusion  that  we  can  make 
neither  head  nor  tail  of  it,  cp.  Plaut.  Asin. 
728,  Leon.  Ego  caput  argento  fui  huic 
hodie  reperiundo.  Li.  Ego  pes  fui.  Arg. 
,Qnin  nee  caput  nee  pes  sermoni  adpn- 
ret:  Capt.  614;  Hor.  A.  P.  7,  vanae  ftn~ 
guntur  species  ut  nee  pes  nee  caput  uni 
reddatur  formae  \  Liv.  Epit.  50,  Cum  tres 
legati  ad  pacem  inter  Nicomeden  et  Pru- 
siam  faciendum  ab  liomanis  missi  essent, 
cum  unus  ex  Us  caput  multis  cicatricibus 
sparsum  haberet,  alter  pedibus  aeger  esset, 
tertius  ingenio  socors  haberttur,  dixit  Cato 
earn  legaiionem  nee  caput  nee  pedes  nee  cor 
ihabere  :  cp.  nee  cor  nee  caput  habet,  Senec. 


Apoeol.  8,  and  Plat.  Phaedr.  264  C,  5e^ 
irdvTa  \6yov  Siffirep  £(fov  vvvearavai  ffeafjia, 


avrov,  HTTC  ^UTJTC  /C€- 
*pa\ov  elvai  [j.i)T€  &TTOVV,  ctAAa  jue'<ra  re 
fXeiv  /cc»  aKpa  Tcpf-irour'  aAArjAois  Kal  T(JJ 
o\cf  yeypafj.fj.eva  with  Thompson's  note. 
Nee  caput  nee  pedes  habeat,  in  the  old  for- 
mula of  exorcism  quoted  by  Pliny  H.  N. 
xxvii.  131,  seems  to  mean  '  may  it  perish.' 

Pomponius']  Dr.  Reid  has*  shown  us 
that  this  cannot  be  Pomponius,  the  writer 
of  Atellamie,  for  he  flourished  about  90  B.C.  : 
and  is  and  ei  in  the  next  sentence  must 
refer  to  some  one  living.  The  addition  of 
noster  too  is  proof  tt  at  Atticus  is  meanU 
When  Curius  left  Rome,  Atticus  was  the 
best  representative  of  the  true  Attic  wit, 
and  Cicero  came  next  to  Atticus.  For 
L.  Pomponius  Bononiensis,  the  writer  of 
Atellanae,  cp.  Veil.  ii.  9.  6  (Pomponium) 
sensibus  celebrem,  verbis  rudem  et  novitate 
inventi  a  se  operis  commendabilem,  and 
Teuffel,  §  151.  4.  His  fragments  are 
collected  in  Ribbeck  Com.  pp.  225-254 
(ed.  2). 

suo  iure~]  *  as  he  has  a  right  to  do  '  r 
cp.  Fin.  v.  4,  Pomponius  (i.e.  Atticus} 
.  .  .  iocari  videtur  et  fortasse  suo  iure. 
'  Nisi  nos  .  .  .  Atticam~]  a  troch.  tetram., 
possibly,  but  not  necessarily,  by  the  poet 
Pomponius  :  cp.  Ribbeck,  p.  253. 

tibf]  ep.  Att.  vii.  2.  3  (293),  et  meher- 
cule  est  quam  facile  diligas  avrtixQuv  in 
homine  (sc.  Curius)  urbanitas. 

tamen~]  'for  all  that,'  i.e.  though  a 
small  remnant  of  the  old  humour  still 
remains  which  may  be  used  as  seed  for  a 
new  crop,  there  is  danger  that  it  may 
perish  from  out  of  Rome  unless  you 
return.  There  is  no  need  to  alter  to- 
either  tan  turn  or  etiam. 


236 


EP.  698  (FAM.  XII. 


698. 


CICERO  TO  QUINTUS  CORNIFICIUS  IN  AFRIC, 
(FAM.  xii.  21). 


HOME 


;  SPRING  ;  A.  u.  c.  710 ;  B.  c.  44 ;  AET.  cic.  62. 


M.  Cicero  Q.  Corniftcio  C.   Anicium   sen-itorem  eiusque  negotia  et  dignitatei 
commendat. 

CICERO  CORNIFICIO. 

C.  Anicius,  familiaris  raeus,  vir  omnibus  rebus  ornatus,  nego- 
tiorum  suorum  causa  legatus  est  in  Africam  legatione  libera  :  eui 
velim  rebus  omnibus  adiuves  operamque  des  ut  quam  commo- 
dissime  sua  negotia  conficiat ;  in  primisque,  quod  ei  carissimum 
est,  dignitatem  eius  tibi  commendo,  idque  a  te  peto,  quod  ipse  in 
provincia  facere  sum  solitus  non  rogatus,  ut  omnibus  senatoribus 
lictores  darem ;  quod  idem  acceperam  et  id  cognoveram  a  summis 
viris  factitatum.     Hoc  igitur,  mi  Cornifici,  facies  ceterisque  rebus 
omnibus  eius  dignitati  reique,  si  me  amas,  consules  :  erit  id  mih 
gratissimum.     Da  operam  ut  valeas. 


As  this  letter  appears  to  have  heen 
written  towards  the  beginning  of  the 
governorship  of  Cornificius  in  Africa,  we 
have  placed  it  here  with  Schmidt  (p.  431). 

C.  Anicius]  Cicero  was  on  very  good 
terms  with  this  Anicius.  *  We  must  see,' 
he  says  to  Quintus,  ii.  8.  3  (123),  'about 
putting  Marius  up  at  the  house  of 
Anicius  ' :  and  Anicius  was  spectator  of 
the  consequences  which  befell  Cicero  after 
his  vegetarian  diet  at  the  inaugural 
dinner-party  given  by  Lentulus  :  cp.  Fam. 
vii.  26.  2  (94),  vidit  enim  me  nauseantem. 
As  only  a  senator  could  be  granted  a 
libera  leffatio,  Anicius  must  have  been  a 
senator. 


legatione   libera"]      cp.  note  to   Att.    : 
1.  2  (10). 

ut  .  .  .  lictores  dareni]    It  was  usual  for 
those  who  obtained  a  libera  legatio  to  b 
granted  lictors;  but  not  even  the  regular 
legati   of  a  provincial  governor    had  i 
strictness  a  right  to  them :  cp.  Fam.  xi 
30.    7    (899),   and  Mommsen,   St.  R.  ij 
370,  note  6. 

quod    idem     acceperani]    '  I    got     thi 
privilege    myself.'     We  do  not  know  th 
occasion  to  which  Cicero  refers :  it  ma 
have  been  that  mentioned  in  Att.  i.  1. 
(10).     For  quod  idem,  cp.  Fin.  iii.  24. 


PART    IX. 


EXCISA  EST  ARBOR,  WON  EVULSA.     ITAUUE  QUAM  FRUTICETUR 

VIDES. 


PART    IX. 


LETTERS  FROM  THE  ASSASSINATION  OF  CAESAR  TO  CICERO'S 
RETURN  TO  ROME  TO  COPE  WITH  ANTONY. 

EPP.  699-786. 


A.  u.  C.  710 

B.  c. 44 

AET.  CIC.  62 


EPP.  699,  700  (FAM.   VI.  15;  FAM.  XL  1}  241 


699.     CICERO  TO  BASILUS  (FAM.  vi.  15). 

IOME  ;  PROBABLY  IDES  OF  MARCH  ;    A.  U.  C.    710  J    B.  C.  44  J  AET.  CIC.  62. 

iif.  Cicero  L.  Minucio  Basilo  Idibus  Martiis,  ut  videtur,  animo  commotus  gratulatur. 
CICERO  BASILO  SAL. 

Tibi  gratulor,  mihi  gaudeo  ;  te  amo,  tua  tueor ;  a  te  amari  et 
[uid  agas  quidque  agatur  certior  fieri  volo. 


'00.      DECIMUS    BEUTUS    TO    M.    BRUTUS    AND    C. 

CASSIUS  (FAM.  xi.  i). 

iROME  ;    MARCH  17  (MORNING)  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.    CIC.    62. 
Deoimus  Brutus  sermones  cum  Hirtio  a.d.  xvii  et  xvi  K.  Ap.  habitos  exponit. 
D.  BRUTUS  BRUTO  SUO  ET  CASSIO  SAL. 

1.  Quo  in  statu  simus  cognoscite  :  heri  vesperi  apud  me  Hir- 
ius  fuit ;  qua  mente  esset  Antonius  demonstravit,  pessima  scilicet 


L.  Minucius  Basil  us  bad  been  one  of 
'aesar's  principal  officers  in  Gaul  (B.  G. 
|  i.  29,  30  ;  vii.  90),  but  afterwards  joined 
he  conspiracy  against  him  (App.  B.  C.  ii. 
13)  because  Caesar  did  not  give  him  a 
rovince,  but  only  made  him  a  grant  of 
loney  in  return  for  his  services  (Dio  Cass. 
liii.  47.  5).  He  took  part  in  the  murder, 
triking  wildly  in  his  excitement  (Nic. 
)amasc.  24  fin.).  In  47  Cicero  had  asked 
itticus  to  write  to  Basilus  in  his  behalf, 
at.  xi.  5.  3  (416).  Basilus  was  sub- 
equently  killed  by  some  slaves  whom  he 
iad  punished  by  mutilation  (App.  B.  C. 
ii.  98).  The  Basilus  who  is  mentioned 
a  Off.  iii.  74  and  Phil.  ii.  107,  was 
'robably  a  different  man  from  Cicero's 
orrespondent. 

This  little  note  was  probably  written, 
s  is  generally  held,  on  the  Ides  of  March 
o  Basilus,  who  may  have  given  Cicero 
he  first  news  of  the  assassination,  and 
rhom  Cicero  in  his  first  excitement  con- 
;ratulated  individually  (hence  tibi,  not 
obis)  in  a  tone  of  unwonted  delight.  But 

VOL.   V. 


we  readily  allow  to  Prof.  Merrill  (Classical 
Philology,  viii.  48-56)  that  this  is  only  a 
conjecture,  and  is  by  no  means  proved  to 
be  a  certainty.  He  would  refer  it  rather 
to  Sept.  47,  when  Basilus  may  have  done 
Cicero  service  in  securing  Caesar's  good- 
will. 

Tibi  gratulor}  «  Congratulations !  De- 
lighted. My  dear  Basilus,  I  am  wholly 
at  your  service.  I  want  you  to  be  the 
same  to  me  and  to  be  informed  what  you 
are  doing  and  what  is  being  done.'  The 
unusual  mihi  (dat.  comm.)  after  gaudeo 
is  due  to  a  desire  to  have  an  antithesis  to 
Tibi.  Tua  tueor  is  probably  a  general 
expression  of  interest  felt  towards  Basilus, 
and  does  not  refer  to  any  special  matters 
in  which  Cicero  was  acting  in  his  behalf. 

quid  agas  quidque  agatur}  cp.  708  fin. 


We  must  account  for  this  letter's  having 
found  its  way  into  Cicero's  correspondence 
by  the  fact  that  he  maintained  an  intimate 
connexion  with  the  conspirators  during 

Q 


242 


EP.  700  (FAM.  XL  1). 


et  infidelissima.   Nam  se  neque  mihi  provinoiam  dare  posse  aiel 
neque  arbitrari  tuto  in  urbe  esse  quern quam  nostrum  ;  adeo 
militum  concitatos  animos  et  plebis :  quod  utrumque  esse  falsi 
puto  vos  animadvertere  atque   illud  esse   verum,  quod  Hirtii 
demonstrabat,  timere  eum  ne,  si  mediocre  auxilium    dignitai 


the  weeks  immediately  succeeding  the 
murder  of  Caesar  ;  and  that  they  probably 
sent  him  copies  of  letters  which  they  consi- 
dered important  :  cp.  740.  Abeken(p.  387) 
points  out  that  this  document  is  interest- 
ing as  showing  the  difficulties  in  which 
the  tyrannicides  found  themselves  involved 
immediately  after  the  deed  was  done,  and 
the  lack  of  foresight  which  they  displayed 
in  not  having  arranged  a  definite  line  of 
policy  to  pursue  when  their  main  design 
had  been  accomplished. 

JEluete  (pp.  16,  17)  thinks  that  this  letter 
was  written  immediately  after  the  funeral 
of  Caesar.  That  is  improbable,  as  there  is 
not  a  word  about  the  state  of  frenzied  ex- 
citement into  which  the  mob  was  worked 
by  that  event.  0.  E.  Schmidt,  on  the 
contrary,  has  proved  (N.  Jahrb.  fur  Phil. 
cxxix.  (1884),  pp.  334-7)  that  this  letter 
was  written  on  the  morning  of  March  17 
before  the  meeting  of  the  Senate  in  the 
Temple  of  Tellus,  at  which  '  amnesty  ' 
was  granted  to  the  tyrannicides  :  for  (1) 
after  that  meeting  D.  Brutus  could  not 
have  written  §  2  paullo  postfuturum  puto 
ut  hastes  iudicemur.  Again  (2),  Nie. 
Damascenus,  chap.  27,  §  6,  mentions  a 
conference  held  by  Antony  and  his  party 
on  the  16th  before  the  amnesty,  in  which 
conference  Hirtius  took  part,  and  to 
which  reference  is  plainly  made  in  this 
letter.  He  says  —  ol  oe  irepl  'A.VT&IHOV 
•jrplv  fjLfV  irapaffKevaaaffdai  Sieirpefffievovro 
Kal  8ic\fyovro  ro?s  ev  Kairir<i>\icf>  .  .  .  irpw- 
rov  5'  ev  fftpiffi  £ovAV  vpovdeffav  oirusxP'h 
*Xeiv  """P^s  rovs  o~<payeas,  o~vyKa\effavres 
rovs  <pi\ovs'  ruvSe  AeVtSos  fJifv  a7re^)7j- 
va.ro  yvu/j.ijv  TroA.e/xeTi'  avriKpvs  avrovs  Kal 
ri/j.wpe1v  Kaiaapi.  "iprios  Se  8ia\fyeo~0ai 
Kal  <pi\iav  riQeo-Qai'  &\\os  Se  r^v  evav- 
riav  elire  rep  Atiriocp  irpoff6e/Jievos  us  Kal 
avoaiov  e"n)  irepiopav  vfjiroivov  rbv  Kaiffapos 
<p6vov  Kal  avrols  ueWoi  OVK  ao~<pa\es,  offoi 
tKeivci)  %o~av  <t>i\oi.  Kal  yap  el  ev  r£ 
ot  aurJ^ctpes,  etXAa 


ye 

[cp.  §  1~|.  '  AVTWVIOS  Se  TTJ  'Iprtov 
irpovde/jievos  yv<t>rV  ff^^eiv  avrovs  fj£iov 
?l<rav  5'  Oi  airoTrffj.il/aadai  irapaKe\ev6- 
fjLfvoi  e~K  rrjs  rr6\eus  viroo"ir6vo'ovs  [cp. 
§  2].  It  cannot  have  been  written  on  the 


morning  of  the  16th,  for  the  conspirat 
would  not  have  been  reduced  to  si 
perplexity  until  after  the  failure  of 
speech  of  M.  Brutus  to  the  people  on  tl 
16th,  and  besides  Antony  could  not  _ 
sibly  have  been  able  to  take  such  a  stronj 
attitude  towards  D.  Brutus  until  he  h 
had  the  night  of  the  15th  and  the  wholl 
of  the  16th  to  see  the  forces  availabll 
against  the  conspirators.  D.  Brutus  (whl 
appears  to  have  returned  from  the  CapitJ 
to  his  own  house  during  the  16th)  WM 
informed  by  Hirtius  about  this  conference! 
and  seems  to  have  approved  of  the  plan 
suggested  that  the  tyrannicides  should 
apply  for  legationes  liberae.  On  this  sub! 
ject  he  writes  the  present  letter  to  M. 
Brutus  and  Cassius,  who  were  in  the 
Capitol,  and  suggests  a  meeting.  Bui 
before  sending  the  letter,  early  on  the 
morning  of  the  17th,  Hirtius  arrives  witl 
the  news  that  the  Senate  had  been  sum 
moned  for  that  day.  D.  Brutus  then  adds 
a  postscript  (§  6)  giving  up  his  forme! 
idea  of  applying  for  a  legatio  libera,  and 
states  that  he  intends  to  demand  that  he 
be  allowed  to  stay  in  Rome  publico  prcaw 
sidio.  Frohlich  (De  rebus  inde  a  Caesar* 
occiso  usque  ad  Senatum  Liberalibus 
turn  gestis,  1822,  p.  S9,  note  1)  seems  to 
hold  the  same  view  of  the  date  of  thil 
letter  as  Eeute  does.  Ferrero  (iii.  3171 
justly  praises  the  demonstration  by 
Schmidt  of  the  exact  date  of  this  letter! 

1.  cognoscite.~\  The  letter  is  nominally 
addressed  to  Brutus  and  Cassius :  but  reallji 
to  Brutus  (cp.  §§  3  tui  consili :  4  Pro  CasstM 
et  te),  whom  he  styles  'his  friend'  (*wo).H 

pessima  et  infidelissima]  *  most  hostilij 
and  untrustworthy.* 

provinoiam]  Gallia  Cisalpina,  to  whicnj 
Caesar  had  appointed  him  (Appian  B.  C.I 
ii.  124).  D.  Brutus  was  to  hold  the] 
consulship  in  42,  along  with  Plancns. 

quod  utrutnque"]  cp.  Fam.  xi.  10.  4J 
(854)  quod  utrumque  pessimum  est ;  Sall.l 
Cat.  5.7.  Cicero  would  have  said  ^orwwl 
utrumque. 

si  mediocre  .  .  .  relinquerentur~\  l  if  w€l 
obtained  even  a  moderate  support  for  our  I 
position,  no  part  would  be  left  for  themfl 


EP.  700  (FAM.  XL  1). 


243 


Inostrae  habuissemus,  imllae  partes  iis  in  ropublica  relinquerentur. 
12.  Cum  in  bis  angustiis  versarer,  placitum  est  mihi  ut  postularem 
legationem  liberam  mibi  reliquisque  nostris,  ut  aliqua  causa  profi- 
Iciscendi  bonesta  quaereretur.  Haec  se  impetraturum  pollicitus  est, 
Inec  tainen  impetraturum  confido :  tanta  est  hominum  insolentia 
let  nostri  iusectatio  ;  ac  si  dederint  quod  petimus,  tamen  paulo  post 
Kuturum  puto  ut  bostes  iudicemur  aut  aquaet  igni  nobis  interdicatur. 
•3.  Quid  ergo  est,  inquis,  tui  consili  ?  Dandus  est  locus  fortunae  ; 
Icedendum  ex  Italia,  migrandum  Rbodum  aut  aliquo  terrarum  arbi- 
Itror  :  si  melior  casus  f uerit,  revertemur  Romam  ;  si  mediocris,  in 
lexsilio  vivemus ;  si  pessimus,  ad  novissima  auxilia  descendemus. 
|4.  Succurret  fortasse  boc  loco  alicuivestram  cur  novissimum  tempus 


E    play  in  politics.'     For  his  of  M,  which 

impossible  in  orat.  obliq.,  we  read  iis 

ith  the  old  editors.     The  circumstance  is 

ilated  from  the  point  of  view  of  D.  Brutus 

id  not  from  that  of  Antony  :  accordingly 

is  can  be  used  for  sibi ;  cp.  Landgraf  on 

Rose.  Km.  95  ;  Reid  on  Sull.  81 ;  Wilkins 

>n  De  Orat.  i.  232.     The  usage  is  very 

ommon  in  Caesar,  B.  G.  i.  5.  4  ;  6.  3  ; 

.1.  3 ;   14.  3  ;   87.  2,  &c.  :   cp.  Drager, 

i  29  b,  pp.  73-75.    Andresen  and  Wesen- 

>erg  adopt  illis,  referring  to  illos  in  §  6  ; 

lahnt  ingeniously  proposes  suis,     This  is 

in  allowable  use  of  the  pronoun,  but  not 

10  likely  to  have  been  corrupted  into  his 

is  iis  would  have  been.     See  Adn.  Grit. 

2.  placitum   est]    for  placuit,   a   usage 
>ccasionally  found  even  in  Cicero :  e.g. 
Elep.   i.    18 ;   Verr.   iv.    1  :   cp.  Cornif. 
id  Herenn.  i.  1.  19,  Pompeius  ap.  Att. 
mi.  12  A.  4  (331),  and  see  note  on  Fam. 
mi.  4.  4  (206).     It  is  very  frequent  in 
the   comedies,  Plaut.  Amph.  prol.  106  ; 
535 ;    Hud.   187  :    cp.   Gebhard   (De  D. 
Junii  Bruti  genere  dicendi),  p.  34. 

legationem  liberam]  cp.  note  to  Att.  ii. 
L8.  3  (45).  The  principal  object  of 
D.  Brutus  in  asking  for  a  legatio  libera 
was,  as  Bardt  points  out,  to  obtain  the 
personal  security  attaching  to  a  legatus  ; 
not  merely  to  secure  the  privilege  of 
;ravelling  at  the  expense  of  the  State. 

insolentia  et  nostri  insectatio"]  l  the 
general  feeling  is  so  overbearing  and  hos- 
tile to  us.'  The  word  insectatio  is  not 
Ciceronian. 

3.  Quid  ergo  est,   inguis,   tui  consili  ?] 
cp.   Caes.    B.    G.  vii.  77.   12,  Quid  ergo 
mei  consili  est  ?  ;  i.  21.  2  ;  B.  C.  iii.  109.  3. 
Quid  esset  suaevoluntatis.     Also  Cic.  Att, 
xii.  29.  2  (565)  et  de  hac  re  quid  tui  con- 


sili est  ?  Generally  in  Cicero  the  phrase 
means  '  the  matter  is  one  for  you  to  con- 
sider': cp.  Fam.  iii.  2.  2  (183)  Quid  in 
eo  genere  ejficere  possis  tui  consili  est.  For 
the  genitive  after  the  nominative  or 
accusative  singular  of  an  adjective  of 
quantity,  or  a  pronoun,  or  nihil  cp. 
Madv.  285  b.  and  Roby  1296. 

Dandus  est  locus  fortunae]  (  we  must 
yield  to  fortune.'  For  this  use  of  dare 
locum  with  the  dative,  cp.  De  Senec.  63. 
The  more  usual  meaning  of  the  phrase  is 
'  to  give  an  opening  for ' :  cp.  Balb.  16  ; 
Quinct.  53. 

Rhodum]  a  common  resort  for  exiles  : 
cp.  Fam.  vii.  3.  5  (464)  and  note  there. 

ad  novissima  .  .  .  descendemus]  '  we  shall 
have  recourse  to  extreme  methods  of 
resistance ' :  cp.  Caes.  B.  G.  iii.  9.  3,  ad 
extremum  auxilium  descenders  ;  Fam.  x. 
33.  4  (890) ;  Att.  ix.  18.  3  (376).  D.  Brutus 
affects  this  superlative  novissimus  :  cp.  §  j 
4  and  6 ;  xi.  20.1.  (877).  Cicero  uses  it  only 
once  (Rose.  Com.  30).  Varro  (L.  L.  vi. 
59)  says  that  it  was  avoided  by  the  elders 
of  his  day  as  a  nimium  novum  verbum  :  cp. 
Gell.  x.  21.  However,  Varro  himself  uses 
it  three  times  in  his  Res  Rustica  (i.  2.  11  ; 
31.4;  64.  2).  Caesar  often  uses  it  of  the 
soldiers  in  the  rear  ranks.  "We  find  it 
used  by  some  of  the  other  correspondents 
of  Cicero,  e.g.  Galba,  Fam.  x.  30.  4 
(841):  C.  Cassius,  xii.  13.  1,  3  (901); 
Plancus,  x.  17.  3  (872);  24.  2  (916).  In 
the  last  two  passages  the  adv.  novissime  is 
found,  as  it  is  in  Sallust  (Cat.  33.  2) :  but 
it  is  not  used  by  either  Cicero  or  Caesar. 

4.  Succurret  .  .  .  moliamur']  *  there 
will  occur  to  some  of  you  at  this  point 
the  question  why  we  should  wait  for  the 
extreme  moment  rather  than  now  take 

Q2 


244 


EP.  700  (FAM.  XL  1). 


exspectemus  potius  quam  nunc  aliquid  moliamur  ?  Quia  ubi  consis- 
tamus  non  habemus  praeter  Sex.  Pompeium  et  Bassum  Caeciliuml 
qui  mihi  vddentur  hoc  nuntio  de  Caesare  adlato  firmiores  f  uturi  I 
satis  tempore  ad  eos  accedemus  ubi  quid  valeant  scierimus.  Pro 
Cassio  et  te,  si  quid  me  velitis  recipere,  recipiam  ;  postulat  enim 
hoc  Hirtius  ut  faciam.  5.  Rogo  vos  quam  primum  mihi  rescri-i 
batis ;  nam  non  dubito  quin  de  his  rebus  ante  horam  quartam 
Hirtius  certiorem  me  sit  facturus.  Quern  in  locum  con  venire  i 
possimus,  quo  me  velitis  venire  rescribite. 

6.  Post  novissimum  Hirti  sermonem  placitum  est  mihi  postulara 
ut  liceret  nobis  Romae  esse  publico  praesidio,  quod  illos  nobis  con 
cessuros  non  puto  ;  magnam  enim  invidiam  iis  faciemus.     Nihi 
tamen  non  postulandum  putavi  quod  aequum  esse  statuerem. 


some  important  step  ? '  For  succurret  = 
occurret,  cp.  "Alt.  ii,  16.  1  (43)  ;  703.  2  ; 
Cic.  Filius,  796.  6. 

Quia  .  .  .  habemus]  '  because  we  have 
no  rallying-point '  (Jeans). 

Sex.  Pompeium]  After  the  battle  of 
Munda  he  retired  among  the  Lacetani, 
where  he  was  able  to  gather  round  him 
several  of  the  fugitives  and  raise  sufficient 
forces  to  make  a  stand  against  Asinius 
Pollio,  the  Caesarean  general. 

Bassum  Caecilium]  When  the  prenomen 
is  omitted,  this  order  of  names,  the  cog- 
nomen preceding  the  nomen,  is  the  usual 
one  in  Cicero.  Caesar  puts  the  nomen 
before  the  cognomen.  Q.  Caecilius  Bassus 
had  with  Parthian  aid  intrigued  against 
Sext.  Julius  Caesar,  who  had  been  ap- 
pointed governor  of  Syria  by  his  relative 
Julius  Caesar  in  46.  A  mutiny  ensued, 
the  issue  of  which  was  that  Bassus 
obtained  the  command  of  the  troops. 
Caesar  had  sent  an  army  against  Bassus, 
but  as  yet  Bassus  had  held  his  ground : 
cp.  note  to  670.  1. 

satis  tempore]  '  time  enough  '  :  cp. 
maffis  tempore,  Gael.  65.  Tempore  is  vir- 
tually an  adverb,  and  accordingly  can  be 
qualified  by  another  adverb. 

recipere]  l  to  undertake.'  Andr.  points 
out  that  this  word  is  stronger  than 
polliceri  :  cp.  601.  2  polliceris  vel  potius 
recipis.  The  usual  expression  is  in  m« 
recipio  :  cp.  Fam.  xiii  10.  3  (451);  17.  3 
(512). 


5.  de  his  rebus]  This  has  been  taken  a 
referring    generally  to    «  our   prospects 
(Watson)  :  or  specially  to  the  applicatioi 
for  a.  legatio  libera  (Andr,).     The  forme 
seems  the  more  probable  view.    Hirtius  i 
about  to  send  D.  Brutus  information  astx 
the  opinions  of  Antony,  Lepidus,  and  th< 
other  important  Caesareans,  and  Hirtiui 
wanted  to  know  what  the  party  of  Brutui 
and  Cassius  were  willing  to  concede   s< 
that  peace  might  be  secured. 

quo  me  velitis  venire]  We  are  inclined 
to  think  that  this  is  an  addition,  and  sup. 
pose  that  it  was  made  after  Hirtius  hat 
given  the  information  referred  to  in  §  5 
but  perhaps  we  ought  to  insert  something 
like  vel  potius  before  it. 

6.  Post  novissimum]     Watson   rightlj 
notes  that  this  section  is  a  postscript. 

maonam  .  .  .  faciemus  l  for  if  they 
do  grant  it  we  shall  put  them  seriousl] 
in  the  wrong  '  ;  lit.  '  excite  odium  againsl 
them,'  when  it  is  seen  that  such  citizen! 
as  we  are  require  protection.  Watson 
compares  Asconius  on  Orat.  in  Togi 
Candida,  p.  76  KS  (=  p.  83  ed.  Clarkj 
invidiam  facere  competitori,  and  Juv.  : 
223,  Anne  aliam  terra  Memphitide  sicca 
Invidiam  facerent  nolenti  surgere  Nilol 
on  which  passage  Mayor  compares,  among 
many  other  illustrations,  Lucan  ii.  35. 
36  ;  Quintil.  Declam.  10.  9  ;  Ovid.  Mety 
iv.  547. 


EP.  701  (FAM.   VI.  16). 


245 


701.    BITHYNICUS  TO  CICEEO 


.  vi.  ie). 


ICILY;  DATE  UNCERTAIN:  PROBABLY  MARCH  (END);  A.  u.  c.  710  ; 

B.  C.  44  J    AET.  CIC.  62. 

Bithynicus,  qui  turn  in  Sicilia  erat,  a  Cicerone  petit  ut  se  absentem  tueatur. 

BITHYNICUS  CICERONI  SAL. 

Si  mihi  tecum  non  et  multae  et  iustae  causae  amicitiae  privatim 
essent,  repeterem  initia  amicitiae  ex  parentibus  nostris  ;  quod 
aciendum  iis  existimo  qui  paternam  amicitiam  nullis  ipsi  officiis 
>rosecuti  sunt  :  itaque  contentus  ero  nostra  ipsorum  amicitia,  cuius 
iducia  peto  a  te  ut  absentem  me,  quibuscumque  in  rebus  opus 
'uerit,  tueare,  si  nullum  officium  tuum  apud  me  intermoriturum 
jxistimas.  Vale. 


This  Bithynicus  (cp.  754.  1)  was  the  son 
f  Q.  Pompeius  A.  f.  Bithynicus,  who  is 
mentioned  as  an  orator  in  Brut.  240,  and 
o  whom  the  agnomen  was  attached 
or  some  services  performed  in  Bithynia 
when  that  country  was  ceded  to  Rome  by 
tie  will  of  Nicomedes  III.  (cp.  Fest.  p. 
62,  Rutrum  tenentis  invents  effigies  in 
lapitolio  .  .  .  quod  signum  Pompeius 
lithynicus  ex  Bithynia  supellectilis  regiae 
lomam  deportavif).  During  the  civil  war 
e  fought  on  Caesar's  side,  although  he 
was  himself  a  relative  of  Pompey's  and 
iis  father  followed  Pompey  loyally  and 
his  death  with  him  in  Egypt :  cp.  Oros. 
ri.  15  (421).  Some  years  later,  when 
Jextus  Pompeius  obtained  possession  of  a 
>ortion  of  Sicily,  he  first  made  a  compact 
with  this  Bithynicus,  but  afterwards  put 
lim  to  death  on  a  charge  of  plotting 
igainst  him  (Liv.  Epit.  123  ;  Dio.  Cass. 
dviii.  17.  5 ;  19.  1  ;  App.  B.  C.  iv.  84  ; 
r.  70). 

It  is  possible  that  when  Bithynicus, 
rho  appears  to  have  been  propraetor  in 
Sicily  at  this  time  (Lange,  R*.  A.  iii.  465), 
leard  of  the  death  of  Caesar,  he  wrote 
his  non-committal  letter  to  Cicero, 
asking  him  for  his  support  in  case  any 


necessity  should  arise.  If  this  is  the  case 
(though  the  matter  is  doubtful),  it  would 
show  that  'Cicero  was  regarded  as  a 
moderate  man,  to  whom  one  of  opposite 
views  in  politics  might  appeal  for  help. 
Cicero's  reference  in  Fam.  vi.  17  (711) 
to  an  unsettled  state  of  politics  accords 
with  the  period  after  Caesar's  death 
better  than  with  the  more  settled  con- 
dition of  things  during  his  lifetime ;  but 
it  is  not  certain  that  711  is  an  answer  to 
this  letter. 

repeterein]  'I  would  go  back  to  the 
beginnings  of  the  friendship  between  our 
fathers ;  but  I  think  that  this  should  only 
be  done  by  those  who  have  not  followed 
up  the  friendship  of  their  fathers  by  any 
service  of  their  own.' 

si  ...  existimas]  '  if  you  think,  as  you 
do,  that  no  service  of  yours  will  ever 
become  faint  in  my  memory.'  The  vero 
intermori  means  '  to  be  in  a  state  between 
life  and  death  ' :  cp.  Liv.  xxxvii.  53.  10, 
in  ipsa  contione  intertnortmts  haud  multo 
post  exspiravit :  Mil.  12  intermortuae  con- 
tiones,  '  dead-alive  meanings ' :  Att.  i. 
14.  4  (20)  de  intermortuis  reliquiis  con- 
iurationis. 


246 


EP.  702  (FAM.  XV. 


702.    CICEKO  TO  TKEBONITJS  (FAM.  xv.  20). 


ROME  ;    PROBABLY  ABOUT  JANUARY  I  A.  U.  C.  709  ;  B.  C.  45  J  AET.  CIC.  6] 

M.  Cicero  C.  Trebonio  librum,  quern  Oratorem  inscripserat,  mittit :  crebric 
litteras  postulat. 

M.  CICERO  S.  D.  C.  TREBONIO. 

1.  Oratorem  meum — sic  enim  inscripsi — Sabino  tuocommen-j 
davi :  natio  me  hominis  inpulit  ut  ei  recte  putarem :  nisi  forte 


Sternkopf  has  argued  (Jahrbuch(IS93), 
pp.  424-432)  satisfactorily,  as  we  now 
think,  that  this  letter  belongs  to  the  latter 
end  of  46  or  beginning  of  45.  After  the 
return  of  Trebonius  from  Spain  in  the 
middle  of  46  he  appears  to  have  remained 
in  Rome  until  the  early  winter,  when  he 
made  a  journey  to  Narbo(cp.  Phil.  ii.  34). 
It  is  to  this  journey  to  Narbo  that  Stern- 
kopf thinks  reference  is  made  in  Fam.  xv. 
21.  5  (450),  and  he  holds  that  it  is  im- 
possible that  the  present  letter  could  have 
been  written  after  Caesar's  death  ;  for — 

(1)  was  it  likely  that  Trebonius  would  not 
have  known  the  title  of  Cicero's  Orator,  a 
work  which  had  been  published  a  year 
and  a  half  previously?    But  Cicero  may 
at  first  have  given  a  double  name  to  his 
treatise,   called  it   Orator  sive   de  optimo 
genere  dicendi.     (He  does  call  it  by  the 
latter  title  in  Fam.  xii.  17.  2  (493)  :  cp. 
also  727.   3) ;    and   he   may    now  have 
decided  to  call  it  Orator  only.     Still  we 
think  it  more  probable  that  Cicero's  doubt 
as  to  the  title  he  would  give  the  work  was 
prior  to  publication,  and  that  he  is  here 
sending   Trebonius  a  presentation  copy. 

(2)  Again,  how,   asks   Sternkopf,    could 
Trebonius  meet  Brutus  in  April,  44,  who, 
as   Cicero    knew,   was   in    Italy,    when 
Trebonius  was  making  his  way  by  by- 
paths into  his  province  :  cp.  709.  1 ;  713. 
1  ?    Now  we  know  that  in  the  winter  of 
46  and  45  Brutus  was  in  Cisalpine  Gaul, 
and  therefore  likely  to  have  a  meeting 
with    Trebonius    when    journeying    to 
Narbo.     From  713.  1  we  might  infer  a 
presumption  that  Brutus  and   Trebonius 
did  meet  at  Lanuvium  in  April,  44  :  but 
in  so  doing  Trebonius  could  not  be  said 
to  be  going  by  by-paths  to  his  province. 

(3)  Lastly,  Sternkopf  denies  that  Cicero 
could  have  said  that  the  State  was  istic 
(§  2)  in  44.     He  says  Trebonius  neither 


was,  nor  thought  himself  to  be,  the  State  jj 
but  in  the  winter  of  46-45  Caesar  was  th< 
State,  and  was  at  that  time  in  Spain, 
which  Narbo  was  in  comparative  prox- 
imity.    This  argument,  we  now  think,  ii 
the  really  conclusive  one.    The  East " 
certainly  not  as  yet  become  the  State  ;  am 
there  was  no  war  (cp.  $  3  de  betticis  rebus} 
in  the  East  in  April,  44.    If  Cicero  meanal 
anything  definite  by  de  toto  neaotio  beyond 
the  Spanish  campaign,  we  do  not  know! 
what  it  was. 

Mommsen,  in  Hermes,  xxviii.  (1893),1 
pp.  604-606,  thinks  that  this  letter  was] 
written  in  46,  but  it  is  doubtful  if  hej 
is  right  in  thinking  that  the  journey  re«J 
ferred  to  can  be  that  which  Treboniusl 
made  to  Spain  when  he  undertook  the] 
administration  of  that  province.  TreJ 
bonius  held  that  governorship  before  thel 
Orator  was  finished.  Mommsen  believes! 
that  the  canvass  in  which  Ventidiusj 
assumed  the  name  of  Sabinus  was  that  for] 
the  quaestorship.  But  the  satirist  of  the 
Catalecta  (11.  23-4)  says  that  the  muli&l 
now  sat  on  an  ivory  (eburnea),  that  is,  aj 
curule  chair ;  accordingly  Mommsen  says 
the  poem  cannot  have  been  written  earlier  < 
than  44.  Are  we  then  to  suppose  that! 
Ventidius  assumed  the  false  cognomen  in] 
two  canvasses?  or  that  he  assumed  it  in] 
the  canvass  for  the  quaestorsbip,  and  that 
ridicule  attached  it  to  him  in  his  subse- 
quent canvass  for  the  praetorship  ? 

1 .  Sabino']  '  to  your  Sabine  servant,* 
or  perhaps  '  to  your  Sabine  friend.' 

recte\  sc.  commendandum  taken  out  of 
commendavi. 

nisi  forte  .  .  .  arripuit]  In  the 
Catalecta  published  at  the  end  of  Vergil's 
works  there  is  a  poem  x  (viii),  a  parody 
of  Catullus  iv,  directed  against  a  mule- 
driver  who  had  previously  been  called 
Quintio  (the  name  of  a  slave  orfreedman), 


EP.  702  (FAM.  XV. 


247 


indidatorum  licentia  hie  quoque  usus  hoc  subito  cognomen  arri- 
mit ;  etsi  modestus  eius  vultus  sermoque  constans  habere  quiddam 
Curibus  videbatur.  Sed  de  Sabino  satis.  2.  Tu,  mi  Treboni, 
[uoniam  ad  amorem  meum  aliquantum  olei  discedens  addidisti, 
[uo  tolerabilius  feramus  igniculum  desideri  tui,  crebris  nos  litteris 
Lppellato,  atque  ita,  si  idem  fiet  a  nobis.  Quamquam  duae  causae 

mt   cur   tu  frequentior  in  isto  officio  esse  debeas  quam  nos ; 

:imum,  quod  olim  solebant  qui  Eomae  erant  ad  provincialis 
imicos  de  re  publica  scribere,  nunc  tu  nobis  scribas  oportet ;  res 
mim  publica  istic  est :  deinde,  quod  nos  aliis  officiis  fcibi  absent! 

itis  facere  possumus,  tu  nobis  nisi  litteris  non  video  qua  re  alia 

itis  facere  possis.  3.  Sed  cetera  scribes  ad  nos  postea ;  nunc 
lhaec  primo  cupio  cognoscere,  iter  tuum  cuius  modi  sit,  ubi  Brutum 


but  who  had  assumed  the  name  of  Sabinus 
and  obtained  the  praetorship.  If  we  adopt 
the  view  which  has  been  generally  held 
I  since  Victorius  that  this  was  the  famous 
Ventidius  (he  afterwards  assumed  the 
I  cognomen  Bassus)  who  in  43  held  both 
praetorship  and  consulship  (Val.  Max.  vi. 
9.  9),  he  would  appear  to  have  begun  his 
canvass  for  the  quaestorship  about  this 
I  time  ;  and  it  is  to  his  candidature  and  false 
assumption  of  the  name  Sabinus  that 
Cicero  is  making  reference  in  these  words  : 
see  Biicheler,  Eh.  Mus.  xxxviii.  (1883), 
pp.  518-9.  For  similar  assumptions  of 
cognomina,  which  did  not  find  their  way 
into  the  fasti,  cp.  L.  Antonius,  who 
assumed  the  name  of  Pietas  (Dio  Cass. 
xlviii.  5,  4),  and  L.  Trebellius,  who, 
Cicero  says  (Phil.  vi.  11),  assumed  that  of 
fides.  Pietas  is  a  common  cognomen,  but 
we  do  not  know  of  any  example  of  Fides, 
though  Fidens  and  Fidus  are  found. 

Prof.  Merrill  (Classical  Philology  viii 
(1913),  pp.  389-400)  has,  however, 
pointed  out  difficulties  in  the  identifica- 
tion of  the  Sabinus  of  the  Catalecta  and 
Ventidius  (e.g.,  that  in  that  case  the 
parody  does  not  fit  exactly  the  Catullian 
original :  thus  the  phasellus  had  retired 
from  service,  not  so  Ventidius  when 
praetor) ;  and  we  allow  that  the  identi- 
fication cannot  be  proved  absolutely 
certain.  But  we  still  think  that  Prof. 
Merrill  lays  less  stress  than  it  deserves 
on  the  term  mulio  applied  to  both  (cp. 
Tarn.  x.  18.  3  (870) :  Plin.  H.N.  vii.  135  ; 
Gell.  xv.  4.  3  ;  Catal.  x.  2) ;  and  his 
explanation  (p.  393)  of  eburnea  sede  is 
hardly  convincing. 

hoc    cognomen]    the   actual   cognomen 


Sabinus.  It  was  a  very  common  cogno- 
men. We  find  a  Sabina  a  sister  of  a 
Cn.  Ventidius  in  C.I.L.  vi.  28472. 

sermoque  constans]  '  and  his  deliberate 
way  of  talking  seemed  to  have  something 
of  old  Cures  about  it.' 

2.  olei]      The   MSS    read   olim,    which 
editors  bracket,  supposing  it  to  have  arisen 
from  olim,  a  few  lines  down  ("Wes.  E.A. 
56).     Krause  and  Koch  have  excellently 
suggested  olei,  'you  have  added  fuel  to  the 
fire  of  my  love.'  The  metaphor  is  continued 
in  igniculum  desideri  tui,  '  the  warm  regret 
I  feel  for  you ':  cp.  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  3,  321, 
oleum  adde  camino  :  Cic.  ap.  Non.  22,  21, 
M.  Tullius  in  Hortensio.     Ad  iuvenilem 
libidinem  copia  voluptatum  gliscit  ilia  ut 
ignis  oleo.    Otto  (p.  253)  compares  Lucian, 
Tim.  44,  irtTTfl  Kal  e'Aaiy  Ka.ra.<T&evvvva.i 
irvp.     There  is  an  awkwardness  in  the 
forced  application  of  the  same  metaphor 
of  heat  and  warmth  to  both  the  pleasant 
sensation  of  the  affection  Cicero  felt  for 
Trebonius,    and  the   painful    feeling  of 
regret  for  him  in  his  absence. 

appellato']  '  address  frequent  letters  to 
me,'  lit.  •  address  or  accost  me  with  fre- 
quent letters.' 

frequentior~]  'more  diligent,'  'more 
constant.' 

aliis  officiis  .  .  .  satis  facere\  '  do  you 
many  other  services.' 

3.  ubi  Brutum  nostrum  videris]  During 
April,  44,  Brutus   appears  to  have  been 
no   further  from  Rome  than  Lanuvium 
(cp.  713.  1),  except  for  a  short  stay  at 
Antiurn.     But  the  reference  is  rather  to 
a  meeting  with  Brutus  in  Cisalpine  Gaul 
in  46  (cp.  introd.  note). 


248 


EP.  703  (ATT.  XIV.  1). 


nostrum  videris,  quam  diu  simul  fueris  ;  deinde  cum.  processerii 
longius,  de  bellicis  rebus,  de  toto  negotio,  ut  existimare  possimut 
quo  statu  simus.  Ego  tantum  me  scire  putabo  quantum  ex  tuii 
litteris  habebo  cognitum.  Cura  ut  valeas  meque  ames  amore  illc 
tuo  singular!. 

703.    CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Axx.  xiv.  i). 


MATIUS     SUBURBAN    VILLA  ;    APRIL    7  J    A.  U.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44  ; 
AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  rebus  publicis  post  Caesaris  necem  quod  ipse  a  certo  quodam  auctore  acceperatl 
narrat  et  quid  novi  acciderit  ab  Attico  cupit  certior  fieri.  De  Caesaris  iudicio  de  Bruto 
et  de  se  ipso. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Deverti  ad  ilium,  de  quo  tecum  mane.  Nihil  perditius ; 
explicari  rern  non  posse.  '  Etenim  si  ille  tali  ingenio  exitum  non 
reperiebat,  quis  nunc  reperiet  ?  '  Quid  quaeris  ?  Perisse  omnia 
aiebat,  quod  baud  scio  an  ita  sit,  verum  ille  gaudens  :  adfirmatque 
fore  minus  diebus  xx  tumultum  Q-allicum :  in  sermonem  se  post 


cum  processeris  longius]  *  when  you  get 
further  on  your  journey.' 

de  bellicis  rebus]  The  campaign  in 
Spain.  If  Cicero  means  anything  else 
by  de  toto  negotio.  we  do  not  know  what  it 
can  be.  It  can  hardly  refer  to  prepara- 
tions for  the  conspiracy  against  Caesar 
{Phil.  ii.  34). 

1.  Deverti]  '  I  have  come  on  a  visit '  ; 
lit.  'I  have  turned  aside  to.'  With 
apud  the  word  means  '  to  be  staying  on  a 
visit  with ' :  cp.  Plaut.  Mil.  134.  Both 
the  deponent  and  active  forms  are  used  ; 
generally  the  deponent  in  the  present, 
imperfect,  and  future  tenses.  The  person 
about  whom  they  had  been  talking  in  the 
morning  was  C.  Matius  Calvena,  whose 
manly  letter  to  Cicero  about  the  death  of 
Caesar  is  extant,  Fam.  xi.  28  (785).  The 
fact  that  Calvena  (707.  1)  is  connected 
with  calyus,  '  bald,'  tempts  Cicero  into 
one  of  his  tiresome  puns  on  proper  names 
which  he  seems  to  find  it  so  hard  to 
resist.  Hence  in  the  next  letter  he  is 
called  na.5a.p6s  and  <pa,\d.Kp<a/u.a.  For  some 
account  of  Matius,  see  introd.  note  to  784. 

tecum  mane}     so.  locutus  sum,  §  2. 

Nihil  perditius]  '  Nothing  could  be 
more  desperate  (than  he  was)  :  he  said 


that  no  settlement  was  possible.     "Forl 
if  a  man  of  Caesar's  ability  could  not 
find  a  way  out  of  the  impasse,  who  will 
now  do  so'?  "  '    For  perditius,  cp.  Q.  Fr. 
iii.  9.  1  (160)  nihil  est  enim  perditius  his 
hominibus,  his  temporibus.    For  the  struc- 
ture of  the  sentence,  which  has  a  clause 
with  or.  obi.  following  a  general  statement 
with  nihil,  cp.  663.  3,  nil  liberalius:  *«J 
enim  statim  ad  Caesarem  scripturum. 

hand  scio  an]  *  and  I  almost  think  it  is 
so.'  An  dependent  on  nescio  or  haud  scio 
'  generally  in  Cicero,  expresses  a  modest 
affirmation,  I  almost  think  so  ;  in  post- 
Augustan  writers  mere  ignorance  or 
doubt,'  Roby,  2256. 

verum  ille  gaudens~]  '  but  he  seemed  to 
take  a  pleasure  in  it,'  i.e.  his  pessimistic 
view  of  the  situation.  This  is  what 
makes  Cicero  call  his  attitude  *  shocking.' 

tumultum']  a  vox  propria  for  a  *  raid  ' 
from  Gaul,  or  a  revolt  of  the  Italian 
nations.  The  locus  classicus  on  this  word 
is  Phil.  viii.  3,  Maiores  nostri  tumultum 
Italicum,  quod  erat  domesticus,  tumultum 
Gallicum,  quod  erat  Italiae  Jinitimus,  prae- 
terea  nullum  nominabant.  See  King's 
edition  of  the  Philippics.  Cisalpine  Gaul 
was  strongly  attached  to  Caesar,  who 
alwavs  favoured  the  district.  Matius  may 


EP.  703  (FAM.  XIV.  1). 


249 


Idus  Martias  praeterquam  Lepido  venisse  nemini :  ad  summam, 
non  posse  istaec  sic  abire.  O  prudentera  Oppium,  qui  nihilo  minus 
ilium  desiderat,  sed  loquitur  nihil  quod  quemquam  bonum  offendat. 
Sed  haec  hactenus.  2.  Tu  quaeso  quidquid  novi — multa  autem 
^xspecto — scribere  ne  pigrere.  In  his,  de  Sexto  satisne  certum, 
maxime  autem  de  Bruto  nostro,  de  quo  quidem  ille  ad  quem 
deverti,  Caesarem  solitum  dicere,  '  magni  refert  hie  quid  velit, 
sed  quidquid  vult  valde  vult ' :  idque  eum  animadvertisse  cum  pro 


-  have  thought,  too,  that  Transalpine  Gaul 
was  so  imperfectly  pacified  that  it  might 
revolt  :  but  his  apprehensions  were 
groundless,  cp.  712  fin. 

in  sermonem  .  .  .  venisse]  Matius  fears 
that  Cicero  might  suspect  him  of  intriguing 
with  Caesareans  :  cp.  Ep.  707. 

abire]  '  pass  off ' ;  Cicero  uses  the  same 
verb  of  the  passing  off  of  an  illness  in 
Ep.  713.  2.  A  similar  usage  is  found  in 
Fin.  v.  7;  Ter.  Andr.  171;  Catull. 
xiv.  16. 

prudentem]  There  is  no  reason  for  sub- 
stituting for  this  word  pudentem,  the  con- 
jecture of  Ernesti.  Oppius  showed  at  least 
as  much  '  common  sense  '  as  '  modesty  ' 
in  abstaining  from  offending  the  boni, 
though  deeply  regretting  the  murder  of 
Caesar.  Prudentem  is  the  reading  of  the 
MSS.  Cicero  here  by  prudentem  contrasts 
the  conduct  of  Oppius  with  tbe '  desperate  ' 
views  of  Matius;  yet  Matius  (785.  1) 
considered  that  he  had  not  acted  in  such 
•a  manner  as  to  offend  the  feelings  of  any 
good  patriot. 

2 .  scribere  ne  pigrere]  '  don' t  be  slack  in 
writing.'  The  active  form  (pigro)  is  else- 
where used.  This  is  not  to  be  taken  as 
•an  example  in  Cic.  of  ne  with  the  second 
person  of  the  pres.  subj.  used  in  a  prohibi- 
tion addressed  to  an  individual.  It  is 
governed  by  quaeso :  cp.  Rep.  vi.  12  St  ! 
•quaeso,  ing/uit,  ne  me  e  somno  excitetis  et 
parumper  audite  cetera  :  also  quaeso  with 
ut  Att,  vii.  12.  i  (305)  quaeso  ut  scribas: 
and  without  ut  Att.  vii.  14.  3  (310)  quaeso 
videas.  The  whole  subject  of  the  pres. 
subj.  in  prohibitions  in  Cic.  is  discussed 
with  his  wonted  mastery  of  his  subject  by 
Lebreton,  pp.  300-304.  The  second  per- 
son pres.  subj.  in  prohibitions  is  confined 
in  Cicero  to  general  maxims  :  cp.  Reid  on 
'DeSenect.  33  isto  bono  utare,  dum  adsit, 
cum  absit,  ne  requiras.  In  the  comedies 
it  is  used  in  special  prohibitions :  cp. 
Plaut.  Mil.  1361  :  Ter.  Ad.  942. 

autem]     '  but  mind,  I  expect  a  great 


deal.'     "We  should  rather  say  '  and  '  than 
'but.' 

Sexto]  cp.  700.  4.  The  question  which 
agitated  Cicero  was  whether  Pompey's  son 
would  maintain  his  hostility  in  Further 
Spain. 

ille]     sc.  dicit. 

inagui  refert]  The  form  in  which 
Plutarch  (Brut.  6)  quotes  the  remark  is 
quite  plain,  OVK  olSa  /u.fv  &  jSouAerof  trav 
o'  o  /JouAercu  o~<t>68pa  ^SouAerat :  and  it 
shows  that  sed  is  right,  and  that  no 
emendation  of  that  word,  such  as 
Schmidt's  scilicet,  is  probable.  But  it 
also  seems  to  point  to  the  fact  that  we 
should  have  a  negative  in  the  first  clause  ; 
and  it  is  possible  that  non  has  fallen  out 
before  magni,  as  has  often  happened  in 
the  Letters:  cp.  Miiller's  crit.  note  on  Att. 
iii.  13.  1,  p.  84.  13.  But  the  insertion 
of  negatives  is  an  extreme  measure  :  and 
possibly  sed  =  sed  tamen,  'It  is  of  con- 
siderable importance  to  find  out  what  he 
wants  (i.e.  there  is  uncertainty  generally 
as  to  what  be  precisely  wants),  but  (be 
that  as  it  may)  whatever  he  wants  he 
wants  very  much.'  Caesar  refers  to  the 
lack  of  clearness  in  Brutus;  but  allows 
that  his  views  are  worthy  of  attention  : 
and  though  there  may  be  doubt  as  to  his 
wishes,  there  is  no  doubt  as  to  the  in- 
tensity of  those  wishes.  "We  can  hardly 
take  sed  as  =  et  quidem,  KO.\  ravra 
serving  to  emphasize  rather  than  to  con- 
tradict the  previous  remark  :  as  that  usage 
of  sed,  so  common  in  post- Augustan  times, 
does  not  appear  to  be  Ciceronian.  The 
first  hand  of  M  and  the  Tornesianus  have 
volet  .  .  volet  for  vult  .  .  vult. 

cum  pro  Deiotaro  Nicaeae  diceret]  This 
speech  was  delivered  at  Nicaea  in 
Bithynia  in  47  (Bell.  Alex.  68) :  cp. 
Cic.  Brut.  21) ;  also  Tac.  Dial.  21,  who 
characterizes  it  and  one  of  Caesar's  for 
a  Samnite  Decidius  (cp  Clu.  161)  as 
'  tedious  and  flat  productions, '  eiusdem 
lentitudinis  et  teporis.  We  are  not 


250 


EP.  704  (ATT.  XI V. 


Deiotaro  Nicaeae  dixerit :  valde  vehementer  eum  visum  et  libere 
dicere :  atque  etiam — ut  enim  quidque  succurrit  libet  scribere — 
proxime,  cum  Sesti  rogatu  apud  eum  fuissem  exspectaremque 
sedens  quoad  vocarer,  dixisse  eum,  '  Ego  dubitem  quin  summo 
in  odio  sim,  quom  M.  Cicero  sedeat  nee  suo  commodo  me  convenire 
possit  ?  Atqui  si  quisquam  esfc  facilis,  hie  est,  tamen  non  dubito 
quin  me  male  oderit/  Haec  et  eius  modi  multa.  Sed  ad  pro- 
positum.  Quidquid  erit,  non  modo  magnum  sed  etiam  parvum, 
scribes.  Equidem  nihil  intermittam. 


704.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xiv.  2). 

PROBABLY    MATIUS'    VILLA;    APRIL    8J    A.  U.  C.   710  J    B.  C.  44  J 
AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  duabus  epistulis  ab  Attico  acceptis,  de  Caesaris  de  se  dicto,  de   commoratione- 
sua  in  Tusculano,  Lanuvii,  Asturae,  de  Pilia  et  Attica. 

CICERO  ATTICO   SAL. 

1.  Duas  a  te  accepi  epistulas  heri.  Ex  priore  theatrum 
Publiliumque  cognovi,  bona  signa  consentientis  multitudinis* 
Plausus  vero  L.  Cassio  datus  etiam  facetus  mihi  quid  em  visus 


bound  to  infer  that  it  was  on  that  occasion 
that  Caesar  uttered  the  criticism  magni 
refert  .  .  .  valde  vult. 

eum  .  .  euni]  The  first  eum  refers 
to  Caesar,  the  second  to  Brutus — a  care- 
less way  of  writing,  but  hardly  misleading, 
as  diceret,  which  has  Brutus  for  its  sub- 
ject, intervenes  ;  so  it  is  not  necessary  to 
make  any  alteration  such  as  ei  turn  visum. 

succurrit'}     cp.  note  to  700.  4. 

Sesti}  Ihe  remark  of  Caesar  as  here 
related  seems  clear  enough.  But  as  Atticus 
considered  it  obscure,  Cic.  repeats  it  in 
another  form,  704.  3.  The  reason  why 
Sestius  wanted  a  favour  from  Caesar  is  not 
certain  :  perhaps  it  was  about  the  property 
of  his  father-in-law,  Albinius:  cp.  675. 1. 

Ego  dubitem~\  deliberative  subj. :  cp. 
704.  3.  ego  .  .  sim. 

male  oderit~\  Boot  compares  illud  rus 
.  .  .  male  odi.  Ter.  Ad.  523 :  we  have 
also  male  metuo,  Hec.  337  :  timui  male, 
Heaut.  531  ;  odi  mak,  Plaut.  Men.  189  ; 
Fam.  vii.  2.  3  (182). 

Haec]  sc.  locutus  est  Matius.  cp.  §§1 
and  2. 


ad  propositum~\  sc.  redeo.  cp.  Off.  iii.  > 
120.  Also  Caesar  in  Alt.  ix.  6a  (357) -i 
ad propositum  revertar,  '  I'll  come  back  to-, 
what  I  began  with.' 

1 .  theatrum  Publiliumque']  Atticus 
had  given  him  an  account  of  the  perfor- 
mance of  a  mime  by  Publilius  Syrua 
(670.  2),  and  the  way  in  which  it  was  re- 
ceived. The  very  same  topic  is  suggested 
to  Atticus  by  Cicero  at  the  end  of  the  next 
letter.  The  festival  at  which  the  plays 
were  acted  was  the  Magalesia  (Apn  6-13).. 
Sillig  was  the  first  to  prove  that  the 
name  of  the  poet  was  Publilius^  not 
Publius. 

facetus}  '  the  applause  given  to 
L.  Cassius  (the  tribune,  brother  of  the 
conspirator)  I  thought  actually  delightful ' 
(or  'humorous').  Facetus  seems  to  be- 
rather  a  vague  word,  but  always  has  an 
idea  of  cultivated  charm  (Hor.  Ep.  i.  6» 
55)  or  humour  connected  with  it.  It 
is  possible  that  we  should  translate  the 
word  by  'humorous  '  here,  almost  'a  good 
joke':  for  L.  Cassius  was  a  Caesarean,. 


EP.  704  (ATT.  XIV.  2). 


251 


est.  2.  Altera  epistula  de  Madaro  scripta,  apud  quern  nullum 
t^aAa/ttOjua,  ut  putas.  Processit  enim,  sed  minus.  Diutius  ser- 
mone  [enim]  sum  retentus.  3.  Quod  autem  ad  te  scripseram, 
obscure  fortasse,  id  eius  modi  est :  aiebat  Caesarem  secum,  quo 
tempore  Sesti  rogatu  veni  ad  eum,  cum  exspectarem  sedens, 
dixisse,  '  Ego  nunc  tarn  sim  stultus  ut  hunc  ipsum  facilem 
hominem  putem  mihi  esse  amicum,  cum  tarn  diu  sedens  meum 
commodum  exspectet?  Habes  igitur  ^aXaic/ow/ia  inimicissimum 


I  and,  owing  to  his  being  a  brother  of  the 

conspirator,  received   applause.     Indeed, 

|  people  seem  to  have  got  into  the  way  of 

applauding   this  man,  cp.  Fam.   xii.    2. 

'  2   (790),   infinitoque    fratris   tui  plausu 

[  dirumpitur  (sc.  Lepidus),  where  see  note. 

Cic.  uses  face tus  in  three  other  passages 

of  the   letters,    all   referring   to   literary 

|  productions,  Fam.  vii.  32.  3  (229),  valde 

mihi    tuae    litterae    facetae    elegantesque 

i  ('  charming  and  refined ')  visae  sunt :  Fam. 

I  xv.  21.  2  (450),  primum  quod  tibi  facetum 

('  humorous  ')  quicquid  ego  dixi,  quod  alii 

fortasse  non  item  :   deinde  quod  ilia  sive 

faceta  sive  sic,  Jiunt   narrante  te   venus- 

i  tissima:  617.  4,  epistulas  versiculis  facetis 

('  humorous  '),  ad  familiaris  missas. 

2.  Madaro]  This  is  of  course  Matius 
Calvena,  the  bald-headed  man  (/naSapts). 
But  what  may  underlie  the  <t>a.\aK<a/na 
or  (roAoKa)/za  of  the  MSS  it  is  impossible  to 
pronounce.  The  different  guesses  are 
given  in  the  Adn.  Grit.  One  thing,  how- 
ever, may  rightly  be  said :  in  a  passage  so 
very  obscure  as  the  present  it  is  unsafe 
to  change  processit  of  all  the  MSB  to 
processi,  especially  as  the  change  adds 
little  if  anything  to  the  intelligibility  of 
the  whole  passage.  Without  the  letter  of 
Atticus  the  problem  is  insoluble,  but  to 
change  processit  to  processi  is  only  to  lead 
readers  away  from  the  track.  An  un- 
readable Greek  word  has  been  assimilated 
by  the  copyists  to  another  Greek  word 
occurring  in  this  letter.  The  wanting 
Greek  word  might  have  borne  a  meaning 
something  like  *  inconsistency.'  Then 
Cicero  would  reply  to  Atticus,  *  you  are 
wrong  in  ascribing  inconsistency  to 
Matius  ;  he  has  gone  where  his  principles 
led  him  :  the  only  pity  is  he  has  not  kept 
it  up  long  enough,'  processit  enim,  sed 
minus  diu.  Cicero  says,  '  if  only  he  had 
kept  up  his  uncompromising  Caesarean 
attitude,  I  should  have  left  him,  and  been 
with  you  by  this  time.  But  he  has  so 
moderated  it  as  to  give  me  no  excuse  for 


leaving  him.'  Of  course  this  is  all  mere 
guess-work,  but  it  is  guess-work  founded 
on  the  traditions  of  the  MSS,  not  on  the 
change  of  processit  to  processi.  As  for  a 
word  for  'inconsistency,'  we  have  it  in 
ff6\oiKov,  708.  2  ;  or,  if  it  should  seem  to 
account  for  the  corrupt  word  better,  we 
might  read  <ro\oiKi<r/j.6v  (sc.  video),  com- 
paring a.iro\oyiffiJi6v,  783.  3.  Dr.  Reid 
(Hermathena,  xi.  (1901),  p.  244)  suggests 
nullum  \aK(ovi<r/j.6v,  ut  putas,  under- 
standing some  prohibitive  phrase  like 
'  don't  suppose  '  [Qu.  nullum  fac  Acuc.], 
'  don't  imagine  any  enigmatic  brevity,  as 
your  letter  assumes '  (cp.  <TKvra\t]v  Ao*co>- 
viK-iiv  Att.  x.  10.  3  ep.  395).  Processit 
('he  went  ahead,'  i.e.  talked  freely), 
sed  rninui,  '  but  I  made  less  of  it  (in 
writing  to  you)  than  it  really  was.'  Enim 
he  considers  out  of  place,  as  it  can  only 
be  the  third  word  when  the  two  first  are 
closely  connected.  Probably  it  arose  from 
the  adjacent  enim,  and  should  be  bracketed. 
Shuckburgh  suggests  nulltts  <f>a\apifffji6s, 
1  no  tendency  to  savage  measures '  :  cp. 
Att.  vii.  12.  2.  (305).  Gronovius  con- 
jectures ffahaKuvifffjia,  '  at  whose  house 
there  is  no  swagger  '  (i.e.  excessive  dis- 
play of  luxury').  Boot's  na\aKbv  Ktafj.a 
(Horn.  II.  xiv.  359;  Od.  xviii.  201) 
*  soft  slumber '  is  ingenious,  but  not 
convincing. 

3.  Quod  .  .  .  eius  modi  est}  cp. 
703.  2. 

Ego  .  .  .  sim]  deliberative  subj.  '  can 
I  be  so  foolish  ' :  cp.  703.  2  dubitem. 

Habes  igitur'}  'so  (as  you  may  judge 
from  all  I  have  written  to  you  about  him) 
you  have  in  Bald-head  a  bitter  enemy  to 
peace,  or,  in  other  words,  to  Brutus.' 
Igitur  is  not  to  be  taken  closely  with  the 
foregoing  words,  but  is  the  resumptive 
igitur,  «  well'  :  cp.  Madv.  480.  Matius 
was  for  avenging  the  murder  of  Caesar, 
a  course  which  would  have  been  fatal  to 
all  hopes  of  peace. 


252 


EP.  705  (ATT.  XIV.  3). 


oti,  id  est  Bruti.  4.  In  Tusculanum  hodie,  Lanuvi  eras,  inde 
Asturae  cogitabam.  Piliae  paratum^  est  hospitium,  sed  vellem 
Atticam  verum  tibi  ignosco  :  quarum  utrique  salutem. 


705.    CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xiv.  3). 

TUSCULUM  ;    APRIL  8  OR  9  J    A.  U.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44?    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  rumoribus  ad  se  adlatis,  de  frumento  ad  Antonium  portando,  de  Corumbo  Balbi 
de  Attico  ad  obsignandum  adhibito,  de  Antonii  voluntate  odoranda  et  rebus  urbanis  ac 
se  scribendis. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Tranquillae  tuae  quidem  litterae,  quod  utinam  diutius 
Nam  Matius  posse  negabat.  Ecce  autem  structores  nostri  ac 
frumentum  profecti,  cum  inanes  redissent,  rumorem  adferuni 
magnum,  Eomae  domum  ad  Antonium  frumentum  omne  portari 
HavtKov  certe:  scripsisses  enim.  Corumbus  Balbi  nullus  adhuc 
est  mihi  notum  nomen:  bellus  enim  esse  dicitur  architectus 
2.  Ad  obsignandum  tu  adhibitus  non  sine  causa  videris :  volun 
enim  nos  ita  putare :  nescio  cur  non  animo  quoque  sentiant. 


id  est  Eruti]  cp.  749.  2.  quod  Serviliae 
non  dees,  id  est  Bruto,  and  a  number  of 
examples  collected  by  Dr.  Reid  on  Acad. 
i.  5.  For  the  sentiment  cp.  timere  otium 
(728.  2)  and  note  there. 

4.  In  Tusculanum]  '  To  Tusculanum 
to-day,  at  Lanuvium  to-morrow,  after 
that  at  Astura — these  are  my  plans.'  The 
ellipses  are  obvious. 

vellem  Atticam']  cp.  Att.  x.  10.  4  (395) 
Ocellam  cuperem  si  possem  palam,  where 
strictly  perhaps  we  should  understand 
habere. 

ignosco}  i.e.  for  preferring  to  have  your 
daughter  with  yourself. 

1.  Tranquillae']  'your  letters  are  full 
of  peace.  I  hope  it  may  last.  Matius 
said  it  could  not '  (cp.  703.  1).  It  is  to 
be  observed  that  quod  has  no  regular 
antecedent,  nothing  but  the  general  notion 
conveyed  by  tranquillae  tuae  litterae, 
namely  that  peace  prevailed. 

structores']  '  builders,'  who  were  work- 
ing at  Tusculanum. 

domum  ad  Antonium}  '  home  to  Antony,' 
i.e.  to  Antony,  who  was  at  his  house  at 


the  time  :  but  ad  domum  alicuius  is  more 
common  to  express  *  to  a  person's  house ' : 
cp.  Cic.  Cat.  i.  8  ;  Q.  Rose.  26  ;  Off.  iii. 
112;  Caes.  B.C.  ii.  18.  2. 

navucbv}  not  '  a  panic,'  but  '  a  false 
alarm,'  'a  canard'  arising  from  the; 
general  state  of  uncertainty,  as  is  proved 
by  scripsisses  enim;  it  must  be  ground- 
less, '  or  else  you  would  have  told  me  of 
it  in  your  letter.'  It  seems  to  have  been 
surmised  that  the  corn  was  to  serve  as 
supplies  for  soldiers  who  were  being 
collected.  It  can  hardly  have  been  to 
raise  the  price  of  corn  by  lessening  the 
supply  in  the  market. 

nullus  adhuc}    '  not  a  sign  of  Balbus's 
slave  Corumbus  yet':  see   768.   1,  andj 
vol.  i3.  80. 

est  mihi  notum}  For  the  position  of 
est  see  635.  5. 

bellus}  '  tasteful,'  '  nice  ' — a  colloquial 
word  :  cp.  note  to  Fam.  viii.  1.  4  (192). 

2.  ita  putare}  The  sense  of  ita  must 
be  gathered  from  the  foregoing  words. 
The  Caesereans  (cp.  719.  5)  wished  to. 
recommend  themselves  to  Cicero  by  leav^ 
ing  him  bequests,  and  summoning  Atticus 


EP.  706  (ATT.  XIV.  4). 


253 


Sed  quid  haec  ad  nos?  Odorare  tamen  Antoni  SiaOtaiv,  quern 
quidem  ego  epularum  magis  arbitror  rationem  habere  quam 
quidquam  mail  cogitare.  Tu,  si  quid  wpaj/naTiKov  habes,  scribes  : 
sin  minus,  populi  tTriariiuiaaiav  et  mimorum  dicta  perscribito. 


Piliae  et  Atticae  salutem. 


706.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xiv.  4). 

LANUVIUM  J    APRIL  9  OR  10  J    A.  U.  0.  710  ',    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  62. 

Dolet  M.  Cicero  non  una  cum  libertate  rem  publicam  ease  recuperatam. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Num  quid  putas  me  Lanuvi  ?  At  ego  te  istic  cotidie  aliquid 
novi  suspicor.  Tument  negotia.  Nam  cum  Matius,  quid  censes 
ceteros  ?  Equidem  doleo,  quod  numquam  in  ulla  civitate  accidit, 
non  una  cum  libertate  rem  publicam  recuperatam.  Horribile  est 
quae  loquantur,  quae  minitentur.  Ac  vereor  Grallica  etiam  bella, 


to  the  sealing  of  the  wills,  so  that  he  might 
be  aware  of  their  intentions,  and  com- 
municate them  to  Cicero.  He  writes — 
they  want  me  to  think  that  such  (that  is, 
kindly)  are  their  feelings  towards  me  ;  I 
do  not  see  why  their  sentiments  should 
not  be  sincere.' 

5  i  a  6  f  ff  i  v~]  '  you  must  find  out  what 
is  Antony's  present  state  and  condition. 
I  fancy  he  is  thinking  more  about 
his  entertainments  than  any  dangerous 
schemes.'  From  this  we  seem  to  gather 
that  Antony's  attitude  was  uncertain, 
notwithstanding  his  action  at  the  funeral 
of  Caesar.  This  action  was,  perhaps, 
not  so  very  pronounced  against  the  con- 
spirators as  is  usually  supposed :  cp. 
Ferrero,  iii.  pp.  26,  27,  and  Introd.,  p.  Ix, 
note  4. 

TTpa.yfjia.Ti.Kbv]  '  of  practical  impor- 
tance '  as  opposed  to  the  exhibition  of 
feeling  on  the  part  of  the  populace  at  the 
mimes,  and  the  topical  allusions  made  by 
the  players  :  cp.  a  very  illustrative  passage 
in  Att.  ii.  19.  3  (46),  where  examples  of 
such  dicta  are  given.  We  have  eTno-rjjua- 
cria.s  in  the  same  sense  in  Att.  i.  16.  11 
(22) .  We  read  irpaynariKov  for pragtnati- 
cum  for  the  reasons  set  forth  in  Att.  ii.  20, 
1  (47),  namely— (1)  because  pragmaticum 
does  not  mean  '  of  practical  importance,' 


while  irpay/naTiKov  does ;  and  (2)  because 
the  MSS  very  often  give  us  Greek  words 
in  Latin  characters,  as,  for  instance, 
philoteorum  for  ^tAodewpoy,  Fam.  vii.  16, 
1  (157);  725.  5  praxin. 
habes,  scribes']  See  Adn.  Grit. 

1.  Num  quid  putas  me"]  sc.  novi  audire 
or  habere :  cp.  Att.  ix.  6.  1  (360)  Nos 
adhuc  Brundisio  nihil  (sc.  novi  audivimus 
or  habemus). 

Tument']  '  are  in  a  ferment ' :  cp.  707.  2 
hunc  rerum  tumorem. 

cum  Matins']  '  when  Matius  takes  such 
a  serious  view  of  the  prospect,  you  may 
imagine  what  others  will  feel.'  This  is 
plainly  the  meaning ;  but  the  ellipse  is 
strange.  It  is  easy  to  supply  loquitur, 
but  ita  loquitur  is  not  so  common.  But 
perhaps  tumet  is  to  be  supplied,  '  is  in  a 
ferment,'  'is  in  an  excited  state.'  For 
Matius'  views  of  the  state  of  politics,  cp. 
703.  1. 

quod  numquam]  He  regards  it  as  an  in- 
cident unique  in  history  that  the  death  of 
a  tyrant  was  not  followed  by  a  period  of 
free  government.  We  cannot  blame 
Cicero  for  failing  to  see  that  for  nearly  a 
hundred  years  everything  had  been  tend- 
ing towards  a  tyrannis. 

Horribile  est  quae  loquantur]     This  is 


254 


EP.  707  (ATT.  XIV.  5). 


ipse  Sextus  quo  evadat.     2.  Sed   omnia   licet  concurrant,    Idi 
Martiae  consolantur.     Nostri  autem  ri/owee,  quod  per  ipsos  confi< 
potuit,  gloriosissime  et  magnificentissime  confecerunt.     Keliqm 
res  opes  et  copias  desiderant,  quas  nullas  habemus,    Haec  ego 
te  :  tu,  si  quid  novi —  nam  cotidie  aliquid  exspecto — conf  estim 
me,  et,  si  novi  nihil,  nostro  more  tamen,  ne  patiamur  iutermitl 
litterulas  :  equidem  non  committam. 


707.    CICERO  TO  ATTIOUS  (ATT.  xiv.  5). 

ON  LEAVING  ASTURA  ;    APRIL  11  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  65 

De  valetudine  Attici,  de  rebus  publicis  non  bonis. 

CICERO  ATT1CO  SAL. 

1.  Spero  tibi  iam  esse  ut  volumus,  quoniam  quidem 
cum  leviter  commotus  esses,  sed  tamen  velim  scire  quid  agas. 
Signa  bella,  quod  Calveua  moleste  fert  suspectum  se  esse  Bruto. 
Ilia  signa  non  bona,  si  cum  signis  legiones  veniunt  e  Gallia.  QuidJ 
tu  illas  putas,  quae  f uerunt  in  Hispauia  ?  nonne  idem  postulaturas  ? 
quid,  quas  Annius  transportavit  ?  C.  Asinium  volui,  sed 


colloquial  (as  in  English)  for  Horribile 
est  audire  or  sentire  or  some  such  word. 

quo  evadat]  '  the  course  Sextus  will 
take.'  For  the  phrase,  cp.  725.  6.  Cic. 
elsewhere  uses  quorsum  evadant  Att.  ix. 
18.  4  (376). 

2.  concurrant]  '  come  one,  come  all  ' 
(Shuckburgh). 

gloriosissime]  l  superbly  and  splendidly,' 
a  clear  case  of  gloriosus  =  '  glorious.  ' 

opes  et  copias]     '  money  and  men.' 

nostro  more  tamen']  sc.  scribe  ,  <  as  I  am 
in  the  habit  of  doing,'  i.e.  writing  every 
day.  He  was  doing  so  now  :  and  often 
previously  :  cp.  545  ff. 

patiamur  .  .  .  non  committam]  l  allow  ' 
.  .  .  '  I  will  not  be  the  guilty  party.'  For 
pati  and  committere  contrasted  cp.  681.  1. 


1.  iifftri)  <ras]  'you  have  taken  to 
fasting  '  :  cp.  Nepos  Att.  22.  3. 

leviter  commotus]  '  a  little  out  of  sorts  '  : 
cp.  commotiunculis  <rv/*7ra(rx«,  Att.  xii. 
11  (502).  Dr.  Reid  compares  Brut.  12, 
perturbatio  valetudinis  ;  Marcel  1.  23  in- 
certos  motus  valetudinis. 


Calvena]  This  is  the  nickname  by  whicM 
Cicero  refers  to  C.  Matius,  who  was  baldl 
(calvus}.  He  also  calls  him  Madaru* 
(ftaSap6s)  and  4>aAa/cp«/ia  (704.  2),  or 
'  bald-head.'  It  was  to  Cicero  a  goocM 
thing  that  Matius  was  annoyed  at  being! 
suspected  by  Brutus  of  too  great  sympathy! 
with  the  Caesareans.  Matius  might  then! 
become  more  inclined  to  support  thai 
existing  condition  of  peace. 

cum  signis]  introduced  merely  for  thej 
double  meaning  of  signa,  'signs,'  ana 
'  ensigns.'  The  reference  is  to  Caesar'a 
troops  :  cp.  a  previous  play  on 
'signs,'  and  «  statues,'  Fam.  vii.  11. 
(167). 

idem  postulaturas]  *  will  they  n< 
demand  that  the  promises  of  Caesar  shi 
be  carried  out  ? ' 

C.  Asinium]  C.  Asinius  Pollio  had 
in  command  of  Hispania  Ulterior  (Di< 
Cass.  xlv.  10.  3),  and  had  transport 
thither  certain  troops  at  Caesar's  com- 
mand. These  are  here  opposed  to  the 
legions  who  were  in  Spain  before  (qt 
f  uerunt  in  Rispania}.  Cicero  wrot 


EP.  707  (ATT.  XIV.  5). 


255 


KOV  ajua/orrj/ua.  Ab  aleatore  <f>vp[j.o£  TroAwc-  Nam  ista  quidem 
Caesaris  libertorum  coniuratio  facile  opprimeretur,  si  recte  saperet 
Antonius.  2.  Meam  stultam  verecundiam  !  qui  legari  noluerim 
ante  res  prolatas,  ne  deserere  viderer  huno  rerum  tumorem,  oui 
oerte  si  possem  mederi,  deesse  non  deberem.  Sed  vides  magis- 
tral us,  si  quidem  illi  magistratus :  vides  tarn  en  tyranni  satellites 
in  imperils,  vides  eiusdem  exercitus,  vides  in  latere  veteranos, 
quae  sunt  ivptwtara  omnia :  eos  autem,  qui  orbis  terrae  custodiis 
non  modo  saepti  verum  etiam  magni  esse  debebant,  tantum  modo 


Annius  by  an  error  for  ^Asinius,  but 
corrects  himself  immediately.  C.  Asinium 
is  Boot's  correction  of  Caninium  of  the 
MSS.  Caninius  Rebilus  (cp.  694.  1)  can 
hardly  be  referred  to  here. 

A b  aleatore]  '  a  nice  kettle  of  fish  this, 
to  be  laid  to  the  account  of  the  Plunger,' 
that  is  Antony,  who  is  naturally  enough 
called  'the  Gambler'  by  Cicero  (see  Phil. 
ii.  56.  67).  However,  there  is  no  reason 
why  we  should  regard  ^Antonius  as  a 
gloss,  because  Cicero  may  have  wished 
to  explain  to  Atticus  whom  he  meant  by 
aleator.  As  this  makes  good  sense,  and 
as  M  has  a  baleatore,  omitting  the  n  (as  0 
does  also),  we  have  adopted  this  reading, 
though  the  weight  of  MS  authority  is 
against  it.  If  we  retain  the  reading 
of  most  MSS  (see  Adn.  Grit.),  abalneatore, 
the  reference  will  be  to  the  pseudo-Marius 
(cp.  597.  1)  ;  though  we  do  not  hear 
elsewhere  of  his  having  been  a  bath- 
man.  The  pseudo-Marius  was  executed 
by  Antony  (cp.  710.  1)  about  April  11 
or  12  ;  but  as  the  fanatical  and  riotous 
adoration  of  Caesar  by  the  mob  at  the 
place  where  his  body  was  burnt  continued 
after  Antony  left  Rome,  Dolabella  towards 
the  end  of  April  finally  stamped  it  out : 
cp.  720.  1;  721.  2;  722.  It  is  the 
disorder  caused  by  the  pseudo-Marius 
which  Cicero  means  by  coniuratio. 

recte  saperet]  We  have  introduced  into 
the  text  Dr.  Reid's  correction  of  recta  of 
the  MS.  Cicero  does  not  use  an  accusative 
after  sapere  except  nihil,  aliquid,  or  an 
accusative  expressing  the  taste  of  a  thing  : 
2p.  sapere  rectius,  Ter.  Ad.  832. 

2.  Meam  stultam  verecundiam]  For  the 
ice.  of  exclamation  without  an  inter jec- 
;ion  cp.  note  to  616.  1. 

•  legari]  to  be  appointed  to  a  libera 
'egatio,  which  would  excuse  his  absence 
!rom  Rome  as  a  senator. 

res  prolatas]  'the  vacation,'  called 
iiscessus  in  584.  3.  The  '  season '  at 


Baiae  was  in  March  and  April  :  cp. 
Friedlander  ii6,  108  ;  and  Schol.  Bob.  p. 
334  init.  Or.  Also  Introd.  Ixii,  note  1. 

hunc  rerum  tumorem"]  'this  swelling 
humour  of  the  state  :'  cp.  706.  1  tument 
iiegotia. 

si  ...  illi  magistratus]  cp.  708.  2  ; 
712.2. 

vides  tamen  tyranni]  Tamen  must 
mean  '  after  all  '  ;  the  ellipse  is  '  (though 
the  tyrant  is  gone)  after  all  we  see  his 
creatures  in  high  place  :  '  cp.  Lehmann, 
*  Att.'  205.  Tamen  sometimes  in  the 
letters  depends  on  a  sentence  easily 
supplied  from  the  context  as  here,  but  not 
expressed.  A  good  example  of  this  use 
of  tamen  is  in  Att.  x.  4.  5  (382),  where,  for 
non  tarn  quia  maiore  pietate  est,  we  have 
restored  quia  non  tamen  maiore  pietate  est, 
'  because  he  is  not  after  all  (in  spite  of 
my  devotion  to  him)  more  filial  than  the 
other':  cp.  qui  te  tamen  ore  referret,  '  whose 
face  in  spite  of  all  might  remind  me  of 
you,'  Verg.  Aen.  iv.  329.  So  Eel.  x.  31, 
tamen  cantabitis,  '  yet  ye  will  sing  for  me 
after  all.' 

in  latere]  '  on  our  flank,  '  in  Campania, 
where  Caesar  had  given  grants  of  land  to 
his  veterans. 

'inflammable':        lit. 


'  easily  fanned  to  a  flame'  :  from  friirifa, 
'  to  fan  '  :  he  detects  in  all  these  things 
tinder  which  would  be  easily  blown  into 
the  conflagration  of  a  revolution. 

magni  esse  debebant]  So  two  inferior 
codices  and  ed.  Rom.  according  to  Wesen- 
berg.  M1  has  magni  sedebant  :  cp.  Att. 
ii.  9.  2  (36)  videbis  brevi  tempore  mag- 
nos  non  modo  eos  qui  nihil  titubarunt  sed 
ilium  ipsum  qui  peccavit  Catonem  ;  also 
782.  4  ut  te  cupiamus  magnum  et  honestum 
esse:  pro  Quinct.  93  omnis  tuas  artis  quibus 
tu  magnus  es  tibi  concedit.  The  tyrannicides 
should  be  surrounded  by  a  body-guard  of 
the  whole  world,  which  would  not  only 
secure  their  safety,  but  exalt  them  to 


256 


EP.  708  (ATT.  XIV.  6). 


laudari  atque  amari,  sed  parietibus  contineri.  Atque  illi  quoqu 
modo  beati,  ci vitas  misera.  3.  Sed  velim  scire  quid  adventu 
Octavi,  num  qui  concursus  ad  eum,  num  quae  vtwrt/otdj 
suspicio.  Non  puto  equidem,  sed  tamen  quidquid  est  scire  cupio 
Haec  scripsi  ad  te  proficiscens  Astura  in  Idus. 


708.    CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Air.  xiv.  6). 


FUNDI  ;   APRIL  12  ;  A.  U.  C.  710  J   B.  C.  44  J    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  Attici  litteris  meliora  nuntiantibus,  rebus  publicis  tamen  non  bonis. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Pridie  Idus  Fundis  accepi  tuas  litteras  cenans ;  primun 
igitur  melius  esse,  deinde  meliora  te  nuntiare.  Odiosa  ilia  enin 
f  uerant,  legiones  venire.  Nam  de  Octavio  susque  deque.  Exspect 


honour.  Manutius  conjectured  vagi  esse, 
'  to  be  at  large.'  This  somewhat  strange 
expression  may  in  a  measure  be  justified 
by  its  forming  an  antithesis  to  saepti : 
cp.  vagari,  710.  2,  and  vagus  esse  in 
Att.  vii.  11.  5  (304).  Butt^ari  in  710.  2 
is  qualified  by  tota  urbe  :  and  Brutus  was 
certainly  at  liberty  to  roam  about  any- 
where, except  just  in  the  city.  Dr.  Reid 
thinks  we  should  read  munili,  as  the 
word  is  constantly  used  with  saeptus 
(cp.  Tusc.  v.  41  ;  Sest.  95  ;  Verr.  v.  39 ; 
Fin.  i.  51),  especially  on  account  of  orbis 
terrae  custodiis,  whicb  must  be  confined 
to  saepti  if  magni  is  read.  This  con- 
sideration is  the  only  one  which  would 
support  Miiller's  tecti,  a  conjecture  which 
would  put  the  weaker  word  (tecti}  after 
the  stronger  (saepti}.  Orelli  ingeniously 
suggests  ayioi,  '  sacrosanct ' ;  but  it  is 
hardly  likely  that  Cicero  would  have 
used  a  Greek  word  for  such  a  very  Roman 
conception  ;  and  besides,  the  Greek  word 
for  '  sacrosanct '  is  iravayfjs. 

3.  quid]  needlessly  altered  by  Miiller 
to  qui.  Dr.  Reid  (Hermath.  xi,  p.  247) 
has  shown  that  quid  means  '  how  about,' 
'  what  are  we  to  think  of,'  and  he  refers 
to  his  note  on  Acad.  ii.  76  for  quid  — 
1  what  sort  of,'  qualis,  where  he  quotes 
Fam.  ix.  21.  1  (497)  quid  tibi  videor  in 
epistulis?  Att.  xiii.  10.  1  (624):  tibi 


Servius  quid  videtur  ?  He  also  compare 
Phil,  ii  75  tu  vero  quid  es  :  and  man 
passages  of  the  poets,  e.g.  Hor.  Sat.  i.  ( 
55  ;  Ovid  Pont.  i.  6.  11  ;  Heroid.  12.  31 
Verg.  Aen.  vii.  365. 

vetarepi(r/j.ov~\  '  coup  d'etat.'  Th 
populace  were  still  in  an  excited  state  (§  2 

1.  priinum  igitur]  '  well,  the  fir 
thing  I  learn  is  that  you  are  better  (c 
your  fever) ;  the  next  that  your  news 
more  encouraging.'  Some  verb  lik 
accipio  is  to  be  inferred  from  accepi.  F( 
igitur,  'accordingly,  so,  well,'  cj 
primum  igitur  scire  te  volui,  729.  1.  Bo 
(Obs.  Grit.  p.  60)  needlessly  conjecture 
laetor  tibi  for  igitur. 

Odiosa~\  '  mortifying,'  much  as  we  sa 
'tiresome,'  when  we  mean  much  more 
for  odiosus  does  not  mean  '  hateful 
These  legions  must  be  those  from  Mace 
donia  which  Caesar  had  sent  forwan 
there  for  the  Parthian  war.  It  is  note 
worthy  that  there  were  rumours  of  the 
coming  to  Italy  as  early  as  April. 

susque  deque}  '  it  is  neither  here  n< 
there,'  '  it  is  01  no  moment ' :  cp.  Plau 
Amph.  886,  atque  id  me  susque  deque  es 
habituramputat.  Gellius  xvi.  9  says  tl 
phrase  has  almost  the  same  meaning  a 
atiiaQoptiv.  He  quotes  passages  fro 
Laberius,  Varro,  and  Lucilius. 


EP.  708  (ATT.  XIV. 


257 


quid  de  Mario,  quern  quidem  ego  sublatum  rebar  a  Caesare. 
Antoni  colloquium  cum  heroibus  nostris  pro  re  nata  non  incom- 
modum.  Sed  tamen  adhuc  me  nihil  delectat  praeter  Idus  Manias. 
Nam,  quoniam  Fundis  sum  cum  Ligure  nostro,  discrucior  Sextili 
fundum  a  verberone  Curtilio  possideri :  quod  cum  dico,  de  toto 
genere  dico.  2.  Quid  enim  miserius  quam  ea  nos  tueri,  propter 
quae  ilium  oderamus  ?  Etiamne  consules  et  tribunes  pi.  in  bien- 
nium  quos  ille  voluit?  Nullo  modo  reperio  quern  ad  modum 
possim  iro\iT£V£&Oai.  Nihil  enim  tarn  <r6\oiKOv  quam  tyrannoc- 
tonos  in  caelo  esse,  tyranni  facta  defendi.  Sed  vides  consules, 
vides  reliquos  magistratus,  si  isti  magistratus,  vides  languorem 
bonorum.  Exsultant  laetitia  in  muuicipiis.  Dici  enim  non  potest 
quanto  opere  gaudeant,  ut  ad  me  concurrant,  ut  audire  cupiant 
verba  mea  de  re  p. :  nee  ulla  interea  decreta.  Sic  enim 

de  Mario]     See  on  597.  1  ;  707. 1. 

sublatum]  '  put  to  death,'  'removed': 
the  verb  toller e  is  rarely  used  in  this 
sense  absolutely  without  some  such  pen- 
dant as  de  tnedio,  or  the  instrument,  as 
ferro,  veneno ;  but  we  have  laudandum 
ornandum  tollendum  in  Fam.  xi.  20.  1 
(877),  where  this  sense  is  presupposed. 
In  Pers.  iv.  2,  sorbitio  tollit  quern  dira 
evcutae,  and  similar  passages  (Hor.  Cann. 
ii.  17.  28  ;  Sat.  ii.  1.  56),  the  instrument 
is  expressed. 

Antoni  colloquium]  This  was  probably 
a  conversation  in  which  Antony  promised 
to  use  his  influence  to  obtain  from  the 
Senate  the  necessary  authorization  for 
Brutus  to  absent  himself  from  Rome. 
Brutus,  as  praetor  urbanus,  could  not  be 
absent  for  more  than  ten  days  without 
special  permission."We  think  that  such  per- 
mission must  have  been  obtained  in  April, 
and  not  postponed  till  June  5,  as  Groebe 
holds  (cp.  his  edition  of  Drnmann  i.  429), 
as  the  absence  of  Brutus  \vas  never  stig- 
matized as  illegal. 

Ligure]  possibly  to  be  identified  with 
the  M.  Aelius  mentioned  in  Att.  xv.  26. 
4  (763). 

Sextili]  Sextilius  was  a  Pompeian. 
He  was  probably  the  Sextilius  Ruf  us  who 
was  in  command  of  the  fleet  of  Cassius  in 
43,  cp.  Fam.  xii.  13.  4  (901).  Curtilius 
was  a  freedman  of  Caesar's.  Cicero  goes 
on  to  say — 'this  is  a  mere  detail;  but 
it  is  an  illustration  of  a  whole  class  of 
actions  that  distract  me.' 

2.  tueri]     '  to  uphold,  maintain  ' :  cp. 
tueri  commentarium  Caesaris,  716.  2. 
VOL.  v. 


consules]  sc.  tuebimur  *  shall  we  uphold 
the  consuls  and  tribunes  he  has  nominated 
for  the  next  two  years  ?  '  cp.  Fam.  x. 
32.  2  (896),  where  it  is  stated  that  Balbus 
minor,  imitating  Caesar,  eomitia  bienni 
biduo  habuit,  hoc  est  renuntiavit  quos  ei 
visum  est, 

quern  .  .  .  Tro\iT*vc<rQai]  'how  I 
can  take  part  in  public  life  ? '  " 

tarn  ff6\oiKov~\     '  such  an  anomaly.' 

tyrannoctonos]  Cicero  never  uses 
tyrannicida,  which  does  not  occur  before 
Seneca  (De  Ira  ii.  23).  Seneca  Rhetor 
(Contr.  i.  7.  14)  has  tyrannicidium.  Dr. 
Reid  notices  that  the  Latins  do  not  use 
regicida.  Possibly  we  should  print  in 
Greek  rvpavvoKrovovs. 

in  caelo  esse~\  '  are  lauded  to  the 
skies.'  cp.  Att.  ii.  19.  2  (46)  Bibulus  in 
caelo  est,  nee  quare  scio ;  sed  ita  laudatur 
quasi  '  Unus  homo  nobis  cunctando 
restituit  rein ' ;  ii.  20.  4  (47)  £ibulu$ 
hominum  admirations  et  benevolentia  in 
caelo  est.  Slightly  different  is  ii.  9  (36) 
in  caelo  sum  '  I  am  in  the  seventh  heaven  ' 
(Winstedt). 

*i  isti  magistratus]  cp.  707.  2  : 
712.  2  duo  quidem  quasi  designati  con- 
sults. 

Exsultant  laetitia  in  municipiis]  The 
country  towns  were  favourable  to  the 
tyrannicides  :  cp.  Ferrero  iii.  39. 

ut]  '  how,'  very  common  after  videre  : 
cp.  De  Sen.  31. 

decreta]  No  decrees  of  the  Senate  had 
been  enacted  for  the  protection  of  Brutus 
and  Cassius. 

Sic  .  .  .  metueremus"]  '  the  net  result 

R 


258 


EP.  709  (ATT.  XIV.  7). 


\LTfVfjitOa  ut  victos  metueremus.  Haec  ad  te  scrips!  apposi 
secunda  raensa,  plura  et  TroXtrncwrfjoa  postea,  et  tu  quid  agas  quic 
que  agatur. 


709.    CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xiv.  7). 

LEAVING    FORMIAE  ;     APRIL    15  J    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  ',    AET.    CIC.    6 

De  Paullo  a  se  in  Caieta  viso  eiusque  colloquio  narrat,  turn  quaerit  de  Bruto. 
Dein  de  Cicerone  filio,  ut  ne  quid  ei  desit. 


CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Postridie  Idus  Paullum  in  Caieta  vidi.  Is  mihi  de  Mario  et 
de  re  p.  aliqua,  quaedara  sane  pessima.    Ate  scilicet  nihil :  nemo 
enim  meorum.     Sed  Brutum  nostrum  audio  visum  sub  Lanuvio. 
Ubi  tandem  est  futurus  ?     Nam  cum  reliqua  turn  de  hoc  scire 
aveo  omnia.     Ego  e  Formiano   exiens  xvn  Kal.,  ut  hide  altero 
die  in  Puteolanum,  scripsi  haec.     2.  A  Cicerone  mihi  litterae  san 
vcu    et   bene    longae.     Cetera  autem  vel    fingi  possunt 
litterarum  significat   doctiorem.     Nuuc  magno  opere  a  t 


of  our  policy  is  that  we  live  in  fear  of  the 
vanquished.' 

victos~\  the  partisans  of  Caesar, 
especially  Antony. 

secunda  memo]  '  at  dessert,'  lit.  at 
second  table  (course).  The  tahle  was 
removed  and  cleared  to  be  re-spread. 
This  course  was  also  called  bellaria, 
'sweets'  :  cp.  Gell.  xiii.  11.  6. 

tu]     sc.  scribe. 

1.  Paullum  ]  L.  Aemilius  Paullus, 
who  had  been  consul  with  C.  Marcellus 
in  50.  He  was  own  brother  to  Lepidus, 
the  triumvir  :  cp.  Velleius  ii.  67.  3. 
He  took  the  name  of  a  former  dis- 
tinguished member  of  the  Aemilian  gens  : 
cp.  Regillus  560.  2. 

in  Caieta']  See  Adn.  Grit.,  and  cp. 
Att.  viii.  3.  6  (333).  Mommsen  C.I.L. 
x.  p.  603,  says  '  Caieta  suam  rem 
publicam  non  habuit,  unde  boni  auctores 
in  Caieta  magis  dicunt  quam  Caietae.' 
In  relating  one  and  the  same  story,  Cic. 
(De  Orat.  ii.  22)  says  ad  Caietam  et  ad 
Laurentum  ;  and  Val.  Max.  (viii.  8.  1) 
Caietae  et  Laurenti.  See  also  Dr.  Reid 
(Hermath.  xi.  248-9). 


de  re  publica  aliqua,  quaedam  sane  pes 
sirna"]  '  Certain  things  about  the  State 
some  really  shocking.'  "We  take  align 
neut.  plu.  Dr.  Reid  takes  it  abl.  sing 
'about  a  certain  affair  of  state,'  viz 
Antony's  proposed  law  about  confirmin 
Caesar's  acta.  But  this  is  uncertain,  a 
the  question  had  been  now  postponed  tiJ 
June  1. 

nemo  enim  meorum"]  sc.  tabellariorut 
Roma  hue  venil. 

sub     Lanuvio~\     '  in    the     vicinity    o 
Lanuvium,'  like  sub  urbe,  lit.  '  under  th 
walls  of '  ;  sub  castris  Caes.  B.C.i.  82.  1 
2.  TTfirivo) fj.€vai~\  cp.fvirives,  'quaint 
classic,'   Att.  xii.  6.  4  (499).     Again  in 
746.  1  we  have  irfvivu/j.evws,  '  quite  in  th 
classic  style.'   The  word  irivos  means  the 
robigo  antiquitatis,  the  pretiosa  vetustas 
which  makes  a  work  of  art  valuable.     I 
is  as  if  an  Englishman  now  should  write 
'  I   have  had  quite  an  Addisonian  lette 
from  my  son.'     Cicero  did  not  cultivate 
this   style  (fortunately  for    us)    in    his 
letters  to  his  intimate  friends. 

irivos']  '  classic  style.'  This  is 
certainly  the  proper  accentuation  of  the 
word,  which  has  the  penult  short.  It  is 


EP.  710  (ATT.  XIV.  8).  259 

peto,  de  quo  sum  nuper  tecum  locutus,  ut  videas  ne  quid  ei  desit. 
Id  cum  ad  officium  nostrum  pertinet  turn  ad  existimationem  et 
dignitatem  :  quod  idem  intellexi  tibi  videri.  Omuino,  si  ego,  ut 
volo,  mense  Quinctili  in  Graeciam,  sunt  omnia  faciliora  ;  sed  cum 
sint  ea  tempora  ut  certi  nihil  esse  possit  quid  honestum  mihi  sit, 
quid  liceat,  quid  expediat,  quaeso,  da  operam  ut  ilium  quam 
honestissime  copiosissimeque  tueamur.  Hae'c  et  cetera  quae  ad 
nos  pertinebunt,  ut  soles,  cogitabis,  ad  meque  aut  quod  ad  rem 
pertineat  aut,  si  nihil  erit,  quod  in  buocam  venerit  scribes. 


710.     CICEEO  TO  ATTIOUS  (ATT.  xiv.  s). 

SINUESSA  ;    APRIL  15  J    A.  U.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44  J    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  comnioratione  sua  Sinuessana,  de  Mario,  de  Bruto,  de  Paulli  litteris,  de  fuga 
reginae,  de  Clodia,  de  Byz.mtiis,  de  negotiis  Baianis,  de  rebus  publicis  et  maxime 
quid  Brutus  agat  sibi  scribi  vult. 

CICERO  ATTICO   SAL. 

1.  Tu  me  iarn  rebare,  cum   scribebas,  in  actis  esse  nostris,  et 
ego  accepi  xvu  Kn.1.  in  deversoriolo  Sinuessano  tuas  litteras.    De 

so   accented    by    Draco,    Herodian,    and  Greek  a/c-Hj   had   the   same   special  sig- 

Arcadius.     All  the  editors  of  the  Letters  nificance.     Prof.    Goligher,    with  excel- 

have  followed  the  Etymologicum  Magnum  lent  learning,  refers  us  to  Anth.  Pal.  v. 

in  accenting  it  irlvos  as  if  it  came  from  39.  6,  ical  ypd<pe  irpos  /*e,  els  iroi-rjv  aKrrjv 

viuv,    '  fat.'     The  whole  of  the  rest  of  ev^poa-wwf    yeyovas  (also,   perhaps,    ix. 

the  letter   refers  to  young   Cicero,  who  412.5);  and  he  also  quotes  the  Schol.  A 

vas  now  at  Athens.  on    Iliad    ii.    395,    O.KTO.I'     «V    6v«xt/as 

a<p(apiff/j.fisoi      TJTrot,      nkv      rvx^fft     n$i 

1.  in  actis  esse  nostris]     '  You  thought  irapaOa\d<rffioi    ovres.     The  Greeks  used 

when   you  wrote  that  1    was  already  in  aKTafctv  for  •  to  enjoy  oneself ,'  especially 

my  sea-side  pleasure -haunts,   and  I  did  at  the    sea-side  ;    cp.   Plutarch   Quaest. 

receive  your  letter  on  January  16  in  my  Conviv.  iv.  2.  8  (=  66S  B)  ri  8'  ol  -jro\\ol 

lodge  at  Sinuessa.'     (For  Cicero's  lodge  ftov\ovra.i    orav    ySews    yevco-Qat     irapa- 

at  Sinuessa,  cp.  Fam.  xii.  20,  Ep.  930.)  Ka\ovvrfs    dAArjAous    Xfyoxri     '  a-i\l*-*f>ov 

The   Latin    writers   have   borrowed    the  aKTaffoo/uLev ;  '  ou^i  rb  nap'  O-KTT}  Sflirvov 

Greek  word  CI/CTTJ,  which  in  classical  times  ^iffrov  a.iro^aivov<nv  &arvfp  fffrtv;  Lobeck 

they   mostly  used  in  the  sense  we  have  (Aglaophamus,  p.    1022    note)    compares 

given:  cp.  Verr.  v.  63,  82,  94  ;  Gael.  35  ;  the  French  word  ripaille  f  or  '  feasting, ' 

Fam.  ix.  6.  4  (470)  ;  Nepos   Ages.  8.  2.  which  we    believe  is  derived  from    the 

Even0ctain  Verg.  Aen.  v"613  is  explained  name  of  the  pleasure-house  on  the  shore 

by  Servius  us  secreta  et  amoena  litorum,  (ripa)    of  the   Lake   of   Geneva,    where 

and  the  glosses  as  loca  secreta  circa  mare  Duke  Amadeus  VIII,  of  Savoy,  used  to 

id  est  in  litore,  amoena  et  voluptaria.     In  enjoy  himself. 

R2 


260 


EP.  710  (ATT.  XIV.  8}. 


Mario  probe,  etsi  doleo  L.  Crassi  nepotem.  Optime  iam  etiam 
Bruto  nostro  probari  Antonium.  Nam  quod  luniam  scribis 
moderate  et  amice  scriptas  litteras  attulisse,  mihi  Paullus  dedit  ad 
se  a  fratre  missas,  quibus  in  extremis  erat  sibi  insidias  fieri,  se  id 
certis  auctoribus  comperisse.  Hoc  nee  mibi  placebat  et  multo  illi 
minus.  Keginae  fuga  mihi  non  molesta  est.  Clodia  quid  egerit 
scribas  ad  me  velim:  De  Byzantiis  curabis,  ut  cetera,  et  Pelopem 
ad  te  arcesses.  Ego,  ut  postulas,  Baiana  negotia  chorumque  ilium, 
de  quo  scire  vis,  cum  perspexero,  turn  scribam  ne  quid  ignores, 
2.  Quid  Galli,  quid  Hispani,  quid  Sextus  agat  vehementer  ex- 
specto.  Ea  scilicet  tu  declarabis,  qui  cetera.  Nauseolam  tibi 
tuam  causam  oti  dedisse  facile  patiebar :  videbare  enim  mihi 
legenti  tuas  litteras  requiesse  paullisper.  De  Bruto  semper  ad  me 
omnia  perscribito,  ubi  sit,  quid  cogitet,  quern  quidem  ego  spero 
iam  tuto  vel  solum  tota  urbe  vagari  posse.  Yerum  tamen  .  .  . 


probe"]  i.e.  probe  est.  Similarly  optime 
just  below.  The  use  of  adverbs  with 
esse  is  a  feature  of  the  letters,  cp.  vol.  I3 
p.  91. 

Crassi  nepotem]  sc.  eum  fuisse.  This 
is  ironical.  Cicero  speaks  of  the  impostor 
as  if  he  had  really  been  the  person  whom 
he  claimed  to  be,  and  says,  continuing  the 
irony,  that  he  is  sorry  that  this  man  was 
the  grandson  of  Crassus  ;  see  on  597.  1. 
We  can  say  doleo  aliquid,  '  I  am  sorry  for 
a  thing,'  but  not,  we  think,  doleo  aliquem, 
'  I  am  sorry  for  a  person,' 

iam~]  So  we  read  for  tarn :  for  as  Dr. 
Eeid  notes  tarn  =  tantopere  is  restricted 
by  Cicero  to  negative  sentences,  and  it 
would  be  somewhat  awkward  to  have  tarn 
so  far  separated  from  probari. 

luniam]  Junia  was  the  wife  of 
Lepidus  and  the  sister  of  Brutus  :  for  a 
cleverly  expressed  story  in  which  she 
figures'  see  252.  25.  The  letter  which 
Junia  brought  was  either  from  her 
husband  Lepidus  to  her  brother  Brutus, 
or  from  Brutus  to  Lepidus.  That  which 
Aemilius  Paullus  gave  to  Cicero  was 
from  his  brother  (cp.  709.  1.  note) 
Lepidus  in  Gallia  Narbonensis  to  himself 
(Paullus) .  Cicero  did  not  like  the  allusion 
of  Lepidus  to  a  plot  against  himself, 
probably  regarding  it  as  an  excuse  for 
disturbing  that  state  of  peace  which 
Cicero  so  much  desired  to  maintain. 

lieyinae]  Cleopatra  is  so  designated 
wherever  she  is  mentioned  in  the  letters, 
727.2;  730.5;  734.4;  748.2;  749.  2. 
She  left  Home  shortly  after  the  death  of 


Caesar,  but  we  cannot  ascertain  exactly 
when. 

Clodia  quid  egerit]  It  is  uncertain 
whether  this  Clodia,  with  whom  Cicero 
had  negotiations  as  to  the  purchase  of 
her  horti  (582.  4,  and  often),  was  the 
notorious  Clodia  or  her  younger  sister. 
The  reference  here  may  be  to  that  pur 
chase.  If  she  was  Cicero's  old  enemy,, 
this  is  the  last  mention  of  her. 

Pelopem']  Gronovius  suspects  this  Pel 
ops  to  be  the  person  to  whom  Cicero- 
addressed  a  letter  in  Greek  about  certain 
honours  to  be  conferred  on  him  by  the 
Byzantines,  according  to  Plut.  Cic.  24to 
It  might,  however,  be  the  name  of  some 
literary  slave  or  freedman. 

Baiana  negotia']  '  the  Baian  lot.'  Hq 
refers  to  Hirtius,  Pansa,  Balbus,  who 
wero  living  at  this  time  in  Baiae.  FOB 
the  use  of  negotium  applied  to  a  man 
(like  the  Greek  xf"?M«)»  cp.  Teucrit 
ilia  lentum  sane  negotium,  '  a  slow- 
coach,' Att.  i.  12,  1  (17);  sunt  enitn 
negotia  et  lenta  et  inania,  Att.  v.  18,  4 
(218) ;  Callisthenes  quidem  volgare  et 
notum  negotium,  Q.  Fr.  ii.  11,  4  (135).. 
As  in  218.  4,  it  would  be  of  course  pos- 
sible here  to  take  negotia  in  the  ordinary 
sense  of  '  affairs'  :  and  the  plural  of' 
negotium  applied  to  persons  is  somewhat 
unusual. 

2.  facile  patiebar]     '  I  am  glad  to  hear 
that  your  sick  stomach  has  given  you 
reason  for  resting  yourself.'     For  facil* 
patior,  cp.  622.  2:  634.  1. 

vel  solum]    '  even   quite  unattended. 


ir    I 

1 


EP.  711  (FAM.   VI.  17).  261 


711.     CICERO  TO  BITHYNICUS  (FAM.  vi.  17). 

PLACE    AND    DATE    UNCERTAIN. 

Cicero  Bithynico,  qui  epistula  quadam  sua  Ciceroni  significaverat  se  constituta  rep. 
secum  victurum,  gratum  sibi  id  consilium  esse  respondet. 

CICERO  BITHYNICO. 

1.  Cum  ceterarum  rerum  causa  cupio  esse  aliquando  rem  pub- 
licam  constitutam,  turn  velim  mihi  credas  accedere,  id  etiam  quo 
magis  expetam,  promissum  tuum  quo  in  litteris  uteris ;  scribis 
enim,  si  ita  sit,  te  mecum  esse  victurum.  2.  Gratissima  mihi  tua 
voluntas  est,  facisque  nihil  alienum  necessitudine  nostra  iudiciisque 
patris  tui  de  me,  summi  viri:  nam  sic  habeto,  beneficiorum  magrii- 
tudine  eos  qui  temporibus  valuerunt  ut  valeant  coniunctiores 
tecum  esse  quam  me.  necessitudine  neminem.  Quam  ob  rem 
grata  mihi  est  et  memoria  tua  nostrae  coniunctionis  et  eius  etiam 
augendae  voluutas. 

vagari~]  This  may  be  quoted  in  favour  2.  patris  tui~]    cp.  Fam.  vi.  16  (701). 

of  the  conjecture  vagi  esse  in  707.  2,  but  nam  sic  habeto]  '  for  be  assured  of  this, 

the  restriction  tota  urbe  here  makes  the  that  while  in  respect  of  extent  of  benefits 

passage  essentially  different :  see  note  to  bestowed  those  who,  owing  to  the  times, 

707.  2.  have  succeeded  in  being  successful  may 

Verum  tamen\     aposiopesis,  which,  of  be  more  attached  to  you  than  I  am,  yet 

course,  may  be  supplied  in  many  different  in  friendship  there  is  none'  (sc.  who  is 

ways  ;  cp.  550  ;  715.  1  ;  754.  1.  more  attached  than  I  am). 

valuerunt  ut  valeant]    '  have  succeeded 

This  letter  is  hardly  an  answer  to  701,  in  being  successful.'     This  is  no  doubt  an 

as  Cicero  says  nothing  about  supporting  unusual    mode    of    expression,    but    we 

the  interests  of   Bithynicus   during   his  hardly     think    impossible.      Wesenberg 

absence  (tit  absentem  me  .  .  .  .  ttieare).  (E.  A.  15)   approves  of   the  reading   of 

We  should,  perhaps,  have  put  this  Epistle  Graevius,    ant  valent    (which    we    have 

under  the  Letters  of  uncertain  date.  found  in  one  of  Mr.  Allen's  codices) ;  and 

1.  accedere   .   .   .  uteris"]     *  that  there  thinks  that  it  is  probable   that   another 

is  an  additional  reason  for  my  desiring  aut  fell  out  before  valuerunt.     Dr.  Eeid 

it — one  too  on  account  of   which  I  long  thinks  valuerunt  ut  valent  probable,  as  the 

ior  it  the  more  earnestly— namely,  the  turn  is  Ciceronian  :  cp.  Lig.  26,  quamvis 

promise  you  make  in  your  letter,  that  we  ipse  probarem,  ut  probo. 
should  see  a  good  deal  of  one  another.' 


262 


EP.  712  (ATT.  XIV.  9). 


712.     CICERO  TO  ATTIC  US  (Axr.  xiv.  9). 

PUTEOLI  J    APRIL  18  J    A.  U.  C.  710  !    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.    CIC.    62. 

De    litteris   ab   Attico   acceptis,    de    tabernis   quae   corruerunt   aedificandis,    dc 
tyrannide  vivente  occiso  tyranno,  de  Balbo  eiusque  nuntio,  de  bello  Parthico  et 
rebus  Gallicis. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  De  re  publica  multa  cognovi  ex  tuis  litteris,  quas  quidei 
multiiuges  accepi  uno  tempore  a  Yestori  liberto.  Ad  ea  autera 
quae  requiris  brevi  respondebo.  Primum  vehementer  me  Cluviana, 
delectant.  Sed  quod  quaeris  quid  arcessierim  Chrysippum,  taber- 
nae  milii  duae  corruerunt  reliquaeque  rimas  agunt.  Itaque  non 
solum  inquilini,  sed  mures  etiam  migraverunt.  Hanc  ceteri 
calamitatem  vocant,  ego  ne  incommodum  quidem.  0  Socrate  et 
Socratici  viri !  numquam  vobis  gratiam  referam.  Di  immortales, 
quam  mihi  ista  pro  nihilo  !  Sed  tamen  ea  ratio  aedificandi  initur, 
consiliario  quidem  et  auctore  Yestorio,  ut  hoc  damnum  quaestuo- 
sum  sit.  2.  Hie  turba  magna  est  eritque,  ut  audio,  maior.  Duo 
quidem  quasi  designati  consules !  0  di  boni !  vivit  tyrannis,. 


1.  quas  quidem  muUiiugei\  '  a  whole 
batch  of  which.' 

Cluviana]  sc.  praedia  mihi  legato, :  cp. 
663.  3. 

Chrysippum"]  i.e.  Vettius  Chrysippus, 
an  architect :  cp.  605.  2,  and  Fani.  vii.  14. 
1  (172). 

rimas  agunt]  cp.  Senec.  Benef.  vi.  15. 
7,  agent  em  ex  imo  rimas  insulam  incredi- 
bili  arte  suspendit:  Ov.  Met.  ii.  211  fissa- 
que  (sc.  tellus}  agit  rimas. 

mures]  The  superstition  that  mice  and 
rats  leave  a  falling  house  is  as  old  as 
Pliny,  ruinis  imminentibus  musculipraemi- 
grant,  N.  H.  viii.  103,  and  Aelian,  Var. 
Hist.  i.  11,  both  of  whom  are  referred  to 
by  Gronovius  on  this  passage.  With  us 
it  is  a  sinking  ship  which  the  rats  are  said 
to  leave.  It  is  to  be  observed  that  Cicero 
does  not  say  that  they  left  before  the  in- 
mates, but  that  they  were  the  last  to 
leave.-  Pliny  seems  to  ascribe  to  them  a 
supernatural  prevision  of  the  disaster  in 
the  word  praemigrant.  Aelian  expressly 
claims  for  them  this  quality,  foav  8' 
&pa  navriKuraroi  rwv 


777/^00-77$    yap    otKias  ^7877    Kal    /ue  \\ovffr)* 
KaTo\i(rddv€iv  alffdavovranrpcoToiK 
TToS&ij/  fxovcrit/  airoSiSpdffKOVffi  Kal 


Hanc  ceteri  cnlamitatem~]  Cicero  19- 
never  tired  of  proclaiming  his  superiority 
to  the  pettier  vexations  of  life.  It  is  this- 
indifference  to  little  misfortunes  which  he-, 
says  he  owes  to  philosophy  —  a  debt  which 
he  will  never  be  able  to  pay. 

consiliario  .  .  .  et  auctore']  '  under  the- 
direction  and  by  the  advice  of  Vestorius.' 
Vestorius  not  only  directed  the  \vorkmen, 
but  originally  recommended  the  style  o 
building  which  '  was  to  turn  a  loss  into  a 
profit.'  In  Fam.  i.  9.  2  (153), 
amicissimo  .  .  .  et  tu  me  consiliario  non 
peritissimo  .  .  .  usus  esses,  Lentulus  is  de- 
scribed as  suggesting  the  policy,  and  Cicero- 
as  giving  hints  as  to  the  carrying  out  of  it* 
For  Vestorius  cp.  1  63.  3  and  Index. 

2.  quasi  designati']     cp.  707.  2,  708. 
It   had     been    arranged   by   Caesar 
Hirtius  and  Pansa  should  hold  the  consul- 
ship   next    year.      '  Our    two    so-calh 
consuls-designate  !  ' 


EP.  712  (ATT.  XIV.  9). 


263 


tyramms  occidit !  Eius  iuterfecti  morte  laetamur,  cuius  facta 
defendimus  !  Itaque  quam  severe  nos  M.  Curtius  accusat,  ut 
pudeat  vivere,  neque  iniuria.  Nam  mori  milieus  praestitit  quam 
haec  pati,  quae  mihi  videntur  habitura  etiam  vetustatem.  3.  Et 
Balbus  hie  est  multumque  mecum,  ad  quern  a  Vetere  litterae  datae 
pridie  Kal.  lanuar.,  cum  a  se  Caecilius  circumsederetur  et  iam 
teneretur,  venisse  cum  maximis  copiis  Pacorum  Parthum :  ita  sibi 
esse  eum  ereptum,  multis  suis  amissis,  in  qua  re  accusat  Volcatium. 
Ita  mihi  videtur  bellum  illud  iiistare.  Sed  Dolabella  et  Nicias 
viderint.  Idem  Balbus  meliora  de  Gallia.  xxi  die  litteras  babe- 
bat,  Germanos  illasque  nationes  re  audita  de  Caesare  legates 
misisse  ad  Aurelium,  qui  est  praepositus  ab  Hirtio,  se  quod  impe- 
ratuni  esset  esse  facturos.  Quid  quaeris  ?  Omnia  plena  pacis, 
aliter  ac  mihi  Calvena  dixerat. 


quam  severe']  We  have  already  endea- 
voured to  vindicate  this  use  of  quam  = 
per  quam  in  the  letters  on  Att.  vii.  15.  2 
(311),  where  see  note.  It  is  quite  common 
in  Apuleius. 

M.  Curtius].  M.  Curtius  Postumus, 
a  vehement  Caesarian,  Att.  ix.  2a.  3  (356), 
5.  1  (359),  6.  2  (360),  whom  Cicero  did  not 
like:  cp.  597.  1,  also  Fam.  ii.  16.  7 
(394). 

habitura  .  .  .  vetustatem']  'are  becoming 
chronic '  :  cp.  inveterata,  720.  2. 

3.  Vetere]  C.Antistius  Vetus  had  been 
quaestor  of  Caesar  in  Spain  in  61,  and 
tribune  in  56.  He  besieged  Q.  Caecilius 
Bassus  in  Apamea  (cp.  700.  4).  The 
siege  was  ultimately  raised  by  reason  of 
a  diversion  caused  by  the  Parthians  and 
an  Arab  chief  Alchaudonius  (Dio  Cass. 
xlvii.  27.  3).  Antistius  afterwards  pos- 
sessed the  very  villa  of  Cicero's  at  Puteoli 
(Plin.  H.  N.  xxxi.  7)  from  which  this 
letter  was  written. 

Volcatium']     He  was  praetor  in  46,  and 


became  consul  in  33.  Corradus  conjec- 
tures L.  Statium,  i.e.  L.  Statius  Murcus, 
who  seems  to  have  been  in  Syria  at  this 
time.  See  Index. 

bellum  illud]  with  Parthia.  The  pro- 
vince of  Syria  would  involve  the  conduct 
of  the  Parthian  war.  That  the  province 
of  Syria  had  been  assigned  by  Caesar  to 
Dolabella,  and  that  of  Macedonia  to 
Antony,  is  held  by  Schwartz  (Hermes 
(1898),  p.  187),  and'Ferrero,  vol.  hi.  324- 
328  :  and  this  passage  tends  to  support 
that  view. 

Nicias]  Nicias  Curtius  was  a  gram- 
marian (cp.  562.  2).  He  was  now  staying 
with  Dolabella.  He  is  often  mentioned 
in  the  letters  (see  Index).  Here  he  is 
jestingly  spoken  of  as  sharing  with 
Dolabella  the  responsibility  for  the 
Parthian  war. 

Hirtio]  He  seems  to  have  been  nominal 
governor  of  Gallia  Comata,  administering 
it  by  one  Aurelius,  of  whom  we  know 
only  this  fact. 


264 


P.  713  (ATT.  XIV.  10). 


713.    CICERO  TO  ATTIC  US  (ATT.  xiv.  10). 

CUMAE  J    APRIL  19  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  J   B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  62. 

Quaeritur  de  rebus  post  Caesaris  caedetn  factis  et  adseculis  Caesaris  dominantibus,  j 
de  adventu  Octavii  Neapolim,  de  rebus  privatis  ac  domesticis,  de  Q.  patris  litteris  de 
filio. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Itane  vero?     Hoc  meus   et  tuns  Brutus  egit  ut  Lanuvi 
esset?  ut  Trebonius  itineribus  deviis  proficisceretur  in  provinciam  ? 
ut  omnia  facta,  scripta,   dicta,  promissa,  cogitata  Caesaris  plus, 
valerent  quam  si  ipse  viveret  ?     Meministine  me  clamare  illo  ipso 
primo  Capitolino  die  debere  senatum  in  Capitolium  a  praetoribus 


1.  Itane  vero  ?]  '  Is  this  the  end  ?  Did 
our  hero  Brutus  do  his  deed  only  to  have 
to  stay  at  Lanuvium,  only  that  Trebonius 
should  have  to  slink  through  by-ways  to 
his  province  (Asia),  only  that  all  the  acts, 
etc. ,  of  Caesar  should  have  more  authority 
than  if  he  were  alive?'  Cicero's  first 
outburst  of  joy  at  the  assassination  of 
Caesar  is  conveyed  in  a  letter  (699)  to 
Minucius  Basilus,  which  is  the  shortest  in 
the  whole  correspondence.  This  tone  soon 
gives  way  to  one  of  depression,  which  is 
expressed  in  this  and  other  letters,  and  of 
which  the  burden  is  vivit  tyrannis,  tyran- 
nus  occidit. 

ut  omnia  facta  .  .  .  viveret]  We  must 
suppose  from  this  passage  that  Antony 
had  already  begun  to  publish  certain  acta 
of  Caesar's  as  legal  enactments  (cp.  708.  2). 
In  order  that  he  should  do  so,  it  was 
necessary  that  the  decree  of  the  Senate 
passed  on  March  17  which  legalized  the 
acta  of  Caesar,  should  have  been  made  a 
law,  as  it  certainly  was  at  some  time  or 
other  (Phil.  v.  10),  so  we  must  assume  not 
only  that  this  Lex  Antonia  de  Caesaris 
actis  confirmandis  had  been  passed  by  the 
date  of  this  letter  (April  19),  but  must 
have  been  passed  for  some  time  to  admit 
of  a  considerable  use  by  Antony  of  the 
powers  it  put  into  his  hands.  We  think 
that  immediately  after  March  17  the  law- 
was  promulgated  and  passed  after  the  usual 
seventeen -day  interval,  possibly  on  the 
3rd  or  4th  of  April  (both  of  which  were 
comitial  days).  Schiller  (Geschichte  des 
rom,  Kaiserzeit,  i.  16  note  4)  and  Groebe 


(in  his  ed.  of  Drumann  i.  415)  seem  to 
hold  that  it  was  passed  on  March  17th 
without  the  legal  interval  between  pro- 
mulgation and  enactment :  while  Lange 
(R.  A.  iii.  494)  and  0.  E.  Schmidt  (Vie 
letzten  Kampfe,  p.  699)  would  place  its 
enactment  on  April  24.  We  must,  then, 
assume  that  what  Cic.  says  here  is 
evidence  only  that  he  was  quite  sure  the 
law  would  pass,  and  that  Antony  had 
given  indication  of  the  way  he  would 
interpret  the  term  acta  Caesaris. 

primo  Capitolino  die~]  This  was  March 
15.  After  the  assassination  of  Caesar, 
which  occurred  about  eleven  o'clock  on 
March  15,  the  conspirators  occupied 
the  Capitol,  where  they  were  joined  by 
Cicero  and  other  nobiles.  They  held 
earnest  deliberations  during  that  after- 
noon as  to  the  course  to  adopt.  Cicero 
urged  that  the  praetors,  Brutus  and 
Cassius,  should  summon  the  senate :  for 
neither  of  the  consuls  was  present. 
Dolabella  (who  was  consul  suffectus)  did 
not  join  the  conspirators  till  the  next  day, 
and  Antony  was  hostile,  or  at  least  his 
attitude  was  uncertain.  They  spent 
March  16  in  negotiations  with  Antony, 
and  M.  Brutus  delivered  an  address  to 
the  people  in  the  forum  during  the  after- 
noon. (On  the  action  of  Decimus  Brutus 
during  this  day  see  Ep.  700.)  On  the 
17th,  the  Liberalia,  a  meeting  of  the 
senate  was  held  in  the  Temple  of  Tellus 
on  the  summons  of  Antony.  The  real 
question  at  issue  was,  '  Should  Caesar  be 
regarded  as  a  tyrant  ?  '  for  if  so,  all  his 


EP.  713  (ATT.  XIV.  10\. 


265 


/ocari  ?  Di  immortales  !  quae  turn  opera  effici  potuerunt  laetanti- 
3us  omnibus  bonis,  etiam  sat  bonis,  fractis  latronibus  !  Liberalia 
;u  accusas.  Quid  fieri  turn  potuit  ?  iam  pridem  perieramus. 
^Teministine  te  clamare  causam  perisse,  si  f  unere  elatus  esset  ? 
A.t  ille  etiam  in  foro  combustus  laudatusque  miserabiliter  servique 

t  egentes  in  tecta  nostra  cum  facibus  immissi.  Quae  deinde  ?  ut 
tudeant  dicere,  '  tune  contra  Caesaris  nutum  ?  '  Haec  et  alia 

erre   non   possum.      Itaque    yqv    trpo   yr\Q    cogito.       Tua  tameu 


nactments  would  be  null  and  void  :  and  if 
or,  the  conspirators  should  be  regarded  as 
riniinals.  Cicero  took  part  in  the  debate, 
nd  advocated  a  general  amnesiy.  The 
enate  accepted  his  proposal,  but  added  to 
;  a  ratification  of  Caesar's  acts.  Caesar's 
riends,  headed  by  L.  Piso,  his  father-in- 
iw,  procured  the  consent  of  the  senate  to 
be  publication  of  Caesar's  will  and  a 
ublic  funeral  for  his  body.  Brutus  sub- 
equently  addressed  the  people  in  defence 
f  Caesar's  murder,  and  on  the  following 
ay  Cicero  again  spoke  in  favour  of  am- 
esty.  Caesar's  will  was  then  read,  in 
rhich  Octavius  was  named  his  heir.  A 
ainf ul  feeling  was  excited  when  the  name 
f  D.  Brutus  was  read  among  the  second 
eirs,  and  was  intensified  bv  the  public 
uneral  which  followed  about  the  20th  or 
1st,  and  by  Antony's  adroit  conduct  on 
liat  occasion. 

debere]  We  have  with  hesitation  added 
ais  word  with  most  editors,  and  after  die, 
irith  Dr.  Reid.     He   says  (Hermath.  x. 
250)  that  "  in  the  face  of  the  fact  that 
ae  accusative  and  infinitive  construction 
rith    peto,   rogo,   oro,   precor,  and  other 
erbs  more  or  less  analogous  to  clanio  is 
ost- Ciceronian,  it  is  over-bold  to  stand 
y  the  MSS.  here."     Yet  in  one  passage 
tie  pres.  infin.  seems  to  be  found  after 
ensere,    Phil.    8.    21,    cum    ante   legatos 
ecerni  non  censuissem.     But  it  is  possible 
say,    '  I    voted    against  ambassadors 
>eing  appointed,'  but  hardly  so  to  say,  '  I 
reclaimed    loudly    the     senate's    being 
ailed,'  meaning  '  that  the  senate  ought 
o  be  called.'    It  should  mean  '  that  the 
enate  was  being  called.'    We  should  not 
lave  added  debere  if  Cic.  had  used  censere 
nd  not  clamare  :  for  the  pres.  inf.  was 
ertainly    allowable     in    post- Augustan 
i  times  after  censere.    See  a  passage  of  Livy 
i  xxvi.  32.  2,  where  both  constructions  seem 
I  to  be  found  in  the  same  sentence,  cum  .  .  . 
•cum     tyrannis    bellum     gerendum    fuisse 
censer ent  .  .  .  et  urbem  recipi,  non  capi. 


Liberalia  tu  accusas~\  'you  condemn  my 
conduct  on  the  17th  of  March,'  in  not 
either  absenting  myself  from  the  meet- 
ing of  the  senate  on  that  day  in  the 
Temple  of  Tellus,  or  speaking  freely 
when  there.  Cicero  afterwards  contends 
that  both  of  these  courses  were  impossible 
to  him  :  see  on  719.  2. 

laudatusque  miser  abiliter~\  It  is  a  dis- 
puted point  whether  Antony  delivered  a 
great  speech,  as  most  historians  state 
(App.  B.  C.  ii.  143-147  ;  Dio  Cass.  xliv. 
35-49  :  cp.  Plut.  Ant.  14),  or  whether  he 
simply  ordered  an  official  to  read  the 
decree  of  the  senate  detailing  all  the 
honours  voted  to  Caesar  and  the  oath  the 
senators  swore  to  the  dictator,  and  added 
only  a  few  words  of  his  own,  as  Suetonius 
(Caes.  84)  says.  See  on  the  suoject 
Ferrero  iii.  21.  This  passage  would 
seem  to  support  the  former  view,  but  is 
quite  reconcilable  with  the  latter:  for 
Antony's  praise  of  Caesar  was  a  dramatic, 
rather  than  a  rhetorical,  effort,  as  even 
the  narrative  of  Suetonius  shows,  and 
everything  in  Antony's  conduct  con- 
trived to  excite  pity  (cp.  Phil.  ii.  91, 
tua  ilia  pulcra  laudalio,  tua  miseratio)  : 
but  Antony  was  not  sufficiently  sure  of  his 
position  at  the  time  (about  the  20th)  to 
make  a  great  speech  which  the  constitu- 
tionalists, who  were  in  his  opinion  still 
formidable,  could  point  to  as  an  indu- 
bitably hostile  attack.  Later,  of  course, 
when  Cicero  had  broken  with  Antony,  he 
accuses  whatever  speech  he  made  as  the 
cause  of  all  the  riots  that  followed  the 
funeral  (Phi.l  ii.  91),  but  no  such  violent 
charge  is  made  here. 

tune  .  .  .  nutum  ?~\  sc.  aliquid  ac- 
turus  es  ? 

cogito']  '  I  intend  to  keep  moving  from 
land  to  land ' ;  '  to  be  a  wanderer  on  the 
face  of  the  earth  ' :  cp.  Aesch.  P.  V.  682 
/jLaffriyi  flei'o  yfjv  trpb  7775  e'Aavj'Oyttai. 

Tua]  sc  77}:  '  yours  (Epirus)  is  too 
windy.'  Possibly  by  reading  i 


266 


EP.  713  (ATT.  XIV.  10). 


2.  Nausea  iamue  plane  abiit  P  Mihi  quidem  ex  tuii 
litteris  coniectanti  ita  videbatur.  Redeo  ad  Tebassos,  Scaevas 
Fangones.  Hos  tu  existimas  confidere  se  ilia  habituros  stantibui 
nobis  ?  in  quibus  plus  virtutis  putarunt  quam  expert!  sunt.  Paci 
isti  scilicet  amatores  et  non  latrocini  auctores.  At  ego  cum  tib 
de  Curtilio  scripsi  Sextilianoque  fundo,  scripsi  de  Censorino,  di 
Messalla,  de  Planco,  de  Postumo,  de  geuere  toto.  Melius  fui 
perisse  illo  interfecto — quod  nunquam  accidisset — quam  haec  videre 
3.  Octavius  Neapolim  venit .  xim  Kal.  Ibi  eum  Balbus  man< 
postridie,  eodemque  die  mecum  in  Cumano,  ilium  hereditatem 
aditurum,  sed,  ut  scribis,  -fpL^oOefitv  magnam  cum  Antonio 

we  might  give  more  point  to  the  reflection 
;  Your  land  is  sheltered  from  the  storms 
(which  drive  me  from  place  to  place).' 
Then,  as  Dr.  Reid  suggests,  tua  will  refer 
to  Athens,  and  he  compares  775.  2  Athenis 
tuis.  Cic.  had  for  a  long  time  intended 
to  go  to  Greece  (718.  4  ut  constitueram}. 

2.  Nausea]  cp.  710.  2. 

Tebassos,  Scaevas,  Fangones]  These 
were  veterans  of  Caesar's  who  were  now 
in  possession  of  properties  formerly  held 
by  Pompeians.  For  Scaeva  cp.  637. 3  ;  for 
C.  Fuficius  Fango  and  his  actions  and 
death  in  Africa  see  Dio  Cass.  xlviii. 
22,  23;  App.  B.C.  v.  26.  He  is  men- 
tioned as  a  provincial  aedile  in  C.  I.  L. 
x  3758  (an  Inscription  found  at  Acerrae). 
We  do  not  know  of  any  centurion  called 
Tebassus. 

ilia]  sc.  praedia. 

stantibus  nobis]  '  if  we  had  stood 
firm '  :  cp.  stamus  animis,  Att.  v.  18.  2 
(218) ;  stante  Pompeiovel  etiam  sedente,  '  if 
Pompey  remained  firm  or  even  inactive,' 
Att.  vi.  3.  4  (264). 

putarunt]  For  putarunt  with  a  direct 
object  Boot  compares  falsum  putare,  De 
Sen.  4. 

Pads  .  .  .  auctores]  ironical.  '  They, 
of  course,  long  for  peace,  and  do  not  urge 
to  robbery.' 

de  Curtilio  scripsi]  708.  1  ;  he  was 
probably  one  of  the  veterans  enriched  by 
Caesar  with  Pompeian  property. 

Censorino]  He  is  mentioned  in  Phil. 
xi.  36  as  in  bello  hostem,  in  pace  sectorem. 

Messalla]  consul  in  53,  a  Caesarian  : 
cp.  Att.  xi.  22.  2  (446)  ;  Bell.  Afr.  86.  3. 

Pltinco]  i.e.  Plancus  Bursa :  cp.  670.  2 
and  index. 

Postumo]  cp.  712.  2. 

quod  nunquam  accidisset]  '  which 
never  would  have  come  about.'  Cicero 


here  records  his  conviction  that  if  th 
Pompeians  had  taken  a  firm  attitude  aft® 
the  murder  of  Caesar  they  would  hav 
prevailed  over  the  Caesarians.  But  thu 
interesting  reflection  has  been  taken  out  I 
of  the  mouth  of  Cicero  by  Gronovius,  whal 
conjectured  utinam  fox-  nunquam,  and  whaj 
has  been  followed  by  most  editors.  Wm 
have  given  what  Cicero  wrote,  not  whal 
Gronovius  thought  he  ought  to  hav« 
written.  0.  E.  Schmidt  (Rh.  Mus.,  18981 
p.  221)  reads  quod  <  utinam  >  nunquam 
accidisset,  which  is  too  strong.  Cic.  maj 
have  been  disappointed  as  to  the  results  of 
the  death  of  Caesar  (715.  1  ;  718.  6),  bui 
he  does  not  actually  wish  that  the  dee4 
had  never  been  done. 

3.  Ibi  .  .  .  aditurum]  'then  Balbui 
met  Octavius  the  next  day,  and  in  a  conl 
versation  with  me  at  Cumae  on  the  sami 
day  he  said  that  Octavius  was  going  to 
take  formal  possession  of  the  inheritanci 
left  him  by  Caesar.'  For  the  ellipse  of 
vidit  cp.  Fam.  xv.  13.  1  (794)  Sedquandm 
ilium  diem  ?  and  possibly  660.  1 ;  770.  4. 

mecum]  sc.  loquitur:  cp.Fam.  ix.  7.  1 
(462)  mecum  ipse,  (  Quid  hie  mihi  facif^ 
patri  ? ' 

t£t(rf0ffjut»r]  It  is  hopeless  to  try  td 
restore  this  word.  Possibly  it  may  be  fl 
comic  formation  from  rixa  and  mean  *  4 
rumpus  '  :  then  it  would  be  governed  bjj 
aditurum  'he  will  accept  the  inheritance^ 
but,  as  you  say,  will  inherit,  too,  a  find 
rumpus  with  Antony.'  Wesenberg  think! 
ei  fore  video,  or  something  of  the  kind,  may 
have  fallen  out  after  Antonio.  Most  of  the 
attempts  (e.g.  that  of  Boot,  /3r)£et  0«>ts]j 
proceed  on  the  hypothesis  that  6e/j.is  can| 
mean  'a  contest,'  which  we  doubt.  If  it! 
could,  we  should  conjecture  rixam  an 
Qtij.iv.  «  Balbus  agrees  with  you  in 
thinking  that  before  Octavius  steps  into 


EP.  714  (ATT.  XIV.  11).  267 

Suthrotia  mihi  tua  res  est,  ut  debet,  eritque  curae.  Quod  quaeris 
amne  ad  centena  Cluvianum  :  adventare  videtur :  scilicet  prirao 
mno  LXXX  detersimus.  <i.  Q.  pater  ad  me  gravia  de  filio, 
aaxime  quod  matri  nunc  indulgeat.  cui  antea  bene  merenti  fuerit 
riimicus.  Ardentis  in  eum  litteras  ad  me  misit.  Ille  autem  quid 
,gat  si  scis  nequedum  Roma  es  profectus  scribas  ad  me  velim,  et 
ercule  si  quid  aliud.  Vehementer  delector  tuis  litteris. 


714.     CICEEO  TO  ATTICUS  (Air.  xiv.  n). 

PUTEOLl  (?)  ;    APRIL  21  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  Bruto,  de  Gaesaris  laudatoribus  et  contionibus  perditorura  hominum,  de- 
icerone  filio,  de  Buthrotiorum  causa  a  se  suscepta,  de  Cluviano,  de  praesentia  Balbi, 
irtii,  Pansae  ac  de  adventu  Octavii. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Nudius  tertius  dedi  ad  te  epistulam  longiorem,  nunc  ad  ea 
uae  proxime.  Velim  mehercule  Asturae  Brutus.  'AKoAa<nW 
torum  scribis.  An  censebas  aliter  ?  Equidem  etiam  maiora 
xspecto.  Q,uom  equidem  contionem  lego,  DE  TANTO  VIKO,  DE 

ie  shoes  of  Caesar  he  must  have  it  out  bourhood,  his  Cumanum,  that  the  enter- 

ith  Antony,  whether  the  question  to  be  tainment    took  place.      0.   E.    Schmidt 

jcided  is  to  be    one   of   might   (rixam,  (Cicero1  s    Villen,    p.    46,    note)    decides 

quarrel,'     'brawl')   or    one    of    right''  ultimately  for  the  Cwnanum. 

piv,  ( trial, '   'suit').     But  that  would  detersimus]     'I    have    cleared     about 

e  a  strange  way  of  expressing  this  idea :  80,000  sesterces  in  the  first  year.'      "We 


lough  Oe/j.15  is  occasionally  found  in  a  can  quote  no  exact  parallel  for  this  use  of 

ense  approximating  to  this,  e.g.  Aesch.  detergere;  scilicet  may  mean  'that  is  to 

gam.  1436  :  Soph.  Trach.  810.  say,'  or  «  at  all  events.' 

Buthrotia  .  .  ,  res]     The  exemption  of  4.  Q.  pater]     Quintus  had  divorced  his 

ie  Buthrotians   from  confiscation  for  a  wife  Pomponia,  of  whose  ill-temper  we 

)lony  for  Caesar's  veterans  :  cp.  note  to  read  in  Att.  v.  1.  3  (184).    She  and  her  son 

15.  i.  Quintus  had  been  on  very  bad  terms,  but 

adventare']     the   legacy    of   Cluvius  is  now   that   she   is   divorced    (cp.  718.  5) 

coming  up  to '   (that  is,  proving  nearly  Quintus  espouses  her  cause,  and  quarrels 

orth)    100,000    sesterces,   about   £850,  with  his  father  about  her.     See  658.  1. 
>parently  the  annual  value.     The  estate 

Cluvius   seems  to   have  been   house-  1.  ad  ea  quae  proxime]     sc.  scripsisti, 
roperty.     These    houses    were   for    the  '  in  answer  to  your  last.' 
lost  part  shops;  but  Cic.  kept  Cluvius'  Velim~\     Cicero  elsewhere  (720  fin.)  ex- 
wn  villa,  the  horti  Clnviani  (721.  1),  for  presses  a  wish  that  Brutus  were  sojourn- 
dwelling-house  for  himself.     This  was  ing  at  Astura,  perhaps  believing  that  he 
icero's   Puteolanum,   and  we   have    as-  would  be  safer  there  than  in  the  city  :  cp. 
limed  that    it   was    there    that    Cicero  ne  sinepericulo  quidem,  below,  and  710  fin. 
ntertained  Caesar  (Ep.  679):  but  it  is  'AKoAa<riaj/j    'their  depravity '—the 
;  least  equally  probable  that  it  was  in  actual  word  Atticus  used, 
icero's   other   villa  in  the  near  neigh-  contionem']       This    was    some    speech 


268 


EP.  7U  (ATT.  XIV.  11). 


CLARISSIMO  Civi,   ferre  nori  queo,   etsi  ista   iam   ad  risum.     Sell 
memento :  sic  alitur  consuetude  perditarum  contionum,  ut  nost 
illi  non  heroes  sed  di  futuri  quidem  in  gloria  sempiterna  sint, 
non  sine  invidia,  ne  sine  periculo  quidem.   Verum  illis  magna  cons( 
latio  conscientia  maximi  et  clarissimi  facti :  nobis  quae,  qui  intei 
f ecto  rege  liberi  non  sumus  ?    Sed  haec  fortima  viderit,  quoniai 
ratio  non  gubernat.    2.  De  Cicerone  quae  scribis  iucunda  mil 
sunt :  velim  sint  prospera.    Quod  curae  tibi  est  ut  ei  suppediteti 
ad  usum  et  cultum  copiose,  per  mihi  gratum  est,  idque  ut  facias! 
te  etiam  atque  etiam  rogo.     De  Buthrotiis  et  tu  recte  cogitas  et 
ego  non  dimitto  istam  curam.    Suscipiam  omnem  etiam  actionem, 
quam  video  cotidie  faciliorem.     De  Cluviano,  quoniam  in  re  mea 
me  ipsum  diligentia  vincis,  res  ad  centena  perducitur.    Euina  rem 
non  fecit  deteriorem,   baud    scio    an  etiam    fructuosiorem.     Hio 
mecum  Balbus,  Hirtius,  Pansa.     Modo  venit  Octavius  et  quidenaj 
in  proximam    villam    Philippi,    mihi    totus    deditus.      Lentuli 
Spinther  hodie  apud  me  ;  eras  mane  vadit. 


delivered  either  by  Antony  or  one  of  his 
henchmen,  which  had  been  recently 
made,  and  of  which  Att.  perhaps  had  sent 
Cic.  a  copy.  It  can  hardly  be  the  f unenil 
speech  (cp.  Groebe,  Appendix  to  Drumann 
i.  p.  419) ;  the  words  sic  alitur  consue- 
tudo  perditarum  contionum  point  to  many 
pro- Caesarian  meetings. 

q^lidem~]  '  that  the  tyrannicides  will 
indeed  enjoy  everlasting  renown,  but  not 
unmixed  with  odium  and  even  peril.' 
The  words  sine  invidia  ne  are  omitted  in 
2  and  A,  but  found  in  Z  (according  to 
Turnebus :  cp.  his  Adversaria,  xiii.  6)  in 
the  codices  of  Bosius  and  in  the  margin 
of  Lambinus.  See  Adn.  Grit.  They  are, 
doubtless,  genuine. 

2.  ad  centena  perducitur}  '  the  legacy 
is  coming  up  to  100,000  sesterces  a  year '  : 
cp.  713.  3. 

Jtuina]     cp.  712.  1. 


Philippi~\     L.  Marcius   Philippus  (( 
548),  stepfather  of  Octavian. 

Lentulus  Spinther']  the  son  of  tl 
Lentulus  who  as  consul  had  proposed  in 
the  senate  Cicero's  recall.  He  was 
on  his  way  to  Asia  with  Trebonius.  Wl 
have  an  official  despatch  he  wrote  to  til 
senate  (882),  with  a  postscript  (891),  and 
a  long  letter  he  wrote  to  Cicero  (883)1 
For  some  account  of  him  see  vol.  vi. 
p.  ixxxviii. 

vadit]  '  passes  (marches)  on  his  way.| 
There  is  u  slight  poetical  colour  abool 
this  word  :  cp.  Stinner,  p.  16  :  also  DrJ 
Reid  in  Hermathena,  xi.  251,  where  ht 
discusses  the  curious  passage  in  Tusc.  I 
97,  vadit  in  eundem  carcerem  atque  I 
etindem  pattcis  post  annis  scyphum  Socrafm 
eodem  scelere  iudicnm  quo  tyrannoru^ 
Theramenes. 


EP.  715  (ATT.  XIV. 


269 


715.     CICEEO  TO  ATTICUS  (AiT.  xiv.  12). 

I   WITH  VESTORIUS  AT  PUTEOLI  ;    APRIL    22  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44  ; 

AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  rebus  post  caedem  Caesaris  eius  auctoritate  actis  queritur,   de  Octavio,   de 
bnsulibus  designatis  Hirtio  et  Pansa,  de  litterarum  inter  se  et  Atticum  commercio. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  0  mi  Attice,  vereor  ne  nobis  Idus  Martiae  nihil  dederint 
[raeter  laetitiam  et  odi  poeuam  ac  doloris.  Quae  mihi  istim 
Idler imtur  !  Quae  hie  video  !  *Q,  Trpa&ws  icaXije  juav,  areXoOc  Si  / 
Icis  quam  diligam  Siculos  et  quam  illam  elientelam  honestam 
Ldicem  :  multa  illis  Caesar,  neque  me  invito,  etsi  Latinitas  erat 
[on  ferenda.  Verum  tamen.  .  .  .  Ecce  autem  Antonius  accepta. 
[randi  pecunia  fixit  legem  *  a  dictatore  comitiis  latam,'  qua  Siculi- 
lives  Komani :  cuius  rei  vivo  illo  mentio  nulla.  Quid?  Deiotari 


I  1.  odi  poenam  ac  doloris]  'I  fear  the 
Ides  of  March  have  conferred  on  us  nothing 
pore  than  delight  and  the  satisfaction  of 
lur  hatred  (of  Caesar)  and  resentment '  (of 
[is  usurpation).  This  meaning  oipoena  is 

!p,re,  hut  it  is  justified  by  the  analogous 
sage  of  punitor  doloris  sui,  Mil.  35,  and 
lipiditas  puniendi  doloris,  De  Or.  i.  220, 
otb  adduced  by  Manutius  :  cp.  De  Rep. 
Ii.  15,  quod  vellet  Graeciae  fana  poenire, 
nd  probably  De  Har.  Reep.  16.  We 
'my  add  Att.  i.  16.  7  (22)  fore  ut  aperte 
\ictrix  nequitia  ac  libido  poenas  ab  optima 
\uoque  peter  et  sui  doloris. 

istim]   from  Rome. 

*fl  TT  p  d  £  e  u  s]  This  is  generally  referred 
y  the  commentators  to  some  lost  tragedy, 
mo  us  it  does  not  seem  to  savour  of  the 
uskin,  and  is  probably  a  mere  expression 
f  Cicero's  view  of  the  situation  which,  he 
booses  to  put  into  Greek. 
I  clientelam~]  '  how  honourable  I  think 
ine  relation  of  patron  to  be  in  which  I 
Land  to  them.'  The  Sicilians  were  his 
lients:  cp.  Div.  in  Caec.  2.  This  is  the 
nly  mention  of  the  law  about  the  Sicilians. 
Like  Crete  (Phil.  ii.  97),  Sicily  was  to 
ease  to  be  a  province,  and  the  Sicilians 
I  .-ere  to  receive  full  citizenship,  though 
;iey  had  only  received  from  Caesar  the 
|  .atin  franchise.  The  law  never  came  into 
!  peration. 

Latinitas]     « the  conferring  on  them  of 
he  ins  Latii  is  unendurable.' 


Vemmtamen  .  .  .]  cp.  note  to  710  jin^ 
legem]  Antony,  in  consideration  of  a. 
large  sum  of  money,  posted  up  a  bill  as 
having  been  proposed  by  Caesar  in  his 
dictatorship  conferring  the  citizenship  on, 
the  Sicilians.  Caesar  had  previously 
given  them  the  Latinitas.  Cicero  fre- 
quently hints  that  Antony  forged  docu- 
ments purporting  to  be  Caesar's,  and  that 
his  wife  Fulvia  disposed  of  them  for 
money.  Here  he  distinctly  states  that 
Antony  received  a  large  sum  of  money. 
He  says  the  same  thing  in  Phil.  ii.  92,  iiu 
30,  and  elsewhere,  but  in  no  place  does 
he  give  any  proof  of  his  assertion.  "  Non 
male  Servius  ad  Aen.  vi.  622,  poetam 
verbis  fixit  leges  pretio  atque  rejixit,  M* 
Antonium  respexisse  credit"  (Boot).  He 
contrasts  this  transaction,  of  which  '  there 
was  never  a  whisper  during  the  life  of 
Caesar,'  with  tarn  claram  tamque  testatam 
rem  Buthrotiam. 

*  a  dictatore  comitiis  lalamJ>~]  W& 
think  the  allegation  of  Antony  was  that 
Caesar  had  actually  brought  the  law  before 
the  comitia  ;  accordingly  the  inverted 
commas  should  be  added.  If  Caesar  had 
actually  proposed  the  law  (which  the  next 
clause  proves  he  had  not),  it  would  have 
had  a  good  claim  for  acceptance. 

Deiotari  .  .  .  causa]  Pompey  had  added 
to  the  legitimate  dominion  of  Deiotarus 
(that  of  the  Tolistobogii)  part  of  Pontus 
and  Lesser  Armenia,  of  which  latter  he 


270 


EP.  715  (ATT.  XIV.  -18). 


nostri  causa  non  similis?  Dignus  ille  quidem  omni  regno, 
non  per  Fulviam.  Sescenta  similia.  Verum  illuc  refero  :  tai 
claram  tamque  testatam  rem  tamque  iustani,  Buthrotiam, 
tenebimus  aliqua  ex  parte  ?  et  eo  quidem  magis,  quo  iste  plura 
2.  Nobiscum  hie  perhonorifice  et  peramice  Octavius,  quern  quidei 
sui  Caesarem  salutabant,  Philippus  non,  itaque  ne  nos  quidem 
quem  nego  posse  ease  boimm  civem :  ita  multi  circumstant,  qi 


was  styled  king.  On  the  death  of 
Erogitarus,  tetrarch  of  the  Trocmi  in  53, 
Deiotarus  seized  that  territory.  During 
the  Civil  War  he  appropriated  that  portion 
of  the  territory  of  the  Tectosages  which 
had  been  held  by  Domnilaus,  who  fell  at 
Pharsalia :  the  portion  held  by  Castor  still 
remaining  outside  his  clutches.  Deioturus 
had  supported  Pompey :  and  after  Phar- 
naces  was  conquered  Caesar  dealt  with 
Deiotarus.  He  left  him  the  title  of  king, 
but  deprived  him  of  the  territory  of  the 
Trocmi  and  of  Lesser  Armenia,  giving  the 
former  to  Mithridates  of  Pergamum  and 
the  latter  to  Ariobarzanes  of  Cappadocia. 
On  the  death  of  Mithridates  in  45,  Deio- 
tarus seized  the  territory  of  the  Trocmi. 
Caesar  would  have  probably  dealt  sharply 
with  Deiotarus  if  he  had  gone  on  his 
Parthian  expedition  :  but  the  death  of 
Caesar  emboldened  Deiotarus  to  seize  the 
whole  of  Galatia,  including  the  portion 
still  held  by  Castor.  It  was  the  recogni- 
tion of  this  seizure  that  Antony  and 
Fulvia  sanctioned  for  a  bribe.  The  bribe 
given  to  Antony  was  said  to  be  ten  mil- 
lions of  sesterces,  or  nearly  £90,000, 
Phil.  ii.  93-95. 

refero~]  Lehmann  (p.  19)  holds  that 
refero  of  the  MS  may  be  defended  by  the 
use  of  recipere  =  se  recipere  in  Ennius, 
Thyestis,  311,  Ribb.,  Neque  sepulcrum  quo 
recipiat  habeat  portum  corporis,  Ubi  re- 
missa  hwnana  vita  corpus  requiescat  malis , 
and  Plaut.  Bacch.  294  rusum  in  portum 
recipimus.  Prof.  Exon  has  kindly  fur- 
nished us  with  many  similar  usages  where 
the  reflexive  is  omitted,  e.g.  Plaut.  Rud. 
1062  hinc  facessas  (often  in  Apuleius  e.g. 
Met.  ii.  15);  ib.  179  quo  capessit ;  ib.  397 
credo  aliquem  Immernisse — also  English 
'  draw  near '  (i.e.  draw  yourself  near), 
German  ziehen  ("Es  zogen  drei  Bursche 
wohl  iiber  den  Rhein  ")  ;  <r6&ei  (Lucian 
Dial.  Deorum  24.  2)  'clear  off.' 

Buthrotiam'}  Caesar  had  confiscated  the 
territory  of  the  Buthrotians  because  they 
failed  to  pay  a  requisition  which  he  had 
imposed  on  them.  Atticus  had  made  them 


a  considerable   advance  of  money,   ai 
Caesar  had  promised  in  writing  to  rem 
the  sentence  of  confiscation.  This  promis 
had  not   been   executed   at   the    time  of  | 
Caesar's  death,   but   Cicero   says  it  wi 
notorious   that  it   had  been  made.     H| 
afterwards  writes  fully  on  this  subject  d 
Capito  and  to  Plancus,  the  brother  of  the 
consul  designate  for  712  (42),  to 
was  committed   the   distribution   of   thej 
lands. 

non  tenebimus]     l  shall    we    not    maJ 
good  their  claim  to  some  extent  at  lea 
and  the  more  so  on  account  of  thenumb< 
of  remissions  Antony  is  granting  ?  '   Cicer^ 
often  uses  tueri  in  this  sense  (708.  2). 

2.  Octavius']  Watson,  in  an  excellei 
note  which  we  abridge,  writes :  "  Tl 
future  emperor  had  been  adopted  by  Cz 
in  his  will,  but  the  adoption  had  not 
ratified  by  the  curiae.  Cicero  writes 
him  as  Octavianus  in  the  following  Jui 
(745.  2).  From  December  44  B.C.,  Cicer 
generally  writes  of  him  simply  as  Caesar.' 

Philippus']     Manutius  suggests  that  i\ 
was  because  the  curiae  had  not  ratified  tl 
adoption  that  the  stepfather  of  Octavii 
refused  to  give  him  the  title  of  Caesar] 
He  probably  also  thought  that  it  would 
dangerous  for  the  young  man  to  take  th« 
inheritance  of  Caesar.    Some  editors  inst 
item  after  non  ;  but  it  is  unnecessary  :  ep| 
Att.  xvi.  9  (798)  Varroni quidem  displit 
consilium  pueri,  mihi  non,  where  we 
wrong  in  accepting  Boot's  conj.  non  sic\ 
Dr.  Reid  adds  Att.  vi.  1.  t>  (252)  quod, 
cuiquam,  huic  (amen  non:  viii.  3.  5  (333] 
earn  fug  am  si  nunc  seguor,  quonam  ?  cut 
illo  non.     In  the  orations  we  sometime 
find  non  without  a  verb  expressed,  e.{ 
Rose.  Am.  54 ;  Rose.  Com.  41  ;  1  Verr.  2( 
Miiller  quotes  Orat.  151  :  De  Div.  ii.  133 

posse]  After  this  word  most  edit 
since  Larnbinus  insert  esse,  rightly  as  w< 
now  think.  In  our  previous  edit, 
followed  Gurlitt  (Jahrb.  1893,  p.  704' 
who  argues  against  the  insertion.  H 
considers  that  with  posse  we  should  supplj 
salutare  Caesarem,  '  Accordingly  we  di< 


EP.  715  (ATT.  XIV.  10). 


271 


uidem  nostris  mortem  minitantur,  negant  haec  ferri  posse.  Quid 
enses,  cum  Romam  puer  venerit,  ubi  nostri  liberatores  tuti  esse 
on  possunt  ?  Qui  quidem  semper  erunt  clari,  conscientia  vero 
icti  sui  etiam  beati.  Sed  nos,  nisi  me  fallit,  iacebimus.  Itaque 
xire  aveo,  *  ubi  nee  Pelopidarum/  inquit.  Haud  amo  vel  hos 
esignatos,  qui  etiam  declamare  me  coegeruut,  ut  ne  apud  aquas 
uidem  acquiescere  liceret.  Sed  hoc  meae  nimiae  f acilitatis.  Nam 
I  erat  quondam  quasi  necesse,  nunc,  quoquo  modo  se  res  habet, 
on  est  item.  3.  Quam  dudum  nihil  habeo  quod  ad  te  scribam  ! 
iribo  tamen,  non  ut  delectem  bis  litteris,  sed  ut  eliciam  tuas. 
u,  si  quid  erit  de  ceteris,  de  Bruto  utique  quidquid.  Haec  con- 
5ripsi  x  Kal.,  accubans  apud  Yestorium,  hominem  remotum  a 
ialecticis,  in  aritlimeticis  satis  exercitatum. 


t  style  him  Caesar,  and  I  maintain  that 
good  patriot  can  do  so,  owing  to  the 
imbers  that  stand  around  threatening 
ath  to  our  friends.'  In  the  face  of  the 
olence  of  the  democratic  party  it  would 
ve  been  foolish  and  disloyal  to  address 
itavius  as  Caesar,  which  was  a  name  to 
njure  by  at  this  crisis,  and  would  have 
oved  a  rally  ing-point  for  the  disaffected, 
it  then  the  clause  ita  .  .  .  minitantur 
s  little  point.  Shuckburgh  says  also  that 
e  statement  would  be  too  strong  ;  for  if 
e  boni  had  consented  to  ratify  the  public 
ta  of  Caesar,  they  would  be  hound 
recognize  his  private  dispositions. 
negant]  So  Zb.  M  has  negat,  which  we 
opted  formerly.  But  Octavius  surely 
i  not  commit  himself  so  definitely  at  the 
teet. 

nisi  mefallit]  For  this  impersonal  use 
fallit,  cp.  nisi  me  fallebat,  res  se  sic 
bebat,  Fain.  xii.  5.  2  (821)  ;  quantum 
tfefellerit  .  .  .  vides,  Fam.  iv.  2.  3  (389). 
Pelopidarum]  See  on  Fam.  vii.  28.  2 
77).  Cic.  was  fond  of  this  line:  cp. 
4.  1  ;  744;  3 ;  Phil.  xiii.  49. 
inquit']  'says  the  poet.'  On  inquit  = 
quit  aliquis,  Dr.  Reid  has  a  learned 
te  in  Acad.  ii.  79.  He  also  quotes 
ur.  26  ftmdux,  inquit,  qui  est  in  agro  qui 
binus  vocatur,  '  says  the  jurist '  :  cp. 

0  Tullio  50.     We  may  add  Hor.  Sat.  i. 
126,  non  nosti  quid  pater,  inquit  ('  says 

B  Stoic  '),  Chrysippus  dicat. 
designates]     Hirtius   and   Pansa,    with 
>labella,  were  taking  lessons  in  rhetoric 
>m  Cicero,   Fam.  ix.  16.  7  (472).     He 
vs  thev  have  '  driven  me  hack  into  my 

1  practice  of  declamation,  so  that  even 


here  at  the  waters  I  cannot  be  at  peace  ; 
but  this  all  comes  from  my  excessive  good 
nature.' 

id~\     sc.  declamare. 

3.  Quum  dudum~\  'for  what  u  long 
time  now  have  I  had  nothing  to  write 
about,  yet  do  I  write,  not  to  amuse  you, 
but  to  get  from  you  a  reply!'  Quant 
dudum  as  an  exclamation  and  as  an  inter- 
rogation is  quite  common  in  the  comic 
drama.  It  would  be  a  mistake  therefore 
to  change  it  here,  though  the  correction 
to  quamquam  would  involve  a  very  slight 
change. 

delectem']  Some  editors  insert  te  after 
delectem  ;  but  Lehmann  (pp.  15,  16)  has 
shown  that  the  use  of  transitive  verbs 
without  an  object  is  characteristic  of  the 
letters.  See  also  Lebreton's  great  collec- 
tion of  transitives  used  absolutely,  156- 
170.  He  quotes  Att.  i.  11.  3  (7),  mire 
quam  illius  loci  .  .  .  cogitatio  delectat  and 
eight  other  passages  in  the  Letters  for  the 
absolute  use  of  delectare,  and  one  from  the 
orations,  Flacc.  72. 

Vestorium  *  .  .  exercitatum]  For  writ- 
ing letters  at  meals,  cp.  728.  4.  For 
Vestorius  see  657.  4  and  Index.  Cicero 
did  not  think  much  of  the  higher  culture 
of  Vestorius.  What  he  says  in  Att.  iv. 
19.  1  (158),  num  Vestorio  dandi  stint  dies  et 
ilk  Latinus  O-TTIKKT/JLOS  ex  intervallo  regus- 
tandus,  is  probably  ironical,  whatever  the 
meaning  of  Latinus  amKiff^s  may  be. 
He  perhaps  piided  himself  on  being  a 
great  purist  in  the  use  of  Latin,  as  the 
Atticists  were  for  the  use  of  only  classical 
Attic  words  in  Greek  and  for  great  chaste- 
ness  and  simplicity  in  style.  Cicero  liked 


272  JSP.  716  (ATT.  XIV.  13a}. 


716.     M.  ANTONIUS,  SOMEWHERE  IN  SOUTH  ITALY,  TO 
CICERO,  AT  PUTEOLI  (ATT.  xiv.  130). 

APRIL  20-24  J    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  J    AET.  CIC.  62. 

M.  Antonius  Ciceronem  rogat  ut  comiter  consentiat  Sextum  Clodium  restituendum.  I 
M.  ANTONIUS  CONSUL  S.  D.  M.  CICERONI. 

1.  Occupationibus  est  factum  meis  et  subita  tua  profectionj 
ne  tecum  coram  de  hao  re  agerem,  quam  ob  causam  vereor  nd 
absentia  mea  levior  sit  apud  te.  Quod  si  bonitas  tua  respondent 
iudicio  meo  quod  semper  habui  de  te,  gaudebo.  2.  A  Caesara 
petii  ut  Sex.  Clodium  restitueret ;  impetravi.  Erat  mini  in  animd 
etiam  turn  sic  uti  beneficio  eius,  si  tu  concessisses.  Quo  magiq 
laboro  ut  tua  voluntate  id  per  me  facere  nuuc  liceat.  Quod  si 
duriorem  te  eius  miserae  et  adflictae  fortunae  praebes,  non  conn 
tendam  ego  adversus  te.  Quamquam  videor  debere  tueri  comment 
tarium  Caesaris.  Sed  mehercule,  si  humaniter  et  sapieuter  et 
amabiliter  in  me  cogitare  vis,  facilem  profecto  te  praebebis  et  voles 
P.  Clodium,  in  optima  spe  puerum  repositum,  existimare  non  te 

something  more  ornate:    cp.  731.  2  and  Gael.  78.     He  had  been  banished  in  52 

Tac.  Dial.  18.    Here  he  considers  Vestorius  under  the  lex  Pompeia  de  vi,  and  had  now 

an  indifferent  theoretical  philosopher,  but  spent  eight  years  in  banishment.    Anton! 

an    excellent    accountant,   'averse    from  was  desirous  of  bringing  about  his  restoral 

Dialectics,  but  well  trained  in  Arithmetics'  tion,  and  now  writes  to  secure  the  good 

— the  latter  plural  (arithmetica)  is  rare.  offices  of  Cicero.     The  letter  is  usuallj 

described  as  a  trap  laid  by  Antony  fo» 
Cicero,  but  we  do  not  think  there  is  evi-i 

1.  est  factum  ...  ne~]   cp.  Verr.  iii.  81  ;  dence    for    this    theory.     Among    otheJ 
v.  5;  Balb.  32;    Fam.  xvi.   11.  1  (301);  arguments,  Antony  urges  the  good  moral 
Plaut.  Capt.  738  (with  curarier) ;  ut  ne  effect  which   Cicero's  co-operation  with 
is   more  usual,    as   in  faciemus   ut   quod  him  would  have  on  the  young  Clodius, 
viderit  ne  viderit,    Plaut.    Mil.    149,    si  who  was  now  an  inmate  of  the  house  of 
poterit  fieri  ut  ne  pater  .  .  .  credat,  Ter.  Antony,  who   had   married   his   mothery 
Andr.  699.  Fulvia,  the  widow  of  P.  Clodius.     The 

absentia"]     a    rare    word  not  found    in  consideration   which  Antony   showed   to 

Caesar,    Sallust,   or   Livy :    see  Wolfflin  the   constitutionalists   during  the   week* 

'  Archiv.'  v.  508.  It  is  even  doubtful  if  it  following  the  murder  of  Caesar  is  several 

is  found  in  Cicero,  as  Dr.  Reid  (Hermath.  times  emphasized  by  Ferrero,  e.g.  iii.  371 

xi.  257)  thinks  it  is  a  gloss  in  Pis.  37  and  (Eng.  Trans.). 

63,  and  that  this  passage  gives  the  first  tueri]    '  to  carry  out '  the  intentions 

appearance    of    the    word.     Here   it    is  Caesar  as  expressed,  or  said  by  Antony 

ablative,  the  subject  to  sit  being  res.  be  expressed,    in    his   memoranda  :    c 

2.  Sex.  Clodium']     This  was  a  retainer  708.    2.     Antony   made  very   ample  use 
and  henchman  of  the  celebrated  P.  Clo-  of    his    position  as   custodian    of    these 
dius,   the  enemy  of  Cicero.     Cic.  enu-  memoranda. 

merates  a  whole  series  of  his  crimes  in  in  optima  spe  .  .  .  repositum]     (  a  mos 


EP.  716  (ATT.  XIV.  13a). 


273 


nsectatum  esse,  cum  potueris,  amicos  paternos.  3.  Patere,  obsecro, 
pro  re  publica  videri  gessisse  simultatem  cum  patre  eius,  non 
outempsisse  haiic  familiam.  Honestius  enim  et  libentius  deponi- 
nus  inimicitias  rei  publicae  nomine  susceptas  quam  contumaciae. 
delude  sine  ad  hanc  opinionem  iam  nunc  dirigere  puerum  et 
enero  animo  eius  persuadere  non  esse  tradendas  posteris  inimi- 
itias.  Quamquam  tuam  fortunam,  Cicero,  ab  omni  periculo 
besse  certum  habeo,  tamen  arbitror  malle  te  quietam  senectutem 
b  honorificam  potius  agere  quam  sollicitam.  Postremo  meo  iure 
e  hoc  beneficium  rogo  ;  nihil  enim  non  tua  causa  feci.  Quod  si 
on  impetro,  per  me  Clodio  daturus  non  sum,  ut  intellegas  quanti 
pud  me  auctoritas  tua  sit  atque  eo  te  placabiliorem  praebeas. 


romising  boy,'  a  modification  of  the  corn- 
on  phrase  spem  reponere  in  aliquo.  Dr. 
eid  notes  that,  as  we  can  say  id  in  optima 
pepono  (635.  5),  '  I  regard  it  as  eminently 
opeful,'  so  we  can  say  aliquem  in  spe  re- 
mo.  This  P.  Clodius  was  son  of  Cicero's 
lemy,  Clodius  Pulcher.  He  afterwards 
ent  utterly  to  the  bad  (Val.  Max.  iii. 
3). 

3.  non   contempsisse"]     Antony's    Latin 

ay  not  be  perfect,  and  such  a  purist  and 

uthority  in   language  as   Cicero   in  an 

vective  may  have  criticized  it  as  he  does 

Phil.  xiii.   43.     But   the   remains  of 

ntony's  compositions  do  not  justify  us 

supposing  that  he  could  have  used  non 

ntempseris  for  ne  contempseris.  Quintilian 

5.  50  says  that  nonfeceris  for  a  prohibi- 

on  would  be  as  gross  a  mistake  as  to  say 

ic  aut  ille  sit  for  hie  an  ille  sit ;  meaning 

lat  it  was  quite  impossible.     We  have 

mended  to  contempsisse  with  Dr.  Reid. 

'tiller    adds    quod    between     non     and 

tntempseris. 

hanc  familiam]     That  of  Clodius,  with 
rhich  Antony  was  now  connected  by  his 
Carriage  with  Fulvia. 
contumaciae]     *  insolent  haughtiness  ' : 


cp.  Rose.  Com.  44,  JEst  tuae  contumaciae 
arrogantiae  vitaeque  universae  vox  (the 
expression  was  Manilio  et  Luscio  negas 
esse  credendum)  :  Verr.  iii.  5,  oris  ocu- 
lorumque  ilia  contumacia  ac  superbia.  So 
there  is  no  necessity  to  alter  to  con- 
tumeliae. 

malle  .  .  .  potius]  cp.  Fam.  xv.  5.  2 
(266),  casum potius  quam  te  laudari  mavis. 

meo  iure  .  . .  rogo]  '  I  have  a  good  right 
to  ask  this  favour  of  you.'  The  use  of 
rogo  with  a  double  substantival  accusative 
is  ante -classical  or  colloquial,  except,  of 
course,  with  neut.  pronouns  (Fam.  xiii. 
1.  2  Ep.  199),  and  the  word  sententiam 
(Q.  Fr.  ii.  1.  3  Ep.  93),  and  such  analogous 
expressions  as  plebem  Romanam  tribunes 
rogare  (Liv.  iii.  65.  4).  Prof.  Goligher 
notes,  however,  that  this  is  only  the  case 
in  prose,  and  quotes  Hor.  Carm.  ii.  16.  1 
otium  divos  ropat,  and  Mart.  iv.  77.  1. 
Here  the  addition  of  beneficium  hardly 
creates  an  exception,  as  the  addition  of 
the  word  adds  little,  if  anything,  to  the 
idea  of  hoc. 

per  me  .  .  .  non  sum]  '  I  propose  not 
to  make  this  concession  to  Clodius  on  my 
own  responsibility  '  (Jeans). 


274 


EP.  717  (ATT.  XIV.  13 b). 


717.       CICERO  TO  ANTONY  (ATT.  xiv.  13  b). 

PUTEOLI  ;    APRIL    26  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  62. 

M.  Cicero  Antonio  arnicas  litteras  dat  quibus  consentit  Sext.  Clodium  restituendumj 
C1CEKO  ANTONIO  COS.  S.  D. 

1.  Quod  mecum  per  litteras  agis,  imam  ob  causam  mailed 
coram  egisses.  Non  enim  sol um  ex  oration e,  sed  etiam  ex  vultfl 
et  oculis  et  fronte,  ut  aiunt,  meum  erga  te  amorem  perspicerl 
potuisses.  Nam  cum  te  semper  amavi,  primum  tuo  studio,  pom 
etiam  beneficio  provocatus,  turn  his  temporibus  res  publica  te  niihl 
ita  commendavit  ut  cariorem  habeam  neminem.  2.  Litterae  veri 
taae  cum  amantissime  turn  honorificentissime  scriptae  sic  n« 
adfecerunt  ut  uon  dare  tibi  beneficium  viderer,  sed  accipere  a  t 
ita  petente  ut  inimicum  meum,  necessarium  tuum,  me  invito  serl 
vare  uolles,  cum  id  nullo  negotio  facere  posses.  3.  Ego  vero  titf 
istuc,  mi  Antoni,  remitto  atque  ita  ut  me  a  te,  cum  his  verbii 
scripseris,  liberalissime  atque  honorificentissime  tractatum  existil 
mem,  idquecum  toturn,  quoquo  modo  se  res  haberet,  tibi  dandu™ 
putarem,  turn  do  etiam  humanitati  et  naturae  meae.  Nihil  enirl 
umquam  non  modo  acerbum  in  me  fuit,  sed  ne  paullo  quideJ 
tristius  aut  severius  quam  necessitas  rei  publicae  postulavit.  Ac] 
cedit  ut  ue  in  ipsum  quidem  Clodium  meum  insigne  odium  fueri 

ness  on  your  part  to  bring  about,  withoi 
my  permission,  the  restoration  of  an  enen 
of   mine   who  is  a  connexion  of    youi 
though   you   could   do  so    without    anj 
trouble.' 

3.  Ego  vero~]     '  Yes,  my  dear  Anton; 
I  am  ready  to  grant  you  that  induJgei 
and   with  a  feeling,  moreover,  that  yoi 
treatment  of  me  has  been  most  generousj 
and,  though  I  should  have  felt  bound  tt 
grant  it  without  any  qualification  (totum) 
whatever  the  circumstances    had   beenj 
now  in  doing  so  I  am  gratifying  my  01 
natural,  kindly  feeling.' 

quoquo  modo']    refers  to  Antony's  st 
ment  that  Caesar  (716.  2)  had  authoriz< 
the  return  of  Sex.  Clodius. 

tristius']     '  stern  or  austere.' 

ne  .  .  .    insigne  odium]     "  Yet  Cie 
cherished  for  a  long  time  his  exultatic 


1.  vultu  et  oculis}  cp.  non 

atque  vultu  quibus  simulatio  facillime  susti- 
netur,  .  .  .  sed  etiam  sensu  .  .  .  tabellaque 
docuerunt,  Fam.  i.  9.  17  (153)  ;  vultu  ac 
fronte,  quae  est  animi  ianua,  Comment, 
pet.  44(12). 

studio']  This  word  probably  refers 
generally  to  Antony's  support  of  Cicero 
against  Clodius  in  53,  beneficium  having 
a  special  reference  to  the  protection 
extended  to  Cicero  when  he  was  at 
]*rundisium  in  47  (though  in  Phil.  ii.  5 
he  represents  the  only  kindness  to  be 
that  Antony  did  not  kill  him) ;  and  res 
publica,  &c.,  to  the  pacific  attitude  taken 
up  by  Antony  on  March  17  of  this  year, 
when  the  senate  met  in  the  temple  of 
Tellus,  and  ratified  Caesar's  acts. 

2.  ita  petente  ut]     '  as    your  request 
includes  the  expression  of  an  unwilling- 


EP.  718  (ATT.  XIV.  13).  275 

umquam,  semperque  ita  statui,  non  esse  insectandos  inimicorum 
araicos,  praesertim  humiliores,  nee  his  praesidiis  nosmet  ipsos  esse 
spoliandos.  4.  Nam  de  puero  Clodio  tuas  partis  esse  arbitror  ut 
eius  animum  tenerum,  quern  ad  modum  scribis,  iis  opinionibus 
imbuas  ut  ne  quas  inimicitias  residere  in  familiis  nostris  arbitretur. 
Contendi  cum  P.  Clodio,  cum  ego  publicam  causam,  ille  suam 
defenderet.  Nostras  concertationes  res  publica  diiudicavit.  Si 
viveret,  mihi  cum  illo  nulla  contentio  iam  maneret.  5.  Qua  re 
quoniam  hoc  a  me  sic  petis  ut,  quae  tua  potestas  est,  ea  neges  te 
me  invito  usurum,  puero  quoque  hoc  a  me  dabis,  si  tibi  videbitur, 
non  quo  aut  aetas  nostra  ab  illius  aetate  quidquam  debeat  periculi 
suspicari  aut  dignitas  mea  ullam  contentionem  extimescat,  sed  ut 
nosmet  ipsi  inter  nos  coniunctiores  simus  quam  adhuc  fuimus  ; 
interpellantibus  enim  his  inimicitiis  animus  tuus  mihi  magis  patuit 
quam  domus.  Sed  haec  hactenus.  Illud  extremum  :  ego  quae  te 
velle  quaeque  ad  te  pertinere  arbitrabor  semper  sine  ulla  dubi- 
tatione  summo  studio  faciam.  Hoc  velim  tibi  penitus  persuadeas. 


718.     CICERO  TO    ATTICUS  (ATT.  xiv.  13). 

•PUTEOLI  OR  CUMAE  ;    APRIL  26  J    A.  U.  C.  710  ;     B.  C.  44  \    AET.  CIC.  62. 

• 

De  Attici  litteris  et  amoenitate  Puteolanae  regionis,  de  D.  Bruti  adventu  ad  suas 
legiones,  de  Sex.  Pompeio  et  bello  civili  future,  deinde  deliberat  quo  ipse  se  conferat, 
de  minuscula  villa  sua  a  Q.  fratre  non  emenda,  de  litteris  M.  Antonii  ad  se  datis  et  de 

suis  ad  ilium  redditis. 

CICERO  ATT1CO  SAL. 

1.  Septimo  denique  die  litterae  mihiredditae  sunt,  quae  erant 
a  te  xni  Kal.  datae,  quibus  quaeris  atque  etiam  me  ipsum  nescire 

over  the   death  of  Clodius.     After  more  not  that  a  man  of  my  age  has  anything  to 

than    two    years    had    elapsed  he    still  fear  from  a  boy  like  him,  but  so  that  the 

counted  the   days  from  that  event :  cp.  bonds  by  which  we  are  united   may  be 

Att.  vi.  1.  26  "  (Watson).  closer  than  heretofore.'     The  reference  is 

humiliores}    Sex.  Clodius  was  probably  to  Antony's  remark  about  a  quiet  old  age 

a  freedman,  or  at  least  descended  from  a  for  Cic.  (716.  3). 

freedman.  ^**  inimicitiis}  '  these  feuds,'  referring 

Aw    praesidiis}    'their    services'    i.e.  no  doubt  to  the  evil  influence  of  Fulvia, 

the    services  of    men   of   humble  rank  ;  who  hated  Cicero,     animus,  '  heart.' 

Bockel  sees  in  these  words  a  covert  sneer  quae  .  .  .  arbitrabor'}      Antony,    after 

at  Antony.  hi8  finftl  breach   with  Cicero,   read   this 

4  concertationes'}     «  disputings ' :    eon-  letter  aloud   in  the  senate   to   show  his 

tentio,  'quarrel.'  enemy's  inconsistency,  and  Cic.  sharply 

5.  puero.  .  .a  me  dabis}1  you  will  kindly  criticized    his    lack     of     right     feeling 

let  the  boy  feel  that  this  is  a  concession  on  (inhumanitas]  in  so  doing.     See  Phil.  ii. 

my  part  (not  only  to  you  but)  to  him  also,  7-10. 

S2 


276 


EP.  718  (ATT.  XIV.  13}. 


arbitraris  utrum  magis  tumulis  prospectuque  an  ambulatione 
aXtrtvei  delecter.  Est  mehercule,  ut  dicis,  utriusque  loci  tanta 
amoenitas  ut  dubitem  utra  anteponenda  sit  ; 


.    .   .   aAA'  ov  Scuroc  eirripaTov  tpya 
a\\a  \irjv  fAtya  7r%a,  SiOTpe 

iv  Soqr/  Si  aawatfjiev  17  a 


2.  Quamvis  enim   tu   magna  et   mihi  iucunda   scripseris  de  Dj 
Bruti  adventu  ad  suas  legiones,  in  quo   spem  maximam   video, 
tamen,  si  est  bellum  civile  futurum,  quod  certe  erit  si  Sextus  idj 
armis  permanebit,  quem  permansurum  esse  certo  scio,  quid  'nobij 
faciendum  sit  ignoro.     Neque  enim  iam  licebit,  quod  Caesaris  bell( 
licuit,  neque  buc  neque  illuc.     Quemcumque  enim  baec  pars  pel 
ditorum  laetatum  Caesaris  morte  putabit — laetitiam  autem  apei 
tissime  tulimus  omnes — bunc  in  hostiurn  numero  habebit,  quae  res 
ad  caedem   maximam  spectat.     Kestat  ut  in  castra  Sexti  aut,  si 
forte,  Bruti  nos  conferamus.     Res  odiosa  et  aliena  nostris  aetatibus 
et  incerto  exitu  belli,  et  nescio  quo  pacto  tibi  ego  possum,  mibi  til 

dicere : 

TsKvoi'  ffjLOV)  ov  rot  SlSorat  7roAe/////£a  tpya, 
aAXa  crvy'  ijjitpotvTa  fjLtrip\kO  tpya  \6yoio. 


1.  tumulis']  See  on  649.     The  question 
is   between   the  bolder   hilly  scenery  of 
Arpinum   and   the  sea  views  offered  by 
Puteoli.     So   0.    E.    Schmidt     (Cicero's 
Villen,  p.  49).      But  possibly  Lehmunn 
(p.  129)  is  right  in  thinking  the  contrast 
is  between  the  two  features  of  Cumae — 
the  rising  ground  behind  and  the  view  it 
would    afford,  and  the  walk    along    the 
esplanade.     Cicero  would  have  culled  the 
high  ground  at  Arpinum  monies  (cp.  Att. 
ii.    15.   3    (42)    in  mantis  patriot  et   ad 
incunabula  nostra}. 

a\\*  ov  Scurbs]  Homer  II. ix.  228. 
The  line  that  follows  is,  J/TJOS  evafff\/j.ovs, 
€i  ft.))  ffvye  8v<reai  a.\K-i]v.  The  purport  of 
the  quotation  is  to  show  that  this  is  no 
time  for  weighing  the  respective  merits  of 
Arpinum  and  Puteoli  when  the  state  of 
public  affairs  is  so  critical. 

2.  madventu]  in  Gallia  Cisalpina. 

neque  hue  neque  illuc]  sc.  se  conferre. 
The  phrase  means  '  neutrality  ' :  see  on 
725.  1,  non  utrum  vis.  This  whole 
section  (§  2)  should  be  compared  with 
729.  2. 


haec  pars  perditorum]  '  this  unscrupu« 
lous  junto.' 

aper tissime  tulimus]  Aperteferre,  like 
prae  se  ferre,  is  commonly  used  in  the 
sense  of  '  to  display,'  'to  make  no  secretl 
of.'  Baiter  quotes  Plane.  34  ;  Liv.  xxviiLJ 
40,  2. 

Sexti]     Sextus  Pompeius. 

si  forte]  For  si  forte  used  parenthetic 
cally  =fortasse,  Munro,  on  Lucr.  v.  720U 
compares  De  Orat.  iii.  47  ;  Off.  ii.  70td 
Mil.  104. 

Res  .  .  .  belli]  Two  reasons  seem  to  be( 
assigned  why  joining  in  the  campaign  of 
Sextus  is  undesirable  (odiosa) — (1)  Cicero'w 
age  (cp.  729.  2),  (2)  that  the  issue  of  the 
war  was  uncertain.  Dr.  .Reid  (IfermathA 
x.  256)  thinks  we  should  either  add  gttM 
before  aliena,  or  eject  belli  as  a  gloss.  He  i 
prefers  the  latter.  Then  there  are  three  | 
objections  to  engaging  in  the  war — (1)  itifj 
annoying,  (2)  Cicero's  age,  (3)  doubtful! 
issue.  Possibly  we  should  add  ut  'ail 
being '  before  aliena,  or  alter  belli  to  AcWw«.l 

Tftcvov]  II.  v.  428,  where  the  lilttj 
runs  06  rot,  TCKVOV  ffj.bv,  SeSorai.  Ciceroj 


EP.  718  (ATT.  XIV.  13).  277 

3.  Sed  haec  fors  viderit,  ea  quae  talibus  in  rebus  plus  quam  ratio 
potest.  Nos  autem  id  videaraus  quod  in  nobis  ipsis  esse  debet, 
ut  quidquid  acciderit  fortiter  et  sapienter  feramus  et  accidisse 
hominibus  memineriinus,  nosque  cum  multum  litterae  turn  non 
minimum  Idus  quoque  Martiae  consolentur.  4.  Suscipe  nunc 
meam  deliberationem  qua  sollicitor:  itamulta  veiriunt  inmentem 
in  utramque  partem.  Proficiscor,  ut  constitueram,  legatus  in 
Graeciam  ;  caedis  impendentis  periculum  non  nihil  vitare  videor, 
sed  casurus  in  aliquam  vituperatioriem,  quod  rei  publicae  def  uerim 
tarn  gravi  tempore.  Siu  autem  mansero,  fore  me  quidem  video  in 
discrimine,  sed  accidere  posse  suspicor  ut  prodesse  possim  rei  pub- 
licae. lam  ilia  consilia  privata  sunt,  quod  sentio  valde  esse  utile 
ad  confirmationem  Ciceronis  me  illuc  venire,  nee  alia  causa  pro- 
fectionis  mihi  ulla  fuit  turn,  cum  consilium  cepi  legari  a  Caesare. 
Tota  igitur  hac  de  re,  ut  soles,  si  quid  ad  me  pertinere  putas, 
oogitabis.  5.  Redeo  nunc  ad  epistulam  tuam.  Scribis  enim  esse 
,rumores  me  ad  lacum  quod  habeo  venditurum,  minusculam  vero 
villam  utique  Quinto  traditurum,  vel  impenso  pretio,  quo  intro- 
ducatur,  ut  tibi  Quintus  filius  dixerit,  dotata  Aquilia.  Ego  vero 
de  venditione  nihil  cogito,  nisi  quid  quod  magis  me  delectet  inve- 
nero.  Quintus  autem  de  emendo  nibil  curat  hoc  tempore.  Satis 
enim  torquetur  debitione  dotis,  in  quamirificas  Q,.  Egnatio  gratias 

substitutes  \6yoio  for  70^010  in  the  pas-  horti   (663.    3)    were  probably    Cicero's 

sage.  Puteolanum  :  cp.  713.3.    Utique  is  found 

3.  fors  .  .  .  ratio]    cp.  714.  1  fin.  in  OR  and  in  M,  but  in  M  deleted  by  the 
hominibus']    cp.  Earn.  v.  16.  2  (629).  original  copyist.     It  is  not  likely  to  have 
consolentur]     This  is  co-ordinate  with  been  interpolated :  for  utique  followed  by 

videamus  'let  us  console  ourselves.'  vel,  cp.  Att.  v.  1.  2  (184). 

4.  legatus]    He  was    not  actually  ap-  vel  impenso  pretio]  (  even  for  a  fancy 
pointed  legatus  of  Dolabella  until  June  2       price.' 

(744.4).  The  office  was  in  Cicero's  case  qun  introducatur]  'for  the  coming  home 
a  pure  sinecure  (751.  2  :  752.  1).  It  is  of  the  well-dowered  Aquilia.1  This  was 
interesting  to  learn  that  Cic.  had  intended  the  offensive  word  in  which  young  Quin- 
to ask  Caesar  (see  legari  a  Caesare  below)  tus  hinted  that  it  was  for  her  portion  that 
to  make  him  one  of  his  legati.  his  father  desired  to  wed  Aquilia  after  the 

4.  non  nihil  vitare]  «  to  avoid  to  some  divorce  of  Pomponia.     Deducere,  as  Boot 

extent.'  remarks,    is    the    more    usual   word   for 

consilia  privata]    '  private    considera-  bringing  home  a  wife.     Perhaps  introdu- 

tions.'  catur  also  is  an  offensive  word:  cp.  Att.  i. 

eonfinnationetn]  '  to  keep  my  son  up  to  16,  5  (22),  adulescentulorum  nobilium  tw- 
ins work';  M.  Cicero  junior  was  now  troductiones ;  and  Curt.  viii.  4.  29. 
studying  at  Athens  :  cp.  709.  2.  dotis]  the  portion  which  he  was 
•  5.  minusculam  vero  villam"]  This  house  obliged  to  refund  to  Pomponia  on  her 
ad  lacum  (lucrinum}  was  Cicero's  Cuma-  divorce.  He  is  greatly  obliged  to  Egna- 
ninn.  The  small  villa  may  have  been  tins  for  lending  him  the  money  for  this 
one  on  the  estate  of  Cluvius ;  the  Cluviani  purpose. 


278  EP.  719  (ATT.  XIV.  U). 

agit.  A  ducenda  autem  uxore  sic  abhorret  ut  libero  lectulo  neget 
esse  quidquam  iucundius.  6.  Sed  haec  quoque  hactenus.  Bedeo 
enim  ad  miseram  seu  nullam  potius  rem  publicam.  M.  Antonius 
ad  me  scripsit  de  restitutione  Sex.  Clodi,  quam  honorifice,  quod 
ad  me  attinet,  ex  ipsius  litteris  cognosces — misi  enim  tibi  exem- 
plum — quam  dissolute,  quam  turpiter  quamque  ita  perniciose  ut 
non  numquam  Caesar  desiderandus  esse  videatur,  facile  existi- 
mabis.  Quae  enim  Caesar  numquam  neque  fecisset  neque  passus 
esset,  ea  nunc  ex  falsis  eius  commentariis  proferuntur.  Ego 
autem  Antonio  facillimum  me  praebui.  Etenim  ille,  quoniam 
semel  induxit  animum  sibi  licere  quod  vellet,  fecisset  nihilo- 
minus  me  invito.  Itaque  mearum  quoque  litterarum  misi  tibi 
exemplum. 


719.     CICEKO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xiv.  u). 

PUTEOLI  J   APRIL  27  OR  28  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  Quinto  coronato  Parilibus,  de  litteris  ad  Atticum  a  se  datis  et  ab  illo  acceptis,. 
de  rei  publicae  condicione  misera  et  acerba,  sublato  tyranno  tyrannida  manere,  de  iis- 
quae  M.  Antonius  Kal.  lun.  de  provinciis  relaturus  esse  videatur,  de  consiliis  suis,  de 
breviore  Attici  epistula. 

CICEE-O  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  'Iteradum  eadern  ista    mihi  !  '  Coronatus  Quintus   noster 
Parilibus  ?     [Parilibus.]      Solusne  ?     Etsi  addis  Lamiam,  quod 

6.  miseram  seu  nullam  potius]     '  in  its  Coronatus]  The  nephew  of  Cicero  had 

misery  or,  rather,  annihilation.'  appeared  at  the  Parilia  held  in  honour 

quam   .  .  .    perniciose]     '  in   what    an  of  Pales  on  April  21  (on  which  day  there 

unprincipled,     scandalous,     and    baleful  was  also  a  festival  to  commemorate  the 

manner — so   baleful    that   sometimes   we  news  of  the  victory  at  Munda:  cp.  Dio 

seem   to   be    induced  to  regret   Caesar.'  Cass.    xliii.    42.    3),    wearing   a   garland 

For  ita,  a  further  comparison  within  a  in   honour   of   Caesar,    as   appears   from 

comparison,  Dr.  Reid  compares  Lael.  30  et  725.  3. 

ut  quisque  maxime  virtute  et  sapientia  sic  [Parilibus~\  Probably  a  marginal  anno 

munitus  est  ut  nullo  egeat,  and  Acad.  ii.  55.  tation  which  has  got  into  the  text. 

Etsi~]    '  though  indeed.'   This  conjunc 

1.  Ileradum}    '0   tell    me    your  tale  tion  is  often  used  in  a  quasi- correctiv 

once  more.'     This  quotation  is  given  in  sense,  and  may  be  said  to  depend  on  an 

this  form  at  Tusc.  ii.  44  ;  and  preceded  ellipse.     In  this  case  the  ellipse  would  b 

by  the  words  age,  adsta,  mane,  audi  in  *  though  indeed  [I  need  not  ask  whethe 

Acad.  ii.  88.     The  words  come  from  a  he  was  the  only  one,  for]  you  couple  wit 

tragedy    of    Pacuvius   (Ribb.    202),    the  him  Lamia.'     Hofmann  compares  for  thi 

Iliona:  cp.   Hor.    Sat.  ii.    3.   61.      The  use  of  etsi,  Att.  ix.  7.  5  (362);    19. 

MSB.  seem  to  give  ista  in  all  the  passages  :  (377)  ;  x.  8.  9  (393). 

altered  by  Manutius  to  istaec  on  metrical  quod  demiror  equidem~\     For 'Cicero  in 

grounds.      But  the  metre  is  not  quite  variably  speaks  of  L.  Aelius  Lamia  in, 

certain.  terms  of  commendation. 


EP.  719  (ATT.  XIV.  If). 


279 


demiror  equidera,  sed  scire  cupio  qui  fuerint  alii:  quamquam 
batis  scio  nisi  improbum  neminem.  Explanabis  igitur  hoc  dili- 
jgentius.  Ego  autem  casu  cum  dedissem  ad  te  litteras  vi  Kalend. 
ijsatis  multis  verbis,  tribus  fere  horis  post  accepi  tuas  et  magni 
I  quid  era  ponderis.  Itaque  ioca  tua  plena  facetiarum  de  haeresi 
Yestoriana  et  de  fPherionum  more  fPuteolano  risisse  me  satis  nihil 
jest  necesse  rescribere.  UoXiTiKwrepa  ilia  videamus.  2.  Ita  Brutos 
jCassiumque  defendis,  quasi  eos  ego  repreheudam,  quos  satis  laudare 
i  non  possum.  Herum  ego  vitia  collegi,  non  hominum.  Sublato 
}enim  tyranno  tyrannida  manere  video.  Nam  quae  ille  facturus 
•  non  fuit,  ea  Hunt,  ut  de  Clodio,  de  quo  mibi  exploratum  est,  ilium 
non  modo  non  facturum  sed  etiam  ne  passurum  quidem  fuisse. 
iSequetur  Rufio  Yestorianus,  Yictor  numquam  scriptus,  ceteri, 
quis  non?  Cui  servire  ipsi  non  potuimus,  eius  libellis  paremus. 
Nam  Liberalibus  quis  potuit  in  senatum  non  venire?  Fac  id 


litteras  vi  KaL]     viz.  Ep.  718. 

haeresi  Vestoriana]  Cicero  had  spoken 
'  of  Vestorius  in  the  end  of  Ep.  715,  as  '  no 
I  philosopher,  though  an  experienced  ac- 
countant.' Hence  we  can  easily  imagine 
I  that  Atticus  may  have  applied  ironically 
to  him  and  his  friends  the  word  haere- 
sis,  '  a  sect,'  properly  applicable  only  to  a 
school  of  philosophers.  The  succeeding 
words  are  hopelessly  unintelligible  with- 
out the  letter  of  Atticus.  Ingenious 
guesses  may,  of  course,  be  made,  like  that 
of  Boot,  de  pharionum  ('salmon-trout') 
iure  Puteolano,  and  it  is  not  improbable 
that  iure  should  take  the  place  of  more  ; 
but  there  are  many  passages  in  the  letters 
where  the  editor  may  plead  Davus  sum,  non 
Oedipus.  It  is  just  possible  that  some 
play  of  words  may  have  been  intended  on 
puteal,  the  resort  of  foeneratores,  in  Rome, 
and  Puteoli,  as  Graevius  suggested. 
Dr.  Reid  conjectures  yvaiicwv  for  Pherio- 
num.  He  thinks  Cic.  is  laughing  at  the 
way  in  which  the  Epicureans  of  Puteoli 
discussed  physical  problems.  Gurlitt 
(Philoloffus,'  1900,  p.  109)  conjectures  de 
rhetorum  more  Puteolano,  and  holds  that 
the  reference  is  to  Hirtius  and  Pansa  : 
cp.  715.  2. 

2.  Ueruni\  '  It  is  the  weak  points  of 
the  situation,  not  of  the  human  agents, 
that  1  was  dwelling  on.'  Hofmann  aptly 
compares  armorum  ista  et  victoria*  sunt 
facta,  non  Cnesaris,  Fain.  vi.  6.  10  (488). 

tyrannida]  For  similar  Greek  accusa- 
tives Boot  refers  to  hebdomada,  Fam.  xvi. 


9.  2  (292),  and  paeana  (or  paeona),  Or. 
191.  Many  more  in  Neue-Wagener  i3 
461-2.  This  is  the  only  place  where 
tyrannida  occurs:  everywhere  else  it  is 
tyrannidem :  cp.  ib.  p.  325. 

de  Clodio}  This  is  the  person  referred  to 
in  Epp.  716,  717.  For  de  Andresen  com- 
pares 784.  7  and  other  passages. 

etiam  ne .  .  .  quidem]  The  usual  correla- 
tive to  non  modo  non  is  sed  ne  .  .  .  quidem, 
but  sed  etiam  ne  quidem  is  found  in  Fam. 
xiii.  29.  4  (457),  non  modo  ut  non  praeesset 
.  .  .  sed  etiam  ut  ne  interesset  quidem. 

Sequetur]  'the  next  persons  [to  get 
remissions  on  the  supposed  authority 
of  Caesar's  memoranda]  will  be  Rufio  and 
Victor,  whose  name  was  never  in  a  me- 
morandum of  Caesar's,  and  then  the  rest.' 
We  do  not  know  who  Victor  was. 

Rufio  Vestorianus']  See  on  Att.  v.  2.  2 
(185).  C.  Sempronius  Rufus  is  called 
Vestorianus  on  account  of  his  chronic 
feud  with  Vestorius. 

Nam  .  .  .  non  venire]  cp.  713.  1,  where 
Cic.  quotes  Att.  as  censuring  what  was 
done  at  the  meeting  of  the  senate  on  the 
Liberalia  (March  17)  in  the  temple  of 
Tellus.  Here  Cic.  is  arguing  that  it  was 
the  force  of  circumstances,  not  any  indivi- 
dual, that  is  to  blame  (rerum  ego  vitia 
collegi,  non  hominum}.  '  For  who  could 
have  refused  to  attend  that  meeting  of 
the  senate?  Possibly  one  might  [but  it 
would  have  been  open  to  censure  as  un- 
patriotic]. But  when  we  got  there,  could 
we  speak  freely  ?  No :  the  armed  veterans 


280 


EP.  719  (ATT.  XIV. 


potuisse  aliquo  modo.    Num  etiam  cum  venissemus  libere  potuimus 
sententiam  dicere?     Nonne   omni   ratione   veteran!    qui    armati 
aderant,  cum  praesidi  nos  nihil  haberemus,  defendendi  fuerunt 
Illam   sessionem   Capitolinam   mihi   non   placuisse   tu  testis  el 
Quid  ergo  ?  ista  culpa  Brutorum  ?     Minime  illornm  quidem,  se< 
aliorum  brutorum,  qui  se  cautos  ac  sapientis  putant :  quibus  sati 
fuit  laetari,  non  nullis  etiam  gratulari,  nullis  permanere.     3.  Se< 
praeterita  omittamus :  istos  omni  cura  praesidioque  tueamur,  el 
quern  ad  modum  tu  praecipis,  contenti  Idibus  Martiis  simus,  quai 
quidem  nostris  amicis,  divinis  viris,  aditum   ad  caelum  dederuntl 
libertatem  populo  Romano  non  dederunt.    Recordare  tua.    NonneJ 
meministi  clamare  te  onmia  perisse  si  ille   fuuere  elatus  esset?' 
Sapienter    id    quidem.      Itaque    ex    eo    quae    manarint    vides. 
4.  Quae  scribis  Kalendis  luniis    Antonium    de    provinciis  rela- 
turum,  ut  et  ipse  Grallias  habeat  et  utrisque  dies  prorogetur,  lice- 


oulside  precluded  that.'  Cicero  (Phil.  ii. 
89)  says  he  was  unwilling  to  go  on  account 
of  the  armed  men  about.  He  knew  that 
the  debate  could  not  be  free.  The  only 
two  ways  in  which  Cic.  could  have 
escaped  the  responsibility  of  assenting  to 
the  ratification  of  Caesar's  acta  were 
either  by  absenting  himself  from  the  meet- 
ing, or  by  speaking  out  his  true  sentiments 
at  the  meeting:  and  neither  could  well 
have  been  done.  At  that  meeting  the 
veterans  appear  to  have  been  conciliated 
by  a  decree  de  coloniis  deducendis,  secur- 
ing for  them  the  colonies  promised  them 
by  Caesar  (Appian  B.C.  ii.  135  :  cp.  Cic. 
Phil.  i.  6).  This  was  made  a  law  later, 
it  is  uncertain  whether  before  Antony's 
journey  to  the  south  on  April  24,  or  after 
his  return,  in  June  :  probably  the  latter. 

defendendi~\  The  verb  may  be  used 
here  in  either  of  its  two  ordinary  mean- 
ings, tueri  or  arcere,  '  we  were  bound  to 
maintain  the  interests  of  the  veterans,'  or 
'  we  were  bound  to  keep  them  at  bay,'  by 
concessions. 

sessionem  Capitolinam]  '  that  period  of 
inactivity  of  which  the  Capitol  was  the 
scene.'  Sedere  often  =  otiosum  esse  in  the 
letters  (cp.  note  to  Att.  vi.  3.  4  (264)  and 
Index),  and  it  is  often  correlative  to  stare  : 
see  on  713.  2. 

tu  testis  cs~\  cp.  713.  1. 

Brutorum~\  Cicero,  as  usual,  puns  on 
the  name,  as  he  does  on  Brutus  and  Lepi- 
dus,  Att.  vi.  1.  25  (252),  on  JBalbus,  Fam. 


ix.  19.  2  (478),  and  on  Polks,  Att.  xiii- 
46.  1  (663). 

permanere~\  '  to  stand  their  ground,'  re4 
ferring  both  to  adherence  to  principle  an J 
to  continued  residence  in  the  city. 

3.  quae  .  .  .  dederunt}    cp.  §  5,  below  I 
also  708.  2  ;  714. 1. 

4.  Gallias]    Cisalpine  and  Transalpine 
(Comata).     It  is  deserving  of  notice  thafl 
this  project  of  Antony,  which  was  realJ 
ized  in  August    by  the    passing  of  th« 
so-called    Lex    de   permutatione   proving 
ciarum  (cp.  784.  7),  was  already  feared  at 
the  end  of  April,  when  Antony  had  jus^ 
left   Rome   to   organize   the   veterans 
Southern  Italy. 

ut  .  .  .  dies  prorogetur]  *  That  thai 
tenure  both  of  himself  and  his  colleague! 
Dolabella  should  be  lengthened.'  We  ream 
in  Phil.  ii.  109,  numerum  annorum  provin -I 
ciis  prorogavit,  and  in  v.  7,  ille  (Caesar)  j 
biennium,  iste  (Antonius)  sexennium.  Inl 
Phil.  i.  19  the  act  of  Caesar  is  praisedj 
by  which  it  was  laid  down  ne  praetorian 
provinciae  plus  quam  annum  neve  plus 
quam  biennium  consulares  obtinerenturjl 
"Before  the  passing  of  this  Lex  /«#«,' 1 
writes  Mr.  King  on  this  passage,  "  the 
tenure  of  a  province  was  not  limited  in 
time,  and  Dio  Cassius,  xliii.  25,  saya^ 
that  Caesar  was  led  to  propose  it  byl 
feeling  how  much  both  his  desire  focj 
empire  and  his  power  of  acquiring  it| 
were  increased  by  his  own  long  govern-^ 
ment  in  the  province  of  Gaul." 


EP,  719  (ATT.  XIV. 


281 


bitne  decerni  libere  ?  Si  licuerit,  libertatem  esse  recuperatam 
laetabor :  si  non  licuerit,  quid  mihi  attulerit  ista  domini  mutatio 
praeter  laetitiam  quam  oculis  cepi  iusto  interitu  tyranni  ? 
,5.  Rapinas  scribis  ad  Opis  fieri,  quas  nos  quoque  turn  videbamus. 
Ne  nos  et  liberati  ab  egregiis  viris  nee  liberi  sumus  !  Ita  laus 
illorum  est,  culpa  nostra.  Et  kortaris  me  ut  historias  scribam  ? 
ut  colligam  tauta  eorum  scelera  a  quibus  etiam  nuuo  obsidemur  ? 
Poterone  eos  ipsos  non  laudare  qui  te  obsignatorem  adhibuerunt  ? 
Nee  mehercule  me  raudusculum  movet,  sed  homines  benevolos, 
qualescumque  sunt,  grave  est  insequi  contumelia.  6.  Sed  de 
omnibus  meis  consiliis,  ut  scribis,  existimo  exploratius  nos  ad 
Kalendas  luuias  statuere  posse,  ad  quas  adero,  et  omni  ope  atque 
opera  enitar,  adiuvante  me  scilicet  auetoritate  tua  et  gratia  et 
summa  aequitate  causae,  ut  de  Buthrotiis  senatus  consultum 
quale  scribis  fiat.  Quod  me  cogitare  iubes,  cogitabo  equidem, 
etsi  tibi  dederam  superiore  epistula  cogitandum.  Tu  autem,  quasi 
iam  recuperata  re  publica,  vicinis  tuis  Massiliensibus  sua  reddis. 
Haec  armis,  quae  quam  firma  habeamus  ignore,  restitui  fortasse 
pessunt,  auetoritate  non  possunt. 


utrisque]  The  MSS.  here  and  in  Fam. 
.xi.  21.  5  (878)  give  utrisque,  which  is 
certainly  strange  in  Cicero.  "We  can 
excuse  it  in  Caelius  Fam.  viii.  11.  1 
(267)  utrisque  consulibus.  But  it  is  oc- 
casionally found  in  good  writers :  cp. 
.Kritz  on  Sail.  Cat.  30.  4.  Cicero  Lig.  36 
has  utrisque  his  where  we  should  have 
•expected  horum  utrique. 

oculis  cepi]  In  the  face  of  this  passage 
it  is  hard  to  resist  the  belief  that  Cicero 
was  either  actually  present  at  the  murder 
•of  Caesar  or  at  least  gazed  upon  the 
corpse  :  cp.  715.  1. 

5.  Rapinas  .  .  .  ad  Opis]  Antony  and 
I  Dolahella  were  believed  to  have  plundered 
the  state-treasure  deposited  in  the  temple 
•of  Ops:  see  on  726.1.  The  ellipse  of 
aedeni  is  quite  normal,  as  in  English. 

turn]    before  his  departure  from  Rome. 

Ne~\  This  strengthening  particle  is 
always  followed  by  a  personal  or  demon- 
-strative  pronoun,  which  latter  is  often  not 
emphatic,  as  in  this  case. 

raudusculum']  Cicero  is  fond  of  this 
word:  cp.  Att.  iv.  8a.  1  (112);  vi.  8.  5 
-<281);  vii.  2.  7  (293).  He  says  it  is 
painful  to  him  to  have  to  speak  ill  of 
friends,  Caesarians  who  had  made  wills 


in  his  favour  (cp.  705.  3) ;  but  that  he  is 
not  affected  by  any  fear  that  he  might 
lose  the  bequests  through  his  condemna- 
tion of  their  proceedings. 

6.  omni  ope]  Note  the  alliteration  with 
opera,  (  might  and  main.'  The  sing,  ope 
is  rare  and  archaic:  cp.  Att.  xvi.  13(c). 
2.  (8U5)  sine  tua  ope ;  Mil.  30  quacunque 
ope  possent ;  Caes.  ap.  Att.  ix.  9.  3  (364) 
ope  omnium  rerum  ;  Sail.  Cat.  1.  1. 
summa  ope. 

Buthrotiis}     cp.  715.  1. 

Quod  me  coyitare~\  his  projected  j  ourney 
to  Greece:  cp.  718.  4. 

vicinis']  The  conjecture  of  Gronovius 
is  probable,  that  the  people  of  Massilia 
had  their  ambassadors'  quarters,  what  we 
should  now  call  their  Embassy,  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  house  of  Atticus  in 
Rome.  Massilia  had  taken  the  side  of 
Pompey,  and  had  been  subjected  by  Caesar 
to  severe  requisitions,  from  which  Atticus 
was  desirous  to  procure  them  remission. 
We  think  it  possible  that  the  word  really 
was  amicis ;  and  when  a-  was  lost  after 
publica,  micis  was  expanded  to  vicinis. 
The  restoration  to  the  people  of  Massilia, 
which  probably  was  not  a  very  extensive 
one,  is  referred  to  Phil.  xiii.  32. 


282 


EP.  720  (ATT.  XIV.  15). 


[XV.]  1.  Epistula  brevis  quae  postea  a  te  scripta  est  sane 
mihi  fuit  iucunda,  de  Bruti  ad  Antonium  et  de  eiusdem  ad  te 
litteris.  Posse  videntur  esse  meliora  quam  adhuc  fuerunt.  Sedi 
nobis  ubi  simus  et  quo  iam  nunc  nos  conferamus  providendum  est* 


720.     CICEKO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xiv.  15). 

CUMAE  J    MAY    1  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  C1C.  62. 

De  Dolabella,  omninoque  de  spe  meliore  a  se  recepta,  de  Bruto,  de  Pilia. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

2.  0  mirificum  Dolabellam  meum  !  Iam  enim  dico  meumr, 
antea,  crede  mihi,  subdubitabam.  .  Magnam  avadewpqaiv  rest 
habet :  de  saxo3  in  crucem,  columnam  tollere,  locum  ilium  ster- 
nendum  locare.  Quid  quaeris  ?  Heroica.  Sustulisse  mihi  videtun 
simulationem  desideri,  adhuc  quae  serpebat  in  dies  et  inveterate 
verebar  ne  periculosa  nostris  tyrannoctonis  esset.  3.  Nunc  prorsus 
adsentior  tuis  litteris  speroque  meliora,  quamquam  istos  ferre  nor* 
possum  qui,  dum  se  pacem  velle  simulant,  acta  nefaria  defendunt, 
Sed  non  possunt  omnia  simul.  Incipit  res  melius  ire  quam  puta- 
ram.  Nee  vero  discedam,  nisi  cum  tume  id  honesteputabis  facers 


[xv.]  1.  Epistula]  This  section  is  a 
postscript. 

de  Bntti  .  .  .  litteris]  We  do  not  know 
what  the  exact  letter  referred  to  was. 
But  it  shows  that  up  to  this  time  hoth 
Brutus  and  Antony  were  still  on  terms 
which  seemed  to  be  leading  to  a  per- 
manent compromise. 

ubi  simus]  '  my  present  position  and 
where  I  am  to  go  even  now '  :  cp.  720.  3. 

2.  O  mirificum  Dol.~]  When  Antony 
left  Rome  for  the  south  about  April  25, 
"  Dolabella  profited  by  the  absence  of 
his  colleague  to  emerge  from  his  retire- 
ment and  make  an  uproarious  return  to 
public  life  "  (Ferrero  iii.  48).  He  threw 
down  a  column  which  had  been  raised 
in  the  forum  in  honour  of  Caesar  with 
an  inscription  CAESARI  PARENTI  PATRIAK 
(Suet.  Caes.  86).  He  had  the  place 
where  it  stood  newly  paved,  and  punished 
the  promoters  of  the  project  by  throwing 
some  from  the  Tarpeian  rock  and  cruci- 


fying   others,    presumably    those 
servile  condition :  cp.  Phil.  i.  5  and  30 \ 


of    a| 

cp.  rnu.  i.  5 

'  Here  is  something 
a  fair e  tourner  leiyeux."1  '  What  you  die 
was  a  glorious  sight  to  see  '  :  cp.  721.  2.1 

Heroica~\  '  Like  the  mighty  deeds  oij 
old' :  cp.  apHTTeiav  721.  2. 

simulationem  desideri^  *  that  atfectatiod 
of  regret  for  the  death  of  Caesar  whicU 
was  insensibly  growing  day  by  day,  and 
which  (I  feared),  if  allowed  to  become! 
chronic,  would  involve  the  tyrannicide* 
(cp.  703.  2)  in  serious  peril.'  See  noti| 
on  vetustatem,  712.  2. 

3.  qui  .  .  .  defendunt]  probably 
lukewarm  senators,  the  bruti  he  speak^ 
of  in  719.  2.  Antony,  who  was  still  01 
good  terms  with  the  constitutionalists) 
may  be  also  included. 

possunt]  sc.facere.  '  They  cannot  d^ 
everything  at  once.' 

melius  ire~\  *  to  be  making  better  proj 
gress  '  :  cp.  prorsus  ibat  res,  727.  4. 

discedam']     cp.  719  fin. ;  721.  3. 


EP.  721  (ATT.  XIV.  16).  283 

osse.  Bruto  certe  meo  nullo  loco  deero,  idque,  etiarn  si  mihi  cum 
lo  nihil  fuisset,  facerem  propter  eius  singularem  incredibilemque 
irtutem.  4.  Piliae  nostrae  villam  totam  quaeque  in  villa  sunt 
rado,  in  Pompeianum  ipse  proficiscens  Kalend.  Maiis.  Quam 
elim  Bruto  persuadeas  ut  Asturae  sit. 


721.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xiv.  ie). 

1  THE  WAY  TO  NAPLES  ;    MAY  2  ',    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  J    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  itinere  suo  tradita  Piliae  villa  suscepto,  de  Dolabella,  de  Bruto,  de  Cicerone 
io,  de  Flaminio  Flamma,  de  valetudine  Atticae. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  vi  Non.  consceiidens  ab  hortis  Cluvianis  in  phaselum  epi- 
>pum  has  dedi  litteras,  cum  Piliae  nostrae  villam  ad  Lucrinum, 
ilicos,  procuratores  tradidissem.  Ipse  autem  eo  die  in  Paeti 
ostri  tyrotarichum  imminebam,  perpaucis  diebus  in  Pompeianum, 
ost  in  haec  Puteolana  et  Cumana  regna  renavigaro.  0  loca 
eteroqui  valde  expetenda,  interpellantium  autem  multitudine 
aene  f  ugienda !  2.  Sed  ad  rem  ut  veniam,  o  Dolabellae  nostri 
lagnam  apiartiav  !  Quanta  est  avaQtwpr\aiQ  \  Equidem  laudare 

mihi    cum    illo   nihil  Juisset]     'even  Att.  v.  11.  4  (200).     Perhaps  we  should 

ough  there  had  been  no  ties  between  print  cTri/caiTrop. 

j '  :  cp.  si  mihi  tecum  minus  esset  quam          eo   die~\  *  to-day.'    Dr.    Reid   compares 

t  cum  tuis   omnibus,    Fam.   xv.   10.   2  Att.  v.  2.  1  (185)  ;  vii.  16.  2  (313). 

39).  tyrotanchun]     See    on    Fam.    ix.  16. 

4.  villam~]       his     Cumanum     on     the  7  and  9  (472). 

ucrine  lake.  imminebam]  '  threatening  an  attack  on,' 

i  utAsturae  sit]     cp.  714.  1 ;  725.  5.  jocular. 

post]  He  returned   on    May    11:    cp. 

1.  vi  Non.]  Ruete  (p.  20)  rightly  alters  727.  1. 

of  the  MSS  to  vi., for  in  724.  2  (written          renavigaro]    So  Bosius  "ex  Scidis  " 

l  v  Non.),  Cicero  says  he  was  at  Naples  codd.  renavigare.     Possibly   the  reading 

ie    day   before,     and   Paetus    lived    at  of  the  MSS.  is  right,  and  a  verb  signifying 

aples.      If  we  retain  v.  here,  we  shall  intention  (cogitabam  or  the  like)  is  to  be 

ive  to  alter  v.  of  724.  1,  to  mi.,  which  taken  by  zeugma  out  of  imminebam.    The 

ould  be  palaeographically  more  difficult  passage    is   elliptical,   as  often   in   cases 

ton  the  change  suggested  by  Ruete.  where  Cic.  is  stating  his  plans  « in  a  few 

hortis  Cluvianis]    Cic.  probably  went  days  to  Pompeii,  afterwards  to  sail  back 

the    horti    Cluviani   (718.  5)  for   the  (i.e.,  I  intend  to  sail  back)  to  my  king- 

ig'ht  of  the    1st,    after   having  handed  domshere.' 

/er  the  Cumanum  to  Pilia.     For  horti          0  .  .  .  avadecap-nats]      cp.     720.    2. 

luviani  cp.  663.  3.  '  Our  Dolabella  has  acted  like  a  hero  of 

phaselum    epicopum]     '  row-boat ':   cp.  romance  !     What  a  sight  to  see  ! ' 


284  EP.  721  (ATT.  XIV.  16). 

eum  et.  hortari  non  desisto.  E,ecte  tu  omnibus  epistulis  significas 
quid  de  re,  quid  de  viro  sentias.  Mihi  quidem  videtur  Brutus 
noster  iam  vel  coronam  auream  per  forum  ferre  posse.  Quis  enim 
audeat  laedere  proposita  cruce  aut  saxo  ?  praesertim  tantis  plausi- 
bus,  tanta  approbatione  infimorum  ?  3.  Nunc,  mi  Attice,  me  f ac 
ut  expedias.  Cupio,  cum  Bruto  nostro  adfatim  satisfecerim, 
excurrere  in  Graeciam.  Magni  interest  Ciceronis  vel  mea  potiusi 
vel  mehercule  utriusque  me  intervenire  discenti.  Nam  epistula 
Leonidae,  quam  ad  me  misisti,  quid  habet,  quaeso,  in  quo  magno 
opere  laetemur  ?  Numquam  ille  mihi  satis  laudari  videbitur,  cum 
ita  laudabitur,  '  quo  modo  nunc  est.'  Non  est  fidentis  hoc  testi- 
monium,  sed  potius  timentis.  Herodi  autem  mandaram  ut  mihi 
Kara  JULITOV  scriberet,  a  quo  adhuc  nulla  littera  est.  Vereor  ne> 
nihil  habuerit  quod  mihi,  cum  cognossem,  iucundum  putaret  fore. 
4.  Quod  ad  Xenonem  scripsisti,  valde  mihi  gratum  est.  Nihil 
enim  deesse  Ciceroni  cum  ad  officium  turn  ad  existimationemi 
meam  pertinet.  Flammam  Flaminium  audio  Eomae  esse.  Ad 
eum  scripsi  me  tibi  mandasse  per  litteras,  ut  de  Montani  negotia 
cum  eo  loquerere,  et  velim  cures  epistulam,  quam  ad  eum  misi, 
reddendam,  et  ipse,  quod  commodo  tuo  fiat,  cum  eo  colloquare. 
Puto,  si  quid  in  homine  pudoris  est,  praestaturum  eum,  ne  seroi 
cum  damno  dependatur.  De  Attica  pergratum  mihi  fecisti  quodi 
curasti  ante  scirem  recte  esse  quam  non  belle  fuisse. 

coronam    auream]     Tr.     '  a   triumphal  4.  Xenonein]      It    was   to  Xeno   that 

crown,'  velut  triumphum  agens(Ern.).  Cic.    sent    the  money  for  his  son's  use,! 

per  forum']    cp.710  fin.tfoto  urbe  vagari.  and  Xeno  wisely  doled  it  out  yhiffxpus- 

injimorum~\     cp.  722.  7.  cp.  769.  5.     For  Xeno  see  Index. 

3.  adfatim  satisfecerim~\     Att.  ii.  16.  3  Flammam    Flaminiwn]      cp.    599.    1. 

(43)  Puto    enim    me    Dicaearcho    adfatim  Flamma  seems  to  have  purchased  some! 

satisfecisse.  confiscated  goods  over  the  sale  of  which] 

intervenire  discenti~\  '  to  look  in  on  his  L.  Plancus  was  placed.     Montanus  wasj 

studies.'  security,  and  had  to  pay  up  in  the  first 

Leonidae']     Leonides     was     the    tutor  instance. 

of    young   Cicero.     We    should    expect  ne  sero  cum  damno"]     This  conjecture  of 

Leonidi  if  the  nom.  is  Leonides,  as  it  is  in  Orelli,  accepted  by   Wesenberg,   is  very) 

the  MSS.  of  746  and  786.  5  (Eeid).  probably  the  true  reading  for   ne   spero\ 

Karb.  IAITOV]     'seriatim,'  'in  detail,'  quodam  modo  of  the  MSS.     Boot  suggests! 

lit.    « thread   by   thread.'      This   idea   is  nee  quaero  quomodo,  dummodo  dependatur.] 
sometimes   expressed  by  the  words  KOTO 


EP.  7%%  (ATT.  XI 7.  17 a  =  FAN.  IX.  U).  285 


722.     CICERO  TO  DOLABELLA  (ATT.  xiv.  via 
=  FAM.  ix.  14). 

POMPEII  ;  MAY  3  ;   A.  u.  c.   710 ;   B.  c.   44 ;  AET.  cic.  62. 

Dolabellam  laudat  quod  columnam,  quasi  aram  mortuo  Caesari,  ut  dec,  erectam 
verterit,  et  in  eos  qui  contra  libertatem  tumultuabantur  animadverterit. 

CICERO  DOLABKLLAE  COS.  SUO  SAL. 

1.  Etsi  contentus  eram,  mi  Dolabella,  tua  gloria  satisque  ex  ea 
magnam  laetitiam  voluptatemque  capiebam,  taraen  non   possum 
aon  confiteri  cumulari  me  maximo  gaudio  quod  vulgo  hominum 
pinio  socium  me  adscribat  tuis  laudibus.     Neminem  conveni — 
onvenio  autem  cotidie  plurimos  :  sunt  enim  permulti  optimi  viri 
ui  valetudinis  causa  in  haec  loca  veniant,  praeterea  ex  municipiis 
requentes  necessarii  mei — quin  omiies,  cum  te  summis  laudibus 
d    caelum    extulerunt,    mihi   continuo    maximas   gratias  agant. 
^egant   enim    se   dubitare    quin    tu    meis   praeceptis  et  consiliis 
btemperans  praestantissimum  te  civem  et  singularem  consulem 
raebeas.     2.  Quibus  ego  quamquam   verissime  possum  respon- 
ere  te  quae  facias  tuo  iudicio  et  tua  sponte  facere  nee  cuiusquam 
gere  consilio,  tamen  neque  plane  adsentior,  ne  imminuam  tuam 
audem,  si  omnis  a  meis  consiliis  profecta  videatur,  neque  valde 
ego.     Sum  enim  avidior  etiam  quam  satis  est  gloriae.     Et  tamen 
on  alienum  est  dignitate  tua,  quod  ipsi  Agamemnoni  regum  regi 

1.  tua     gloria]        Cicero    still     spoke  parenthesis,  lost  the  thread  of  the  sentence,, 

nthusiastically  of  this   exploit  of  Dola-  and    wrote,      '  They    all    praised    you.' 

ella     when     he     delivered     the    First  Cicero  is  singularly  free  from  anacoluthon 

hilippic  (Sept.  2nd) :  cp.  §  30.  in  the  letters,  and  in  a  studied  composi- 

autetn]   in  a  parenthesis  559.  1  ;  703.  2;  tion  like  this  would  never  slip  into  that 

83.  5.  carelessness  of  style. 

Neminem  .  .  .  omnes"]     For  an  affinna-  mihi  .  .  .  gratias  agant]     cp.   Phil.   i. 

ve  word  taking  up  a  negative  one,  see  30,  Quin  mihi  etiam,  quo  auctore  te  in  his. 

le  commentators  on  Hor.  Sat.  i.  init.  rebus  uti  arbitrabantur,  et  gratias  boni  viri 

valetudinis  causa]      See    Hor.    Ep.    i.  agebant  et  tuo  nomine  gratulabantur. 

5.2  fr*.  for  the  praise  of  the  neighbour-  2.  omnis  . . .  pro  feet  a"]  '  arising  entirely 

ig  Baiae.  from  '  :  for  this  use  of  omnis,  '  entirely,' 

quin  omnes]  This  is  the  reading  of  HD,  Bockel   compares  labefactant  aequitatem^ 

ghtly  adopted    by   Mendelssohn.     The  quae  tollitur  omnis,  Off.  ii.  78. 

•dinary  reading  qui  (of  M  both  in  Att.  Et  tamen']    '  and Lin  any  case ':  cp.  note 

nd  Fam.)  would  introduce  an  uncharac-  on  Fam.  ix.  2.  3  (461). 

3tistic    anacoluthon,    as  if  Cicero   had  non   alienum   est    dignitate   tua, 


eant  to   write  '  I  met  no  one  who  did       '  that  course  is  not  inconsistent  with  your 
ot  praise  you,'  but,  owing  to  the  long       dignity '  :  cp.  Prov.  Cons.  36. 


286          EP.  722  (ATT.  XIV.  17 a  =  FAM.  IX.  14). 


fuit  honest.um  aliquem  in  consiliis  capiendis  Nestorem  habere: 
mihi  vero  gloriosum  te  iuvenem  consulem  florere  laudibus  quasi 
alumnum  disciplinae  meae.  3.  L.  quidem  Caesar,  cum  ad  eum 
aegrotum  Neapolim  venissem,  quamquam  erat  oppressus  totius 
corporis  doloribus,  tamen  ante  quam  me  plane  salutavit,  '  0  mi 
Cicero '  iuquit  *  gratulor  tibi  cum  tantum  vales  apud  Dolabellam 
quantum  si  ego  apud  sororis  filium  valerem,  iam  salvi  esse  posse- 
mus.  Dolabellae  vero  tuo  et  gratulor  et  gratias  ago,  quern 
quidem  post  te  consulem  solum  possumus  vere  consulem  dicere.: 
Deinde  multa  de  facto  ac  de  re  gesta  tua,  nihil  magnificentius 
nihil  praeclarius  actum  umquam,  nihil  rei  publicae  sahitarius 
Atque  haec  una  vox  omnium  est.  4.  A  te  autem  peto  uti  me 
hanc  quasi  falsam  bereditatem  alienae  gloriae  sinas  cernere 
meque  aliqua  ex  parte  in  societatem  tuarum  laudum  venire 
patiare.  Quamquam,  mi  Dolabella — haec  enim  iocatus  sum— 
libentius  omnis  meas,  si  modo  sunt  aliquae  meae,  laudes  ad  te 
transfuderim  quam  aliquam  partem  exhauserim  ex  tuis.  Namj 
<}um  te  semper  tantum  dilexerim,  quantum  tu  intellegere  potuisti 
turn  his  tuis  factis  sic  incensus  sum  ut  nihil  umquam  in  amore 
fuerit  ardentius.  Nihil  est  enim,  mihi  crede,  virtute  formosius. 
nihil  pulcrius,  nihil  amabilius.  5.  Semper  amavi,  ut  scis,  M. 
Brutum  propter  eius  summurn  ingenium,  suavissimos  mores.j 

aliquem  .  .  .  Nestorem~\     'a  Nestor':  cum    tantum    vales]      'on    having  sn; 

•cp.    Pis.    14    Calatinus   .  .  .  aliquis   aut  much  influence '  ;  quod,  with  the  indica- 

Africanm  aut  Maximus.  tive,  is  more  usual  after  gratulari,  but 

te  itivenem]   Dolahella,  although  consul,  find    cum    with    the    similar    express 

had  not  nearly  reached  the  statutahle  age  gratias  agere,  cp.  Fam.  xiii.  24.  2  (61 

for  the  consulship.     Appian  B.C.  ii.  129  We   also  meet  gratulari,    gratias  ag 

tells  us  that  he    gained   it   through    the  in  aliqua  re  :  cp.  in  quo  gratias  egtt 

influence    of    Caesar    in     his    tive    and  Att.  ii.  24.  2  (51)  :    et  tibi  etiam  in  / 

twentieth  year;  he  had  never   held  the  gratulor,  Plane.  91. 
praetorship.  4.  hanc  .  .  .  cernere']     '  to   enter  as 

flo  rere  luudibus  .  .  .meae"]  '  that  you,  our  were  without  title  into  the  inheritance 

young  consul,  should  be  winning  golden  another's  renown.'     For  cernere  '  to  en 

opinions,   as   if   you   were   a  pupil  who  on  an  inheritance  '  cp.  Att.  xi.  2.1  (4C 

had  profited  by  my  training '  (Jeans).  and  663.  3  cretio. 

3.  L.  .  .  .  Caesar]  The  brother  of  Julia,  transfuderim]     cp.  Phil.  ii.  77  at 

who  was  the  mother  of  Antony.     He  had  in  hanc  transfudisse. 
been  consul  in  64.     Cicero  speaks  highly          quam  .  .  .  ex  tuis]     '  than  detract  o 

of  him,  Phil.  i.  27  :  ii.  14  :  but  Cic.  was  iota  of  yours.' 

not   always   quite   certain  of    his   trust-  turn  .  .  .  ardentius]     '  my  enthnsias 

worthiness,  on  account  of  his  relationship  has  been  so  inflamed  by  your  deeds  tl 

to  Antony:  cp.  Fam.  x.  28.  3  (819).     He  never  did  love  glow  with  greater  \\annt: 
was  put  on  the  proscription  list  by  Antony,  virtute  .  .   .  nihil  amabilius]  cp.  Ltt 

but  J  ulia  secured  his  life  in  noble  fashion :  28. 
see  the  story  in  Appian  B.  C.  iv.  37. 


EP.  722  (ATT.  XIV.  17 a  =  FAM.  IX.  14).  287 

•mgularem  probitatem  atqueconstantiam.     Tamen  Idibus  Martiis 

jiantum  accessit  ad  amorem  ut  mirarer  locum  fuisse  augendi  in  eo 

[fluod  mihi  iam  pridem  cumulatum  etiam  videbatur.     Quis  erat 

jjui  putaret  ad  eum  amorem  quern  erga  te  habebarn  posse  aliquid 

itccedere  ?     Tantum  accessit  ut  mihi  nunc  denique  amare  videar, 

Lntea  dilexisse.     6.  Qua  re  quid  est  quod  ego  te  horter  ut  digni- 

Ijati  et  gloriae  servias  ?     Proponam  tibi  claros  viros,  quod  facere 

olent  qui  bortantur  ?     Neminem  habeo  clariorem  quam  te  ipsum  : 

le  imitere  oportet,  tecum  ipse  certes.     Ne  licet  quidem  tibi  iam 

•mtis  rebus  gestis  non   tui  similem  esse.     7.  Quod  cum  ita  sit, 

lortatio   non    est   necessaria :    gratulatione   magis   utendum  est. 

iontigit  enim  tibi,  quod  baud  scio  an  nemini,  ut  summa  severitas 

Inimadversionis  nou  modo  non  invidiosa  sed  etiam  popularis  esset, 

k  cum  bonis  omnibus  turn  infimo  cuique  gratissima.     Hoc  si  tibi 

t)rtuna  quadam  contigisset,  gratularer  felicitati  tuae,  sed  contigit 

kiagnitudine  quom  animi  turn  etiam   ingeni  atque  consili.     Legi 

liim  contionem  tuam.     Nihil  ilia  sapientius  :  ita  pedetemptim  et 

tradatim  turn  accessus  a  te  ad  causam  facti,  turn  recessus,  ut  res 

li>sa   maturitatem   tibi  animadvertendi    omnium   concessu   daret. 

Liberasti  igitur  et  urbem  periculo  et  civitatem  metu,  neque 

•him    ad   tempus   maximam   utilitatem    attulisti   sed   etiam   ad 

•:emplum.     Quo  facto  intellegere  debes  in  te  positum  esse  rem 

liblicam  tibique  non  modo  tuendos  sed  etiam  ornandos  illos  viros 

Iquibus  initiuin  libertatis  profectum  est.     Sed  bis  de  rebus  coram 

•ura  propediem,  ut  spero.     Tu,  quoniam  rem  publicam  nosque 

liiservas,  fac  ut  diligentissime  te  ipsum,  mi  Dolabella,  custodias. 

II.  iam  pridem  cumulatum']  'reached  its  of  passion  on  your  part],   suggested  the 

tiiax.'  right  time  to  resort  to  punitive  measures.' 

I  mare   .    .    .    dilexisse']     A  clear    ex-  maturitatem']  cp.  Att.  i.  20.  4  (26)  in- 

le  of  the  relative  weight  of  these  two  ducendi  senatus  consulti  maturitas  nondum 

s :  cp.  ad  Brut.  i.  1.  1  (873).  est. 

tecum  ipse  certes]    Q.Fr.  i.  1.  3  (30),  8.  ad  tempus~]     'to   meet  the   present 

ecum  iam  ipse  certes;  Fam.  xi.  15.  2  exigency.' 

)  to  D.  Brutus,  tecum  ipse certa.  ad  exemplwn]      'to  make  a  precedent 

infimo  cuique"]     cp.  721.  2.  for  the  future  ' :  cp.  Vat.  36  (quoted  by 

limi  .  .  .  ingeni  .  .  .  consili']     'spirit,  Andresen),  non  solum  facto  tuo  sed  etiam 

us,  and  judgment.'  exemplo  remp.  vulnerasti.  Five  or  six  days 

cess/is  .  .  .  recessus']      '  So  gradually  later  Cic.  had  cooled  a  little  in  his  enthu- 

cautiously  did  you  approach  the  case  siasm  for  Dolabella:  cp.  725.  5,  Tibivero 

,Tour  speech,  and  now  leave  it  [for  adsentior  maiorem  Trpa\iv  eius  fore  si  mihi 

r  subjects],    that  the  circumstances  quod  debuit  dissolverit. 
uselves,  as  all  allow  [not  any  feeling 


288  EP.  7%3  (FAM.  XII.  I). 

• 

723.     CICERO  TO  CASSIUS  (FAM.  xn.  i). 

POMPEII ;    MAY  3  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.    CIC.  62. 

Cicero  Dolabellam  quod  aram  Caesari  positam  everterat  laudat :  sublato  rege 
regnum  superesse  questus  C.  Cassium  horlatur  ut  una  cum  M.  Bruto  rempublicam 
perturbatione  liberet. 

CICERO  CASSIO  SAL. 

1.  Finem  nullam  facio,  mihi  crede,  Cassi,  de  te  et  Bruto 
nostro,  id  est  de  tota  re  publica,  cogitandi,  cuius  omnis  spes  in 
vobis  est  et  in  D.  Bruto ;  quam  quidem  iam  habeo  ipse  meliorem, 
re  publica  a  Dolabella  meo  praeclarissime  gesta :  manabat  enim 
ill ud  malum  urbauum  et  ita  corroborabatur  cotidie  ut  ego  quideni 
et  tirbi  et  otio  diffiderem  urbano ;  sed  ita  seditio  compressa  est,  ut 
mihi  videamur  omne  iam  ad  tempus  ab  illo  dumtaxat  sordidissimo 
periculo  tuti  futuri.  Reliqua  magna  sunt  ac  multa,  sed  posita 
omnia  in  vobis  :  quamquam  primum  quidque  explicemus.  Nam, 
ut  adhuc  quidem  actum  est,  non  regno,  sed  rege  liberati  videmur  • 
interfeoto  enim  rege  regios  omnis  nutus  tuemur.  Neque  vero 
id  solum,  sed  etiam,  quae  ipse  ille,  si  viveret,  non  faceret,  ea  i 
nos  quasi  cogitata  ab  illo  probamus.  Nee  eius  quidem  rei 
finem  video :  tabulae  figuntur ;  inmuuitates  dautur ;  pecuniae 
maximae  discribuntur ;  exsules  reducuntur ;  senatus  consulta  falsa 

The  date  of  this  letter  is  accurately  fixed          dumtaxat]     *  likely  to  be  safe  at  least 

by    725.    1,   quatriduo    ante    (sc.    Nonas  from  that  degrading  danger.' 
Maias)  ad  eum  (sc.  Cassiuni)  scripseram.  primum  quidque]     '  each   thing   in    its 

1.  quam  .  .  .  gesta]     'and    now  1  feel  proper  order '  (Watson),  'each,  successive 

that  hope  strengthened  after  the  brilliant  matter* :  cp.  N.  D.  i.  77  ;  iii.  7,  Primum 

public  services  of  Dolabella.'  quidque  videamus.     This   phrase  is  fully  , 

manabat]  cp.  Phil.  i.  5,  cum  serperet  in  illustrated   by  Munro   on   Lucr.  i.  389  ;   , 

urbem  infinitum  malum  idque  manaret  in  Madv.  on  Fin.  ii.  105  ;  and  Reid  on  Acad. 

dies  latins.     This  shows  that  we  should  ii.  49. 

retain  the  MSS    readings,    manabat    here  interfecto  .  .  .  tuemur]     'for though  we 

and  manant  in  734.  3,  and  not  alter  to  have  slain  the  tyrant,   we  are  upholding 

manebat  and  manent.  (or  "  watching  ")  the  tyrant's  every  nod 

sed  ita  seditio  compressa  est]     We  have  and  wink,'  (or  'every  indication  of  the 

ventured  to  add  seditio,  which  might  have  tyrant's  will.') 

fallen  out  after  sed  ita,  cp.  Brut.  56,  plebi          discribuntur]      '  are     squandered,'  lit. 

contra  patres  concitatione  et  seditione  nun-  *  paid  out  on  all  sides'  (dis-)  :  cp.  Q.  Fr.  i. 

tiata,  quoted  by  Lehmann,    p.  96,   who  1.  33  (30) ;  Verr.  v.  62  ;  Phil.  v.  22.  This 

wishes  to  add  concitatio  before  compressa.  is  the  reading  of  M,  and  gives  a  stronger 

Manutiufi  and  Wesenberg  alter  to  compres~  sense  than  describuntur  of   HD,    which 

sum  est,  for  which  we  are   to  continue  would   mean    simply     '  paid    out '  :    cp. 

malum  as  subject.  Ernesti  and  Baiter  add  Biicheler   Eh.  Mus.  xiii.  598.     Contrast 

res  before  est.  Mrith  this  passage  Phil.  i.  2  and  3,  Nihil 


EP.  723  (FAM.  XII.  1). 


289 


deferuntur:  ut  tantum  modo  odium  illnd  hominis  irapuri  et  servi- 
tutis  dolor  depulsus  csse  videatur,  res  publica  iaceat  in  iis  perturba- 
tionibus  in  quas  earn  ille  coniecit.  2.  Haec  omnia  vobis  sunt 
expedieiida,  nee  hoc  cogitandum,  satis  iam  habere  rem  publicara  a 
vobis  :  habet  ilia  quidem  tantum  quantum  numquam  mihi  in  men- 
tern  venit  optare,  sed  contenta  non  est  et  pro  magnitudine  et  aninii 
et  benefici  vestri  a  vobis  magna  desiderat.  Adhuc  ulta  suas  iniurias 
est  per  vos  interitu  tyraiini ;  nihil  amplius  :  ornamenta  vero  sua 
quae  reciperavit  ?  an  quod  ei  mortuo  paret  quern  vivum  ferre  non 
poterat  ?  cuius  aera  refigere  debebamus,  eius  etiam  chirographa 
defendimus?  'At  enim  ita  decrevimus.'  Fecimus  id  quidem 


turn  (sc.  on  March  17),  nisi  quod  erat 
notum  omnibus  in  C.  Caenaris  commentaries 
reperiebatur.  .  .  .  Num  qui  exules  resti- 
tuti  ?  Unum  aiebat,  praeterea  neminem. 
Num  immunitates  datae  ?  Nullae,  respon- 
debat.  Assentiri  etiam  nos  Servio  Sulpicio, 
clarissimo  viro,  voltiit  ne  qua  tabula  post 
Id.  Martias  ullius  decreti  Caesaris  aul 
benefici  figeretur :  and  compare  with  it 
718.  6,  and  Phil.  ii.  35  ;  92  ;  97. 

deferuntur]  So  Orelli  corrected  refe- 
runtur  of  the  MSS.  Referre  (sc.  in  tabulas] 
senatus  consulta  means  'to  write  out 
decrees'  (Phil.v.  12;  Verr.  iv.  146);  while 
deferre  (sc.  ad  aerarium]  senatus  consulta  is 
the  regular  phrase  for  lodging  decrees  in 
the  public  archives :  cp.  Liv.  xxxix.  4.  8  ; 
and  Mommsen  St.  R.  ii2.  479,  iii.  1011. 
The  term  "  referre  (in  aerarium)1'  is 
used  of  lodging  money  and  accounts 
in  the  treasury.  We  find  deferre  (in 
aerarium)  used  of  returning  the  names 
of  people  on  whom  honours  or  favours 
(beneficia')  were  to  he  bestowed ;  cp. 
Arch.  11  ;  Balb.  63;  and  note  on  Fam. 
v.  20.  7  (302)  ;  and  cp.  §  6  of  that  letter 
for  rationes  relatae  used  of  accounts. 

ut  tantum  .  .  .  videatur']  '  so  that  it  is 
only  our  hatred  of  that  revolting  man  and 
indignation  at  being  slaves  that  seems  to 
have  been  removed.' 

in  iis  perturbationibus~\  '  in  the  midst 
of  that  confusion.' 

2.  magna]  This  word  is  to  be  empha- 
sized, 'and  great  deeds,  as  befit  the 
greatness  of  your  minds  and  services,  are 
what  she  requires  of  you.'  The  parallelism 
of  magna  with  magnitudine  seems  to  show 
that  magna  need  not,  with  Boot  (Obs. 
Crit.  p.  23),  be  altered  to  maiora.  But 
Boot  rightly  punctuates  after  desiderat, 
not  after  adhuc,  for  Cicero,  we  believe, 
never  ends  a  sentence  with  that  word. 
VOL.  v. 


nihil  amplius"]  '  nothing  could  he 
more  splendid.'  So  Lehmann,  p.  29  ff, 
quoting  a  great  number  of  examples  of 
nihil  with  comparatives  equivalent  to 
superlatives:  cp.  note  to  Att.  vi.  3.  9  (264). 
This  interpretation  is  approved  by  Bardt. 
But  the  ordinary  explanation,  '  that  is  all 
that  you  have  done,'  is  equally  good,  and 
seems  more  natural.  If  Cic.  had  been 
fearful  of  offending  Cassius  he  would  not 
have  used  an  ambiguous  phrase,  but 
would  have  said  nihil  praeclarius,  or  the 
like.  For  nihil  amplius  =  *  no  more ' 
'  that  is  all  that  was  done,'  cp.  Fin.  v.  59  ; 
Acad.  ii.  74  ;  Verr.  v.  128. 

ornamenta']  '  dignities,'  '  glories.' 
"Wiih  this  sentence  Watson  compares 
Phil.  ii.  113,  respublica,  quae  se  adhuc 
tantum  modo  ulta  est,  nondum  reciper- 
avit. 

an  quod]  Wesenberg  alters  to  ad  quod. 
*  To  what  end  does  the  State  obey  that 
man  when  dead  whom  it  could  not 
tolerate  when  alive  ?  '  But  an  makes 
very  good  sense.  '  Has  it  recovered  its 
dignities  because  it  obeys?'— a  supple- 
mentary question  :  cp.  Madvig,  §  453. 

refigere]  '  to  take  down '  the  tablets  on 
which  the  laws  have  been  engraved,  hence 
=  '  to  annul  laws ' :  cp.  Phil.  xiii.  5,  acta 
M.  Antoni  rescidistis,  leges  refixistis.  The 
correlative  term  isfigere,  Phil.  ii.  92  :  cp. 
note  to  715.  1. 

chirographa~]  Cicero  here  uses  this  word, 
as  he  does  elsewhere  (Att.  ii.  20.  5  (47) ; 
Phil.  i.  8  :  ii.  8),  in  the  general  sense  of 
a  document  in  the  handwriting  of  the 
person  in  question.  There  is  no  reference 
to  the  technical  sense  of  the  word  as  a 
written  acknowledgment  of  a  debt. 

decrevimus']  This  was  done  on  March  17 
at  the  meeting  of  the  Senate  in  the  temple 
of  Tellus  (App.  B.C.  ii.  135),  and  probably 

T 


290  tiP.  7®4  (ATT.  XIV.  17). 

temporibus  cedentes,  quae  valent  in  re  publica  plurimum  ;  sed 
immoderate  quidem  et  ingrate  nostra  facilitate  abutuntur.  Yerum 
haec  propediern  et  multa  <  alia  coram :  interim  velim  sic  tibi  per- 
suadeas,  mihi  cum  rei  publicae,  quam  semper  habui  carissimam, 
turn  amoris  nostri  causa  maximae  curae  esse  tuam  dignitatem. 
Da  operam  ut  valeas.  [Vale.] 


724.     CICEEO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xiv.  17). 

POMPEII  J    MAY  3  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44;    AKT.  CIC.  62. 

De  adventu  suo  in  Pompeianum  et  litteris  ah  Attico  ibi  acceptis,  de  Buthrotio 
negotio  et  Antonio  a  se  ea  causa  conveniendo,  de  Q.  filii  litteris  ad  patrem  datis,  de 
epistulis  ad  Brutum,  ad  Cassium,  ad  Dolabellam  scriptis,  de  sumptu  Ciceroni  suo 
suppeditando,  de  libris  quos  nunc  conscribit,  de  Flammae  et  Montani  negotio. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  In  Pompeianum  veni  v  Nonas  Maias,  cum  pridie,  ut  anfea 
ad  te  scripsi,  Piliam  in  Cumano  coulocavissem.  Ibi  mibi  oeiianti 
litterae  tuae  sunt  redditae  quas  dederas  Demetrio  liberto  prid. 
Kal.,  in  quibus  multa  sapienter,  sed  tamen  talia,  quern  ad  modum 

confirmed  by  the  people  early  in  April  (778.  11)  :  the  words  which  follow 
(cp.  note  to  713.  1).  Cicero  expresses  a  few  lines  further  down  in  778. 
approval  of  this  step  in  the  first  Philippic,  11,  consules  de  consili  sententia  decre- 
16,  acta  Caesaris  servanda  censeo  non  quo  verunt  secundum  ButJirotios,  show  that 
probem  .  .  .  sed  quia  rationem  habendam  the  consuls  consulted  their  advisory  com- 
maxime  arbitror  pads  atque  oti.  But  no  mittee.  See  Groebe  in  hised.  of  Drumann 
proper  definition  of  what  acta  meant  seems  i.  422  ff.  Mommsen  (St.  R.  iii  (2),  p.  x, 
to  have  been  settled.  Accordingly,  some  note)  seems  (if  we  understand  him  aright) 
time  in  April  (cp.  708.  2  ;  713.  1),  when  to  hold  that  previous  to  June  the  cow- 
Antony  had  begun  to  make  use  of  his  silitim  was  understood  to  be  only 
power  of  dealing  with  the  acta  of  Caesar  advisory,  the  confirmation  of  what  they 
(cp.  715.  1),  a  decree  of  the  Senate  was  advised  resting  with  the  senate;  but 
passed  that  the  consuls  with  a  committee  that  after  the  law  was  passed  the  consuls 
(consilium}  should  investigate  what  were  with  their  consilium  (which  no  doubt  they 
Caesar's  acta  (778. 11,  cp.  Dio  Cass.  xliv.  formed  of  creatures  of  their  own)  could 
53.  4).  The  next  step  which  followed  actually  decide  what  Caesar's  acta  were, 
shortly  after  this  was  the  postponement  without  getting  ratification  from  the 
(owing  probably  to  the  spring  vacation)  senate  :  cp.  Phil.  i.  6,  ecce  Kal.  luniis  . .  .1 
of  the  investigation  until  the  beginning  of  mutata  omnia,  nihil  per  senatum,  multa  et 
June  (778.  11;  Phil.  ii.  100).  On  the  magna  per  populum. 

second  of  June  (cp.  Phil.  i.  6)  this  decree          propediem"}     sc.  inter  nos  colloquemurJ 

of  the  senate  was  made  a  law— accessit  For  a  similar  ellipse  cp.  724.  1  fin.  and, 

ad  senatus  consultum  lex  quae  lata  est  a.d.  often.     Cicero  met  Cassius  on   June  8  :! 

itii  Non.   lun.,  quae   lex    EARVM  RERVM  cp.  744.  1. 

QVA8      CAESAK     9TATVI8SET      DRCKEVISSBT 

consulibus      cognitionem     dedit          1.  ut  anted  ad  te  scrips*]    cp.  721.  1.   J 


EP.  7-%4,  (ATT.  XIV. 


291 


ite  scribebas,  ut  omne  consilium  in  fortuna  positum  videretur. 
;aque  his  de  rebus  ex  tempore  et  coram.  2.  l)e  Buthrotio 
egotio,  utinam  quidem  Antonium  conveniam!  Multum  profecto 
roficiam.  Sed  non  arbitrantur  eum  a  Capua  declinaturum,  quo 
uidem  metuo  ne  magno  rei  publicae  malo  venerit.  Quod  idem 

Caesari  videbatur,  quern  pridie  Neapoli  adfectum  graviter  vide- 
am.  Quam  ob  rem  ista  nobis  ad  Kal.  lun.  tractanda  et  perficienda 
unt.  Sed  hactenus.  3.  U.  filius  ad  patrem  acerbissimas  litteras 
lisit,  quae  sunt  ei  redditae  cum  venissemus  in  Pompeianum, 
uarum  tamen  erat  caput,  Aquiliam  novercam  non  esse  laturum. 
ed  hoc  tolerabile  fortasse ;  illud  vero  '  se  a  Caesare  habuisse 
mnia,  nihil  a  patre,  reliqua  sperare  ab  Antonio  ' — 0  perditum 
omiiiem  !  Sed  jueXrjo-c*.  4.  Ad  Brutum  nostrum,  ad  Cassium, 

Dolabellam  epistulas  scripsi.     Earum  exempla  tibi  misi,  non 


t    deliberarem    reddundaene 
eddendas — quod   non    dubito 

fortuna']     cp.  714.  1 

ex  tempore~]  '  as  the  occasion  demands,' 
'he  words  in  classical  Latin  frequently 
ave  the  meaning  which  they  hold  with 
s,  and  signify  '  impromptu  utterance  ' : 
p.  Arch.  18 ;  De  Orat.  iii.  194. 

2.  De  Buthrotio  negotio~\    See  on  715.1. 
a   Capua  declinaturum']    '  abstain  from 

apua.'  See  Phil.  ii.  100,  etiam  Capuam 
loniam  deducere  conatus  es,  on  which 
:•.  King  has  this  note :  "  Capua  had 
>een  made  a  Roman  colony  by  Caesar, 
ho  in  59  B.C.  settled  20,000  Roman 
tizens  in  the  ager  Campanus.  It  was 
lerefore  illegal  [according  to  augural 
iw,  Phil.  ii.  102  ;  but  the  thing  was 
'ten  done]  to  found  a  new  colony  there, 
nd  Antony's  proceedings  would  nominally 
»e  limited  to  the  reassignment  of  lots 
vhich  had  reverted  to  the  state  by  the 
eath  or  relinquishment  of  their  original 
olders.  He  would  doubtless  in  some 
ases  oust  existing  occupiers,  so  as  to 
ive  some  ground  for  the  sweeping 
larges  which  Cicero  brings  against 
im." 

magno  rei  publicae  malo]  i.e.  he  will 
e  able  to  raise  supporters  among  the 
eteran  s .  He  created  enemies ,  too,  among 
lem  by  such  threatened  interference ; 
nd  we  may  conjecture  that  Octavian  was 
ble  on  that  account  to  get  supporters  on 
is  side. 

3.  Aquiliam\     whom   he  thought   his 


essent — plane   enim    iudico    esse 
quin   tu   idem   existimaturus   sis. 

father    was    going    to    marry;     see    on 
718.  5. 

laturum~\  There  is  no  need  to  add  se, 
though  it  might  readily  have  fallen  out 
after  esse.  Riemann  (Syntaxe,  §  177 
Rem.  ii.)  notes  that  such  omission  of  the 
subject  is  often  found.  He  quotes 
Deiot.  21,  in  cubiculo  malle  dixisti,  i.e.  in 
cubiculo  (te)  malle  (vomere)  dixisti ; 
2  Verr.  i.  97,  descensuros  pollicebantur ;  De 
Orat.  i.  101,  dum  mihi  liceat  negare  posse 
quod  non  potero  et  fateri  nescire  quod 
nesciam.  It  is  common,  too,  in  familiar 
style :  Ter.  Andr.  14  quae  convener e  .  . 
fatetur  transtulisse  atque  usum  pro  suis : 
and  in  Livy,  e.g.  vi.  17.  6,  refracturosqtie 
carcerern  minabantur.  A  great  number  of 
exx.  are  given  by  Lebreton,  pp.  377-378. 

a  Caesar e~\  '  he  owed  everything  to  C.' 
For  his  influence  with  Antony,  cp.  727.  5. 

Antonio  ' — ]  We  must  mark  an  apo- 
siopesis  after  Antonio.  Cicero  does  not 
care  to  express  his  indignation  at  the 
remark  of  young  Quintus. 

4.  quod]  Most  editors  insert  sed  before 
the  conjunction  quod.  But  Lehmann 
(p.  80) ,  in  an  excellent  discussion,  shows 
that  it  is  not  necessary.  Atticus  would 
easily  know  why  Cicero  sent  the  copy, 
viz.  that  he  should  be  kept  informed  of 
the  whole  transaction.  Cp.  for  the  omis- 
sion of  the  real  reason  for  a  thing  after 
non  quo  (ut)  Q.  Fr.  i.  2.  4  (53) ;  Att.  vi. 
3.  1  (264).  If  Cicero  had  used  sed,  he 

T2 


292  EP.  725  (ATT.  XIV.  19). 

5.  Ciceroni  meo,  mi  Attice,  suppeditabis  quantum  videbitur 
meque  hoc  tibi  onus  imponere  patiere.  Quae  ad  hue  fecisti  mihi 
sunt  gratissima.  6.  Librum  meum  ilium  UVEK^OTOV  nondum,  ut 
volai,  perpolivi.  Ista  vero  quae  tu  contexi  vis  aliud  quoddam 
separatum  volumen  exspectant.  Ego  autem — credas  mihi  velim — 
minore  periculo  existimo  contra  illas  nef arias  partis  vivo  tyranno- 
dici  potuisse  quam  mortuo.  Ille  enim  uescio  quo  pacto  ferebat 
me  quidem  mirabiliter:  nunc,  quacumque  nos  commovimus,  ad 
Caesaris  non  modo  acta  verum  etiam  cogitata  revocamur.  De 
Montano,  quoniam  Flamma  venit,  videbis.  Puto  rem  meliore- 
loco  esse  debere. 


725.     CICERO  TO  ATTIOUS  (Am  xiv.  19). 

POMPEII  J    MAY  8  J    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44J    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  litterarum  commercio,  de  Bruti,  de  Antonii  litteris,  de  Pansa,  de  Q.  filio,  de 
litteris  ad  Dolabellam  et  ad  Siccam  scriptis,  de  Servii  litteris,  de  Publilio,  de  aere 
alieno  Dolabellae,  de  profectione  sua,  de  Attica  et  Pilia. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Nonis  Maiis  cum  essern  in  Pompeiano,  accepi  binas  a  te 
litteras,  alteras  sexto  die,  alteras  quarto.  Ad  superiores  igitur 
prius.  Q/uam  mihi  iucundum  opportune  tibi  Barnaeum  litteras 
reddidisse!  Tu  vero  cum  Cassio,  ut  cetera.  Quam  commode  < 
autem,  quod  id  ipsurn  quod  me  mones  quadriduo  ante  ad  eum 
scripseram  exemplumque  mearum  litterarum  ad  te  miseram  !  Sed 
cum  ex  Dolabellae  aritia— sic  enim  tu  ad  me  scripseras — magna 

probably  would  have  written  dubitabam,  Barnaeuni]     This    name  occurs    often, 

not  dubito.  in  inscriptions  ;  see  Thesaurus. 

6.  Librum  ...  avfx  SOT  ov}  The  editors  ante]    sc.  four  days  before  the  Nonea 

for  the  most  part  regard  Cicero  as  here  of  May,  i.e.  May  3  (723.  1). 

referring  to  a  work  which  he  was  con-  aritia]    The  editors  here  either  obelise 

templating  quite  fifteen  years  before  this  this  word  or  correct  it  to  some  such  word 

time  :  see  on  Att.  ii.  6.  2  (33).     Ernesti  as  avaritia  or  ari<ri<£,  '  paylessness,'  '  im- 

thinks  he  refers  to  the  treatise  De  tempori-  pecuniosity,'  or  denr/a,   'want  of  appe- 

bus  suis   which   his   son  published  after  lite.'     The  fact  is  that  aritia  is  probably 

Cicero's  death.  the    very    word    which    Cicero    wrote. 

De  Montane"]     See  599.  1 ;  721.  4.  Atticus  had  through  inadvertence  written 

aritia  for  avaritia.     Cicero  now  deliber- 

1.  sexto  die"]    on  the  6th  day  after  the  ately  makes  the  same  mistake,  explaining 

letter  was  written.     The  ellipse  of  datas  to  Atticus  why  he  does  so.     It  must  be 

is  rare  :  but  cp.  734.  1.  remembered  that  avaritia  would  be  pro- 


EP.  725  (ATT.  XIV.  19). 


293 


desperations  ad  feet  us  essem,  ecce  tibi  et  Bruti  et  tuae  litterae, 
Jlle  exsilium  meditari,  nos  autem  alium  portum  propiorem  huic 
aetati  videbamus,  in  quern  raallem  equidem  pervehi  florente  Bruto 
nostro  constitutaque  re  publica.  Sed  nunc  quidem,  ut  scribis,  non 
utrum  vis.  Adsentiris  enim  mihi  nostram  aetatem  a  castris,  prae- 
sertim  civilibus,  abhorrere.  2.  M.  Antonius  ad  me  tantum  de 
Clodio  rescripsit,  meam  lenitatem  et  clementiara  et  sibi  esse  gratam 
et  mihi  voluptati  magnae  fore.  Sed  Pansa  f urere  videtur  de  Clodio 
itemque  de  Deiotaro,  et  loquitur  severe,  si  velis  credere.  Illud 
tamen  non  belle,  ut  mihi  quidern  videtur,  quod  factum  Dolabellae 
vehementer  improbat.  3.  De  coronatis,  cum  sororis  tuae  filius  a 
patre  accusatus  esset,  rescripsit  se  coronam  habuisse  honoris 
Caesaris  causa,  posuisse  luctus  gratia,  postremo  se  libenter  vitupe- 
rationem  subire  quod  amaret  etiam  mortuum  Caesarem.  4.  Ad 
Dolabellam,  quern  ad  modum  tibi  dicis  placere,  scripsi  diligenter. 


nounced  auritia,  as  we  may  infer  from 
the  story  about  the  fig-seller  who  was 
crying  figs,  cauneas,  just  as  Crassus  was 
starting  on  his  fatal  expedition  to  Parthia, 
and  who  was  understood  by  the  people  in 
the  street  to  be  crying  cave  ne  eas. 
In  the  MSS.  we  find  Lanui  =  Lanuvi  (Ep. 
644  :  728.  1),  and  iuet  =  iuvet  Fam.  iii. 
1.  1.  (181)  cp.  iuerint  (Catull.  66.  18). 
Again,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that 
the  connotation  of  avaritia  is  by  no 
means  coextensive  with  our  '  avarice,' 
but  rather  means  '  rapacity,'  and  is 
applied  in  that  sense  to  the  sea  by 
Horace.  A  spendthrift  might  be  avarus, 
though  he  could  not  be  *  avaricious '  or 
miser.'  Dolabella  was  dipping  deeply 
into  the  funds  in  the  temple  of  Ops,  yet 
he  would  not  pay  his  debts  or  refund 
Tullia's  dower.  Fr.  Schmidt  suggests 
a/N<rreia,  with  an  ironical  signification, 
meaning  the  noble  aotion  of  Dolabella  in 
not  paying  his  debts :  cp.  irpai-tv,  below. 
But  it  is  unsafe  to  introduce  an  ironical 
word  by  conjecture.  If  we  read  apio-rely, 
we  should  prefer  to  alter  adfectus  to 
refectus,  though  that  would  be  a  violent 
proceeding.  Muecke  suggests  apyia.  We 
ourselves  thought  of  artitia,  a  word 
which  might  possibly  have  been  coined  to 
express  'tightness'  (in  money  matters). 
Meyer  proposes  malitia,  which  would  be 
&  very  strong  word  for  the  cautious 
Atticus  to  use.  0.  E.  Schmidt  (Rh. 
Mus.  1898,  p.  222)  thinks  Att.  used 


ia. — Cicero's  word  721.  2 — ironi- 
cally in  the  sense  of  bonitas,  i.e.  '  sol- 
vency.' But  it  is  not  certain  that  bonitus 
has  that  meaning,  though  of  course  we 
have  such  expressions  as  bonum  nomen. 

portum  propiorem']  '  a  readier  'more 
convenient)  haven.'  He  may  refer  to 
death  :  cp.  omnisque  in  limine  portus, 
Verg.  Aen.  vii.  598:  but,  as  Dr.  Reid 
points  out,  his  statement  that  he  has  a 
choice,  and  the  words  nostram  aetatem 
following  huic  aetati,  render  that  sup- 
position unlikely :  though  Cic.  does  at 
times  think  of  death  :  cp.  732.  4  ;  728.  3, 
mihi  quidem  fieftiwrai.  He  thinks  that 
the  haven  is  Athens,  and  that  propiorem 
means  '  more  suitable  ' :  cp.  Clu.  30  pro- 
piora  huius  causae  et  adiunctiora.  This 
seems  more  probable,  as  the  tone  of  the 
letter  is  not  excessively  despondent. 

non  utrum  vis"]  '  I  have  not  the  choice,' 
lit,  '  it  is  not  a  case  of  which  you  please.' 
Just  as  here  utrum  vis  means  '  a  free 
choice,'  so  in  718.  2,  neque  hue  neque  illuc 
means  'neutrality':  cp.  quod  eaerit, 
754.  1. 

nostram  aetatem  .  .  .abhorrere']  cp.  718. 
2  fin. 

2.  de  Clodio,  itemque  de  Deiotaro]     See 
on  Epp.  715.  1 :  716  ;  717. 

3.  coronatis']     See  on  719,  1. 
posuisse  luctus  gratia']    '  Quintus  seems 

to  have  gone  into  the  Circus  with  the 
crown  to  honour  Caesar's  victory  [cp.  note 
to  719.  1],  but  to  have  taken  it  off  when 


294  EP.  725  (ATT.  XIV.  19). 

Ego  etiara  ad  Siccam  :  tibi  hoc  oneris  non  impono  :  nolo  te  ilium 
iratum  habere.  Servi  orationem  cognosco  :  in  qua  plus  timoris 
video  quam  consili.  Sed  quoniam  perterriti  omnes  sumus,  adsenJ 
tior  Servio.  Publilius  tecum  tricatus  est.  Hue  enim  Caerellia 
missa  ab  istis  est  legata  ad  me,  cui  facile  persuasi  mibi  id  quod| 
rogaret  ne  licere  quidem,  non  modo  non  libere.  Antonium  si 
videro,  accurate  agam  de  Butbroto.  5.  Venio  ad  recentiores  litteJ 
ras,  quamquam  de  Servio  iam  rescripsi.  '  Me  facere  magnaral 
irpa^iv  Dolabellae.'  Mibi  mebercule  ita  videtur ;  non  potuissa 
maior  tali  re  talique  tern  pore.  Sed  tamen,  quidquid  ei  tribuol 
tribuo  ex  tuis  litteris.  Tibi  vero  adsentior  maiorem  7rpa$tv  eiua 
fore,  si  mibi  quod  debuit  dissolvent.  Brutus  velim  sit  Asturuel 
6.  Quod  autem  laudas  me  quod  nibil  ante  de  profectione  constiJ 
tuam  quam  ista  quo  evasura  sint  videro,  muto  sententiam.  Nequd 
quidquam  tamen  ante  quam  te  videro.  Atticam  meam  gratia! 
mibi  agere  de  matre  gaudeo,  cui  quidem  ego  totam  villam  cellamJ 
que  tradidi,  eamque  cogitabam  v  Idus  videre.  Tu  Atticae  salutenaj 
dices.  Nos  Piliam  diligenter  tuebimur. 

Caesar's    statue    appeared  in  the  pompa  maiorem  irpa£u>]     Possibly  a  play  on 

Circemis,  and  roused  lamentation '  (Reid).  the  word  irpa£tv,  which  means — (1)   '  aJ 

4.  orationem  coynosco]       'I      recognize  exploit';    (2)  'the    exacting   of   money.! 
the   timid   style   of    Servius'    discourse.'  We  might  say  '  DoJabella  lias  acquitteJ 
We  must  refer  orationem  to  a  private  talk  himself  well.     I  wish  he   would   acquil 
with  Atticus,  not  a  speech  in  public.  him  of  his  debt ' ;  or  'a  score  for  DolaJ 

tricatus  est~\      (  has    been    shuffling ' ;  bella  :  but  I  should  be  better  pleased  thai 

Publilius  and  his  mother  were  trying  to  a  score  of  another  kind  should  occupy  hil 

induce  Cicero  to  take  back  Publilia,  and  attention.'     But  the  joke  does  not  proceed 

had  sent  Caerellia  as  an  ambassadress  to  quite  completely  :  for  irpa^iv  should  meaa 

him  on   that   mission.     For   tricatus   est  '  exacting  a  debt '  and  there  was  no  quesl 

cp.  Att.  xv.   13a.  5  (795)  tricatur  scilicet  tion  of  Dolabella's  doing  that :  he  should 

ut  monetalis.  Pay-     Probably,  however,  irpafciv  is  coupM 

cui  facile  .  .  .   libere]  '  whom  I  easily  *  achievement,'  in  each  case,  and  there  il 

persuaded  as  regards  the  granting  of  her  no  play  on  the  double  sense, 

request  that  not  only  I  wouldn't  but  I  Asturae]    cp.  720  fin. 

shouldn't':  cp.  Plaut.  Pers.  376  for  plays  6.  villam']      His    Cumanum,    720.    41 

with  these  words  Lubere  tibi  per  me  licere  724.  1. 

intellego:  verum  Inhere  hau  liceat, si  lubeat  cellam]    'the    storeroom.'     We  mighl 

mihi.  say  '  I  have  put  the  house  and  the  keyl 

5.  mihi  .  .  .  maior"]     '  It  appears  to  me  at  her  service.'     The  Thesaurus  seems  tfll 
to  be   so   (i.e.  great);  that  it  could  not  take  the  meaning  to  be  the  cupboard  oi 
be    greater.'     Understand   videtur    with  safe    where    the    domestic    money    wal 
potuisse.     See  Adn.  Grit.  kept :  cp.  Seneca  De  Tranq.  An.  8.  6.    I 


EP.  726  (ATT.  XIV.  18).  295 

726.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xiv.  is). 
POMPEII  ;  MAY  9 ;  A,  u.  c.  710 ;  B.  c.  44 ;  AET.  cic.  62. 

De  Dolabella,  de  nominibus  Albiano  et  Patulciano,  de   Montano,  de   Servio,  de 
Bruto  causaque  rei  publicae. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Saepius  me  iam  agitas,  quod  rem  gestam  Dolabellae  nimis 
in  caelum  videar  efferre.  Ego  autem,  quamquam  sane  probo 
factum,  tamen  ut  tan  to  opere  laudarem  adductus  sum  tnis  et 
unis  et  alteris  litteris.  Sed  totum  se  a  te  abalienavit  Dolabella 
ea  de  causa  qua  me  quoque  sibi  inimicissimum  reddidit.  O 
hominem  pudentem  !  Kal.  Ian.  debuit :  adhuc  non  solvit,  prae- 
sertim  cum  se  maximo  aere  alieno  Faberi  manu  liberarit  et  opem 
ab  Ope  petierit.  Licet  enim  iocari,  ne  me  valde  conturbatum 
putes.  Atque  ego  ad  eum  iix  Idus  litteras  dederam  bene  mane, 
eodem  autem  die  tuas  litteras  vesperi  acceperam  in  Pompeiano, 
sane  celeriter  tertio  abs  te  die.  Sed,  ut  ad  te  eo  ipso  die  scripse- 
ram,  satis  aculeatas  ad  Dolabellam  litteras  dedi,  quae  si  nihil  pro- 
fecerint,  puto  fore  ut  me  praesentem  non  sustineat.  2.  Albianum 
te  confecisse  arbitror.  De  Patulciano  nomine,  quod  mihi  suppeti- 
atus  es  gratissimum  est  et  simile  tuorum  omnium.  Sed  ego 

1.  rem  gestam  Dolabellae]     See  720.2.  read  Opem  ab  eo,  'gained  the  favours  of 

unis  et  alteris]    l  more  than  one  '  :  cp.  Wealth  from   him,'    petere  in  the  sense 

Hor.    Sat.    i.  6.  101,  ducendus  et  unus  et  of  'wooing.'     For  this  plundering,  cp. 

comes  alter.  719.  5,  rapinas  scribis  ad  Opis  fieri,  and 

eadem    causa]      that    is,    because    he  Phil.  ii.  93. 

would  pay  neither  Cicero  nor  Atticus.  tertio  aba  te  die'}   It  generally  took  four 

Faberi    manu]       Faberius     had    been  days  for  a  letter  to  reach  Pompeii  from 

secretary  to   Caesar.     Antony  used   him  Rome  :  cp.  725.  1. 

to  insert  whatever  he  wished  in  Caesar's  aculeatas]     '  stinging.'      Where     Cic. 

instructions  ;  he  thus  became    virtually  speaks   of  the  letter  in  725.  4,  he  only 

possessed   of  Caesar's   fortune,    and  had  says  scripsi  diligenter. 

already  used  some  of  it  to  buy  the  co-  2.  Albianum']  Possibly  Sabinus  Albius 

operation  of  Dolabella.  wished     to    purchase    the    property    of 

opem  ab  Ope]     This  is  Cobet's  ingenious  which   he  had  been  left  joint-heir  with 

correction    of    opem    ab  eo   of    the   MSS.  Cicero,  627  [14]. 

Schiitz  had  already  conjectured  Opisopem.  suppetiatus  es]     'you    have    come    to 

Dolabella  had  drawn  on  the  money  which  my  aid.'     The  word  suppetiari  does  not 

Caesar  had   deposited  in    the   temple   of  occur   elsewhere    in    Cicero,    nor    does 

Ops  for  the  Parthian  war.     We  can  offer  suppetias  ire,  but  suppetiatus  is  inferred 

no  translation  that  retains  the  play  011  the  here  from  suspendiatus  M1,  suppeditatus 

words.     To  render  «  opulence  from  Ops  '  M2.     It    is    found   more  than    once    in 

will  hardly  do,  as   ops   in   the   singular  Apuleius  (cp.  Met.  viii.  20),  especially  the 

means  'help,'   'assistance,'  not  'wealth.'  supine  suppetiatum,  with  words  of  '  cail- 

It  is  difficult  to  obtain  any  joke  out  of  ing'  (i.  14;   vii.  7).     Miiller    conjectures 

the    MS.    reading.      Possibly    we    might  succenturiatus  es. 


296  EP.  727  (ATT.  XIV.  20). 

Erotem  ad  ista  expedienda  factum  mihi  videbar  reliquisse,  cuius 
non  sine  magna  culpa  vacillarunt.  Sed  cum  ipso  videro.  3.  De 
Montano,  ut  saepe  ad  te  scrips!,  erit  tibi  tota  res  curae.  Servius 
proficiscens  quod  desperanter  tecum  locutus  est  miuime  miror, 
neque  ei  quidquam  in  desperatioue  concede.  4.  Brutus  noster, 
singularis  vir,  si  in  senatum  non  est  Kal.  luniis  venturus,  quid 
facturus  sit  in  foro  nescio.  Sed  hoc  ipse  raelius.  Ego  ex  iis  quae 
parari  video  non  multum  Idibus  Martiis  profectum  iudico.  Itaque 
de  Grraecia  cotidie  magis  et  magis  cogito.  Nee  enim  Bruto  meo 
exsilium,  ut  scribit  ipse,  meditanti  video  quid  prodesse  possim. 
Leonidae  me  litterae  non  satis  delectarunt.  De  Herod  e  tibi 
adsentior.  Saufei  legisse  veil  em.  Ego  ex  Pompeiano  vi  Id  us 
Mai.  cogitabam. 


727.    CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xiv.  20). 

PUTEOLI  ;    MAY  11  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44;    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  itinere  suo  et  epistulis  ab  Attico  acceptis,  de  negotio  Albiano,  de  Buthroto 
Attici,  de  L.  Antonii  et  Dolabellae  contionibus,  de  Cleopatra,  de  re  publica  e  Bruto 
pendente,  de  litteris  ad  Brutum  et  Cassium  datis,  de  Hirtio,  de  Dolabella,  de  Pansa, 
de  bello  civili  imminenti,  de  Q.  filio,  de  Octavio,  de  Pilia  et  de  epulis  Vestorii. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  E  Pompeiano  navi  advectus  sum  in  Lmoulli  nostri  hospitium 
vi  Idus,  hora  fere  in  :  egressus  autem  e  navi  aooepi  tuas  litteras, 

ad  ista  .  .  factum}     l  a  man  made  for  see  tbat  much  good  has  been  done  by  (the 

(i.e.  naturally  fitted  for)  clearing  up  such  deed  of)  March  15.' 

accounts  ':  for  factus  ad  cp.  Off.  i.  103,  exsilium]     725.  1. 

neque   enim  ita  generati  a   natura  sumus  Leonidae  .  .   .    I)e  Herode~\     Leonides 

ut  ad  ludum  et  iocumfacti  esse  videamur.  (721.  3)  and  Herodes  were  writing  letters 

reliquisse']  sc.  at  Rome.  to  Cicero,  in  which  the  former  did  not  give 

vacillarunt']      '  they     became     unbal-  an   unqualified  commendation  to  young 

anced.'  Marcus,  who  was  at  Athens  pursuing  his 

3.  De  Montana]    cp.   599.  1;    721.  4;  studies  under  them :  cp.  Ep.  746. 

724.  6.  Saufei]  sc.  librum,  though  it  is  doubt- 

Servius~\  Sulpicius,  the  jurist.    He  was  ful  whether  this  ellipse  is  allowable:  cp. 

of  a  timid  nature  always,  cp.  Att.  x.  14.  559.  2.     We   have  seen  above   (595.  3) 

1  (400) :  726.  4.  that  the  name   of  the  writer  can  be  put 

4.  singularis  vir]  '  one  in  a  thousand.'  for    the    book:      cp.  ^Cottam,    646.    3. 
in  foro]  i.e.  in  making  a  harangue  to  Possibly  epistulam  (epla)  was  lost. 

the  people:  cp.  727.  3. 

melius~\  sc.  fecerit,  '  he  will  manage  1.  Luculli  nostri  hospitiutn]  Cicero 

this  better  than  I  can  suggest.'  For  refers  to  a  villa  at  Naples,  which  once 

ellipse  of  facere  or  agere,  cp.  748.  2  and  belonged  to  L.  Lucullus,  but  which  is 

Index.  now  the  property  of  Cn.  Lucullus,  a 

profectum']  from  proficio ;    *  I  do  not  friend  of  his  (731.  1).     Or  he  may  refer 


EP.  727  (ATT.  XIV. 


297 


quas  tuus  tabellarius  in  Cumanum  attulisse  dicebatur,  Nonis  Mai. 
datas.  A  Lucullo  postridie  eadem  fere  hora  veni  in  Puteolanum. 
Ibi  accepi  duas  epistulas,  alteram  Nonis,  alteram  vn  Idus  Lanuvio 
datas.  Aiidi  igitur  ad  omnis.  2.  Primum,  quae  de  re  raea  gesta 
et  in  solutione  et  in  Albiano  negotio  grata.  De  tuo  autem 
Buthroto,  cum  in  Ponipeiano  essem,  Misenum  venit  Antonius : 
inde  ante  discessit  quam  ilium  venisse  audissem  in  Samnium :  a 
quo  vide  quid  speres.  Romae  igitur  de  Buthroto.  L.  Antoni 
horribilis  contio,  Dolabellae  praeclara.  lam  vel  sibi  habeat  num- 
mos,  modo  numeret  Idibus.  Tertullae  nollem  abortum  :  tarn  enim 
Cassii  sunt  iam  quam  Bruti  serendi.  De  regina  velim  ita,  atque 


to  the  son  of  the  great  Lucullus  who  was 
la  friend  of  Brutus  (Phil.  x.  8),  and  fell 
[at  Philippi  (Val.  Max.  iv.  7.  4)  :  cp. 
,OFin.  iii.  9  and  Ep.  554.  Cicero  now 
replies  to  several  letters  which  were 
[[delivered  to  him  together,  some  of  which 
pe  received  from  Lanuvium,  some  having 
ibeen  directed  to  Cumae,  some  to  Puteoli. 
I  hora  fere  ///]  For  the  hour  mentioned 
at  which  something  happened  cp.  734  init. 
i!  2.  gesta]  There  is  no  need  to  alter  to 
'aesti  with  Boot,  as  we  did  in  our  former 
[edition.  For  examples  of  sunt  or  est 
pmitted  in  short  clauses  cp.  756  (com- 
oositum) ;  Fam.  x.  26.  1  (907)  *t  iam 
Konfecta. 

I    in  solutione]    sc.  Patulciana  726.  2. 
l|    Albiano  negotio~\     cp.  726.  2. 

uiidissem]  We  should  not  alter  to 
zudivi,  though  730.  2  would  seem  to  favour 
jit,  Venit  enim  Misenum  cum  ego  essem  in 
\Pompeiano,  inde  ante  profectus  est  quam 
wo  eum  venisse  cognovi.  The  subj.  im- 
ijplies  that  Antony  was  careful  to  leave 
Misenum  before  Cic.  could  have  learned 
[that  he  had  arrived  there,  cp.  Madvig  360. 
[The  deliberateness  of  this  avoidance  of  any 
meeting  on  Antony's  part  leads  Cic.  to 
,say  :  '  Just  see  how  little  you  have  to 
jexpect  from  him.  Accordingly,  it  is  at 
Rome  that  the  matter  must  be  discussed.' 
BC.  aaetur,  as  in  the  common  phrase  sed 
warn :  and  §  3  init. 

*  L.  Antoni].  L.  Antonius,  the  brother 
of  M.  Antonius,  made  a  violent  speech  on 
the  subject  of  the  division  of  the  territory 
reclaimed  from  the  Pomptine  marshes  and 
|af  certain  other  allotments  among  the 
(Roman  poor.  He  was  opposed  by  Dola- 
bella.  Cicero,  in  Phil.  xiii.  37,  calls  L. 
A.ntonius,  ironically,  aequissimus  agri 
vrivati  et  publici  decempedator. 


nummos  .  .  .  Idibus']  It  is  just  possible 
that  Cicero  here  means  no  more  than  '  I 
will  not  press  Dolabella  for  the  money 
due  to  me,  provided  he  pays  the  interest 
on  the  Ides.'  Gronovius,  however,  sees 
far  more  point  in  the  words,  which  he 
understands  to  mean  *  provided  he  is  true 
to  the  Ides,'  that  is,  « provided  he  upholds 
the  act  of  those  who  slew  Caesar  on  the 
Ides.'  But  numeret  would  hardly  express 
this  meaning.  Cicero  would  have  written 
modo  satisfaciat  Idibus,  or  modo  tueatur 
Idus.  Probably  the  meaning  is,  '  let  him 
keep  his  money  now,  if  only  he  will  pay 
me  on  the  Ides.'  Atticus  may  have  said, 
'  Better  let  him  keep  his  money  now '  ; 
he  will  pay  later  on.  Or  the  nummos  ni;iy 
refer  to  his  late  windfalls  from  the  temple 
of  Ops  :  *  Let  him  keep  his  gains,  if  only 
he  pays  me  these  Ides.' 

Tertullae]  '  I  am  sorry  for  dear  Tertia's 
miscarriage.  We  want  to  keep  up  the 
stock  of  Cassius  as  well  as  that  of  Brutus,' 
lit.  *  Cassii  as  well  as  Bruti  ought  to  be 
procreated.'  Tertia  was  the  wife  of 
Cassius,  and  the  sister  of  Brutus.  For 
the  unusual  form  of  the  diminutive,  cp. 
vulticulus  and  dextella  below,  §  5 ;  integel- 
lus,  Fam.  ix.  10.  3  (537) ;  hilarula,  Att. 
xvi.  11,  fin.  (799):  amicillus,  suggested 
by  us  on  Att.  xiii.  51  (669),  where  see 
note. 

velim  ita]  We  have  inserted  ita,  which 
makes  the  ellipse  possible,  and  would 
easily  have  fallen  out  before  atque.  What 
the  report  was  which  he  hopes  may  be 
true  concerning  Cleopatra  and  her  son  by 
Caesar  we  have  no  means  of  discovering, 
but  it  is  probably  the  same  as  that  referred 
to  730^«.  in  de  regina  rumor  exstinauetur, 
and  734.  4  in  de  regina  velim  verum  sit. 


298 


EP.  727  (ATT.  XIV. 


etiam  de  Caesare  illo.  Persolvi  primae  epistulae  :  venio  ad  secun- 
dam.  3.  De  Quintis,  Buthroto,  cum  venero,  ut  scribis.  Quod  Cice- 
roni suppeditas,  gratum.  Quod  errare  me  putas  qui  rem  publicam 
putem  pendere  e  Bruto,  sic  se  res  habet :  aut  nulla  erit  aut  ab  isto 
istisve  servabitur.  Quod  me  hortaris  ut  scriptam  contionem  mit- 
tam,  accipe  a  me,  mi  Attice,  KaOoXtKov  Qtuprma  earum  rerum  in 
quibus  satis  exercitati  sumus :  nemo  umquam  neque  poeta  neque 
orator  fuit  qui  quemquam  meliorem  quam-se  arbitraretur ;  hoo 
etiam  malis  contingit ;  quid  tu  Bruto  putas  et  ingenioso  et  eru- 
dito  ?  De  quo  etiam  experti  sumus  nuper  iu  edicto.  Scripseram 
rogatu  tuo.  Meum  mihi  placebat,  illi  suum.  Quin  etiam,  cum 
ipsius  precibus  paene  adductus  scripsissem  ad  eum  *  de  optimo 
geuere  dicendi,'  iion  modo  mihi  sed  etiam  tibi  scripsit  sibi  illud 
quod  mihi  placeret  nou  probari.  Qua  re  sine,  quaeso,  sibi  quern- 
que  scribere. 

Suam  quoique  sponsam,  mihi  meam  :  suum  quoique  amorem, 
mihi  meum. 

Non  scite.     Hoc  enira  Atilius,  poeta  durissimus.     Atque  utinam 


de  Caesare  illo']  As  Cleopatra's  son  by 
Caesar  is  always  called  Caesarion,  Dr.  Reid 
thinks  we  must  either  read  Gaesarione  or 
Caesaris  filio.  But  Cic.  only  means  that 
the  hoy  was  one  of  the  Caesar  family. 

3.  scriptam  contionem']  For  the  use  of 
Brutus  on  his  return,  when  he  proposed 
to  address  the  people  in  the  forum :  see 
726.  4. 

KO.()O\IK})V  6  f  d>  p  T) /j.  a]  'Here  is  an 
axiomatic,  proposition  for  you  on  a  subject 
with  which  I  am  conversant,  Never  was 
there  poet  or  orator  who  thought  any  one 
better  than  himself,'  cp.  Arist.  Eth.  ix. 
7.  3.  iras  yap  rb  olKeiov  epyov  ayaira 
/uia\\ov  fy  ayairtiOeii)  'av  virb  TOV  epyov 
4/j.tyvxov  yfvofjtcvov'  /ULaAiara  S'ftreos  rovro 
TTfpl  rovs  voiijTas  o~vfj.^aiv€i'  vir€payairu><ri 
yap  OVTOI  TO  oi/ce?a  iroiTjjuara,  ffrtpyovres 
Sxrircp  Tfitva.  cp.  Plat.  Rep.  330c. 
Kado\tKbv  dewptjua  seems  to  be  a  philo- 
sophical expression,  something  like 
'  fundamental  axiom.' 

in  edicto]  cp.  $  4.  This  must  be  the 
edictum  referred  to  in  the  words  neque 
solum  edicto  sed  etiam  litteris  idfecerimus, 
740.  1,  written  in  May.  The  allusion 
cannot  be,  as  Manutius  supposed,  to  Fam. 
xi.  3  (782),  which  was  not  written  till 


August  4  of  this  year.  Cicero  had  given 
to  Brutus  a  draft  of  the  edict  which  he| 
thought  should  be  drawn  up  by  BrutusJ 
The  latter  preferred  his  own. 

Quin  etiam]  He  gives  another  example! 
of  the  truth  of  his  fundamental  axiom  a 
Brutus  did  not  approve  of  Cicero's  viewi 
on  oratory  as  laid  down  in  the  treat is« 
Orator  ad  M.  Brutum,  which  here  and  in 
Fam.  xii.  17.  2  (493)  he  calls  de  optimt 
genere  dicendi,  but  which  elsewhere,  e.gJ 
Fam.  vi.  18.4(534);  xv.  20.  1  (702) ;  DJ 
Div.  ii.  4,  he  entitles  Orator. 

Qua  re  . . .  scite]  '  "Wherefore,  pray  lei 
each  man  write  for  himself:  "  Each  man 
his  bride,  mine  for  me  ;  each  man  his 
pride,  mine  for  me."  A  poor  verse.'  It 
reminds  one  of  the  song,  '  Every  man  his 
fancy,  mine  my  Nancy.'  Brutus  appeared 
to  Cicero  to  be  otiosus  atque  diiunctHt 
(tedious  and  disjointed),  Cicero  to  lirutul 
to  be  fractus  atque  elumbis  (lacking  in 
even  flow  and  in  virility) :  see  Tac.  Dial. 
18. 

Non  scite]  *  a  poor  verse,'  on  accounl 
of  the  jingling  assonance. 

Atilius]  'a  most  wooden  poet.'  He 
made  a  poor  translation  of  tbe  '  Electra  I 
of  Sophocles,  and  was  styled  by  Porciui 


EP.  727  (ATT.  XIV.  20), 


299 


liceat  isti  contionari!  Cui  si  esse  in  urbe  tuto  licebit,  vicimus. 
Ducern  enim  novi  belli  civilis  aut  nemo  sequetur  aut  ii  sequentur 
qui  facile  vincantur.  4.  Venio  ad  tertiam.  Gratas  fuisse  meas 
litteras  Bruto  et  Cassio  gaudeo.  Itaque  iis  rescripsi.  Quod 
Hirtium  per  me  meliorem  fieri  volunt,  do  equidem  operam  et 
ille  optime  loquitur,  sed  vivit  habitatque  cum  Balbo,  qui  item 
bene  loquitur.  Quid  credas  videris.  Dolabellam  valde  plaeere 
tibi  video,  mihi  quidem  egregie.  Cum  Pansa  vixi  in  Pompeiano. 
Is  plane  mihi  probabat  se  bene  sentire  et  oupere  pacem.  Causam 
arraorum  quaeri  plane  video.  Edictum  Bruti  et  Cassi  probo* 
Quod  visut  suscipiam  cogitationemquidnamistis  agendum  putem, 
consilia  temporum  sunt,  quae  in  horas  commutari  vides.  Dola- 
bellae  et  prima  ilia  actio  et  haec  contra  Antonium  contio  inihi 
profecisse  permultum  videtur.  Prorsus  ibat  res ;  nunc  autem 
videmur  babituri  ducem :  quod  unum  municipia  bonique  deside- 
rant.  5.  Epicuri  mentionem  facis  et  audes  dicere  //>)  iro\iTtvta0ai  ? 
Nori  te  Bruti  nostri  vulticulus  ab  ista  oratione  deterret  ?  Quintus 
filius,  ut  scribis,  Antoni  est  dextella.  Per  eum  igitur  quod  vole- 


'Licinus  ferreum scriptorem,  Fin.  i.  5  :  cp. 
Suet.  Caes.  84. 

Ducem  .  .  .  vincantur"]  a  remarkable 
criticism,  justified  by  the  events.  'If  he 
becomes  the  leader  in  a  new  civil  war,  no 
one  will  follow  him,  or  only  such  will 
follow  as  can  be  easily  conquered.'  But 
he  was  wrong  in  thinking  that  Dolabella 
was  the  leader  they  wanted,  §  4. 

4.  Hirtium']  For  the  uncertainty  as  to 
the  attitude  of  Hirtius  cp.  728.  4  ;  732. 
4 ;  737.  1 ;  738.  1-4. 

vivit  habitatque']  almost  proverbial  : 
'  he  and  Balbus  are  inseparable.'  Dr.  Reid 
(on  Acad.  ii.  115)  points  out  that  this 
phrase  shows  "that  vivere  cum  does  not 
necessarily  mean  to  live  at  some  one's 
house.  Its  usual  sense  is  '  to  be  some 
one's  intimate  friend,'  but  it  is  occasion- 
ally used  merely  of  staying  a  day  or  two 
at  a  man's  house"  :  cp.  cum  Pansa  vixi, 
below,  and  Att.  iv.  15.  5  (143). 

cupere  pacetn]  whereas  the  Caesarians 
timere  otium  (728.  2). 

Causam  artnorwn]  *  that  Antony  is 
looking  for  an  excuse  for  war.' 

Edictum]  cp.  740.  1  edicto.  It  dis- 
missed the  young  men  of  the  municipal 
towns  whom  Brutus  and  Cassius  had 
collected  to  serve  as  a  sort  of  body-guard 
which  would  enable  them  to  return  to 
Rome  :  cp.  Ferrero  iii.  pp.  39  and  48. 


Quod  vis  ut]  ( as  to  your  desire  that  I 
should  enter  on  a  consideration  of  what 
their  course  should  be,  their  policy  is 
dependent  on  the  circumstances  which  you 
see  are  changing  every  hour.'  Quod  via 
is  the  excellent  emendation  of  Madvig. 
Quaeris  of  the  MSS  could  not  mean  '  you 
ask  me  (to  undertake),'  which  would  be 
rogas  or  postulas.  Of  course  we  could 
take  quaeris  with  quidnam  putem,  *  you 
ask  me  what  I  think,  with  a  view  to 
making  me  enter  on  the  consideration,' 
but  that  would  be  a  somewhat  unnatural 
form  of  expression. 

Prorsus  ibat  res']  '  things  were  in  good 
train,  but  now  we  seem  likely  to  have  a 
leader  (the  principal  thing  we  wanted)'  : 
cp.  720.  3.  incipit  res  melius  ire. 

5.  fir)  iro\ir fvtaQai]  8C.  T'OV  aotyov 
— in  the  style  of  the  Kvpiai  &6£at. 

vulticulus']  '  the  phiz' ;  he  uses  a  jocular 
word  to  describe  the  severe  face  of  Brutus. 

dextella"]     The     diminutive     expresses 
contempt.    We  should  say  something  like 
'  the  right-hand   man,   save   the  mark.' 
See  note  on  Tertullae,  above,  §    2.     Cp. 
Tennyson's  Guinevere  : — 
'  While  yet  Sir  Lancelot,  my  right  arm, 
The  mightiest  of  my  knights,  abode  with  me.' 

Per  eum  .  .  .  auferemus]  This  is  ironi- 
cal. He  will  get  the  Buthrodan  business 
settled  for  us ! 


300  EP.  728  (ATT.  XIV.  21). 

mus  facile  auferemus.  Exspeoto,  si,  ut  putas,  L.  Antonius  pro- 
duxit  Octaviura,  qualis  contio  fuerit.  Haec  scripsi.  Statimen  im 
Cassi  tabellarius.  Eram  continue  Piliam  salutaturus,  deinde  ad 
epulas  Vestori  navicula.  Atticae  plurimam  salutem. 


728.    CICEEO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xiv.  21). 

WITH    VESTORIUS    AT    PUTEOLI  J    MAY    11  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  ; 

AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  Dolabellae  litteris  ad  se  datis,  de  sermone  cum  Balbo  a  se  habito,  de  bello  civili 
imminenti,  de  Caesaris  caede  animo  virili,  consilio  puerili  facta,  de  senectute  sua,  de 
Hirtio  ad  optimates  traducendo,  de  Octavii  contione  exspectata,  de  aere  alieno 
Dolabellae. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Cum  paullo  ante  dedissem  ad  te  Cassi  tabellario  litteras, 
v  Idus  venit  noster  tabellarius,  et  quidem,  portenti  simile,  sine 
tuis  litteris.  Sed  cito  conieci  Lanuvi  te  fuisse.  Eros  autem 
festinavit  ut  ad  me  litterae  Dolabellae  perferrentur,  non  de  re 
mea — nondum  enim  meas  acceperat — sed  rescripsit  ad  eas,  quarum 
exemplum  tibi  miseram,  sane  luculente.  2.  Ad  me  autem,  cum 
Cassi  tabellarium  dimisissem,  statim  Balbus.  O  dii  boni,  quam 
facile  perspiceres  timere  otium  !  Et  nosti  virum  quam  tectus,  sed 
tamen  Antoni  consilia  narrabat :  ilium  circumire  veteranos,  ut 
acta  Caesaris  sancirent  idque  se  facturos  esse  iurarent  ut  arm  a 

produxif]     A  private  person  could  not  acceperat]     sc.  Dolabella. 

address  the  people  unless  'introduced'  by  quarum]     sc.  Ep.  722. 

a   magistrate.  Dio  Cass.  xlv.  6.  3  says  it  2.  Balbus]     sc.  venit ;  cp.  709.  1. 

was  Tiberius  Cannutius  who  introduced  timere   otium']     of  the  Caesarians :  cp. 

Octavian    to  the  people,  but    he  is  con-  §  4  and  729.  1.     Contrast  cupere  pacem  of 

fusing  this  event  with  a  later  one  :  cp.  the  conservatives,    728.  4.     See  note  to 

Att.  xvi.  15.  3  (807)  and  note.  732.  3,  also  704.  3.  The  amnesty  was  the 

Haec  scripsi]     Editors  usually  add  an  bulwark  of    the  conservatives,  and  they 

adverb,  such  as  statim,  raptim,  summatim,  were     constantly     afraid     of    its    being 

citatim ;    but    we  do   not   see   that   any  annulled, 

addition  to  the  text  is  necessary.     Haec  tectus]     'guarded.' 

scripsi  means  '  No  more  at  present.'  circumire']     '  that  he  is  canvassing.' 

tabellarius]  sc.  prqficiscetur  :  cp.  769.  6  arma~\  ut  ratais  the  conjecture  of  Viet. 

J*  hinc  vi  Idus.  for  utram  of  the  MSS.     The  emendation 

ad  epulas  Vestori  navicula]     sc.  iturus  most  generally  accepted  is  that  of  Lam- 

'then  to  take  boat  [for  Puteoli]  to  sup  binus,   arma  ;  for  some  such  word  as  arma 

with  Vestorius.'  seems  to  be  required  by  the  verb  impice- 

rent,  something  which  the  colonial  and 

1.  de  re  mea]  '  about  the  money  which  municipal    authorities    (duumviri)    could 

he  owed  me.'  « inspect,    oversee.'     Perhaps   castra,   as 


EP.  728  (ATT.  XIV.  21). 


301 


omnes  haberent  eaque  duumviri  omnibus  mensibus  inspicerent. 
Questus  est  etiam  de  sua  invidia,  eaque  omnis  oratio  fuit  ut 
amare  videretur  Antonium.  Quid  quaeris  ?  Nihil  sinceri.  3.  Mihi 
autem  non  est  dubium  quin  res  spectet  ad  castra.  Acta  enim  ilia 
res  est  animo  virili,  consilio  puerili.  Quis  enim  boo  non  vidit, 
regni  beredem  relictum  ?  Quid  autem  absurdius  ? 

Hoc  metuere,  alterum  in  metu  non  ponere  ! 

Quin  etiam  boo  ipso  tempore  multa  vTrotroAouca.  Ponti  Neapoli- 
tauum  a  matre  tyrannoctoni  possideri !  Legendus  mibi  saepius 
est  4  Cato  maior '  ad  te  missus.  Amariorem  enim  me  senectus 
facit.  Stomacbor  omnia.  Sed  mihi  quidem  j3ej3tcorai  ;  viderint 
iuvenes.  Tu  mea  curabis,  ut  curas.  4.  Haeo  scripsi  sen  dictavi 
apposita  secunda  mensa  apud  Yestorium.  Postridie  apud  Hirtium 
cogitabam  et  quidem  "fTrevTiXonrov.  Sic  bominem  traducere  ad 
optimatis  paro.  Arjpoe  TroXuc-  Nemo  est  istorum  qui  otium  non 

Otto  suggests,  would  more  readily  have 
yielded  the  corrupt  utram.  Dr.  Reid 
notes  that  unless  the  reference  is  to  arms, 
there  would  be  little  point  in  omnes.  Mr. 
Jeans,  no  doubt  feeling  this  a  difficulty, 
reading  rata,  translates  '  and  that  two 
commissioners  should  report  upon  them 
monthly  '  ;  but  inspicerent  could  hardly 
mean  '  should  report  upon.' 

3.  ilia  res']    the  murder  of  Caesar.  For 
the  sentiment  cp.  734.  2. 

Hoc  .  .  .  alterum']  the  tyranny  of 
Caesar  and  that  of  Antony.  Cicero  is 
fond  of  this  line,  the  author  of  which  is 
unknown:  "To  fear  the  one,  the  other 
not  to  dread  "  :  cp.  598.  3. 

viro<r6\oiKa]  '  somewhat  anomalous ' : 
cp.  708.  2  <ro\oiKov. 

Ponti~]  Servilia,  the  mother  of  Brutus, 
was  in  possession  of  a  villa  formerly  owned 
by  Pontius,  who  was  on  the  senatorial  side. 
"We  do  not  know  whether  she  acquired 
it  by  purchase  or  as  a  gift  from  Caesar. 

«  Cato  maior ']  His  De  Senectute,  which 
he  sometimes  calls  0  Tite  (773.  1),  from 
the  first  words  of  the  treatise. 

/3ej8io>Teu]  '  But  as  for  my  self,  Fm,' 
'  moi,  j'ai  vecu,'  Jeans. 

4.  mensa']  Note  that  it  was  not  unusual 
to  write  letters  during  meals  :  cp.  708.  2  ; 
715.  3  (the  latter   also    was  written    by 
Cicero  when  at  the  table  of  Vestorius). 

irepTeAotTTOj']    If  this  word  is  sound, 

it  can  only  mean   '  a  survivor  of  five,'  or 

a  survivor  to  five.'     It  is  easy  to  see 


that  Hirtius  might  be  spoken  of  as  the 
only  one  still  faithful  to  Puteoli  of  the  five 
who  at  one  time  constituted  a  little  coterie 
there,  namely,  Hirtius,  Pansa,  Balbus, 
Lentulus  Spinther,  and  perhaps  Philippus. 
But  this  interpretation  can  hardly  stand. 
The  only  thing  certain  is  that  Hirtius  is 
referred  to :  cp.  732.  4,  ir€VT€\onrov 
movere  ista  videntur.  For  Cicero's 
attempts  to  gain  over  Hirtius  cp.  727.  4  ; 
737.  1 ;  738.  1.  Hence,  as  he  had  the 
reputation  of  a  bonvivant,  Cicero  may  have 
called  him  ira.vro\oixov,  '  our  friend 
Sweet-tooth,'  or  even  patinoloechon, 
meaning  '  plate-licker,'  a  Latin-and- 
Greek  word  such  as  possibly  underlies 
fri£6deniv:  see  note  on  that  word,  713.  3. 
But  et  quidem  does  not  go  well  with  this. 
Dr.  Reid  (Hermath.  xi.  262)  conjectures 
irav  TO  \oiirbv,  and  thinks  it  may  have- 
been  a  nickname  of  Hirtius,  who  was  very- 
hospitable,  and  used,  perhaps,  to  ask  his 
friends  to  dine  this  day  and  every  day. 
Hence  he  is  called  irai>  Tb  \onrbv  in  732.  4, 
like  the  prince  of  Denmark  who  was- 
called  'Est-il  possible?' 

Sic]  '  It  is  by  dining  in  his  company 
I  am  going  to  bring  him  over  to  the  right 
side.' 

Arjpos]  'a  pack  of  fribbles!  there  is 
not  one  of  them  who  is  not  afraid  of 
peace.'  Or  better,  perhaps,  '  rubbish  and 
nonsense  (vraiefolie} — my  hoping  to  win 
over  Hirtius.' 

otium  non  timeat\     cp.  §  2. 


302  EP.  7^9  (ATT.  XIV.  22). 

tiraeat.  Qua  re  talaria  videamus.  Quidvis  enim  potius  quam 
castra.  Atticae  salutem  plurimam  velira  dicas.  Exspecto  Octavi 
contionem  et  si  quid  aliud,  maxime  autemecquid  Dolabellatinniat 
an  in  meo  nomine  tabulas  novas  fecerit. 


729.     CJCERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xiv.  22). 

PUTEOLl  ;    MAY  14  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  itiiiere  suo  Arpinum  suscipiendo  et  litteris  Attici  eo  mittendis,  de  consiliis 
Caesarianorum,  de  bello  civili  future  nee  a  se  vitando,  dein  quaerit  ab  Attico  quid  sibi 
agendum  putet. 

CICERO  ATTICO   SAL. 

1.  Certior  a  Pilia  factus  mitti  ad  te  Idibus  tabellarios,  statim 
hoc  nescio  quid  exaravi.  Primum  igitur  scire  te  volui  me  hinc 
Arpinum  xvi  Kalend.  lun.  Eo  igitur  mittes,  si  quid  erit 
posthac  :  quamquam  ipse  iam  iamque  adero.  Cupio  enim  ante 
quam  Eomam  venio  odorari  diligentius  quid  futururn  sit.  Q,uam- 
quam  vereor  ne  nihil  a  coniectura  aberrem.  Minime  enim  obscu- 
rum  est  quid  isti  moliautur — meus  vero  discipulus,  qui  hodie  apud 
me  cenat,  valde  amat  ilium  quern  Brutus  noster  sauciavit — et  si 
quaeris — perspexi  enim  plane — timent  otium  :  V7ro0c<nv  autem 
lianc  habent  eamque  prae  se  ferunt,  clarissimum  virum  inter- 
fecturn,  totam  rem  publicam  illius  interitu  perturbatam  :  irrita 

talaria  videamus}     '  let  us  look  to  our  ne  nihil  aberretn]     '  I  fear  I    sball  be 

seven-league    boots,'    the    Tre'StAa     with  quite  right  in  what  I  had  guessed,'  that 

which  were  winged  the  feet  of  Mercury,  is,  'I  fear  my  forecast  of  things  will  turn 

the  messenger  of  the  gods.  out  to  be  only  too  near  the  actual  state  of 

castra"]     cp.  725.  1.  nostrum  aetatem  a  the  case.'     We  have  added  a  with  Crat. 

.castris  abhorrere.  cp.  Phil.  xii.  23  :  N.D.  i.  100  :  Pliny  Ep. 

ecquid  Dolabella    tinniat]       '  whether  iv.  28.  3.  The  word  coniectura  appears  to 

Dolabella  is  going  to  come  down  with  the  approximate  to  the  meaning  '  hitting  the 

chink,  or  has  proclaimed  a  clear  sheet  as  mark.'     Mayor  on   N.D.    i.    100   quotes 

regards  his  debt  to  me  too.'  Dolabella  had  Quintilian  iii.  6.  30  coniectura  dicta  est  a 

proposed  very  socialistic  laws  in  47  :  cp.  coniectu,  id  est,  directione  quadam  rationis 

Livy  Epit.  cxiii,  cum  seditiones  Eomatt  a  ad  veritatem,  and  compares  consequi  =  *  to 

P.  Dolabella   tribuno  plebis  leg  em  ferente  obtain.' 

de  novis  tabulis  excitatae  essent.  meus  discipulus']  Hirtius,  who  had  been 

taking  lessons  in  declamation  from  Cicero. 

1.  igitur']     See  on  708.  1.  ainat  ilium]    i.e.  Caesar. 

iam  iamque~]     *  anon.'  timent  otium']     cp.  728.  2. 

odorari]     cp.    705.2;    Att.   iv.  14.  2  vir68e<rii>']    '  their  text,'  the  theme  on 

,(138) ;  vi.  4.  3  (268).  which  they  are  always  dwelling. 


JSP.  729  (ATT.  XIV.  22). 


303 


Fore  quae  ille  egisset,  simul  ac  desisteremus  timere  :  clementiam 
illi  malo  fuisse,  qua  si  usus  non  esset,  niliil  ei  tale  accidere  potuisse. 
2.  Mihi  autem  venit  in  mentem,  si  Pompeius  cum  exercitu  firnio 
veniat,  quod  est  EV\OJOV,  certe  fore  bellum.  Haec  me  species 
cogitatioque  perturbat.  Neque  enim  iam  quod  tibi  turn  licuit 
nobis  nunc  licebit  ;  nam  aperte  laetati  sumus.  Deinde  habent 
n  ore  nos  ingratos.  Nullo  modo  licebit  quod  turn  et  tibi  licuit  et 
multis.  tyaivoTTpoawTrriTiov  ergo  et  Irtov  in  castra  ?  Miliens  mori 
melius,  huic  praesertim  aetati.  Itaque  me  Idus  Martiae  non  tarn 
ionsolantur  quam  antea.  Magnum  enim  mendum  continent,  nisi 
Hi  iuvenes 

a\\oiQ  lv  IdOXol^  TovE*  cnrwdovvTai  ipoyov. 


Sed,  si  tu  melius  quippiam  speras,  quod  et  plura  audis  et  interes 
consiliis,  scribas  ad  me  velim  simulque  cogites  quid  agendum  uobis 
sit  super  legatione  votiva.  Equidem  in  his  locis  moneor  a  multis, 
in  senatu  Kalendis.  Dicuntur  enim  occulte  milites  ad  earn 
diem  cornparari,  et  quidem  in  istos,  qui  mihi  videntur  ubivis  tutius 
quam  in  senatu  fore. 


2.  eij\oyov]  '  vraisemblable S  We 
hould  probably  write,  '  and  the  odds  are 
>n  this.' 

species  cogitatioque]  *  the  mental  pic- 
ure  (of  war).'  This  almost  amounts 

a  hendiadys.  Cicero  means,  '  when  I 
;hink  of  war,  and  the  picture  of  it  rises 
>efore  my  mind's  eye,  I  am  much  dis- 
luieted.'  cp.  for  the  idea  Verg.  Aen.  viii. 
'57,  et  propior  iam  adparet  Martis  imago. 
?his  species  would  be  a  good  parallel  to 
uote  for  the  able  suggestion  of  0.  E. 
Schmidt  in  Att.  vii.  8.  5  (299),  ex  ilia 
ententia  tSea  [MSS.  i]  relinquendae  urbis 
novet  hominem. 

quod  turn  .  .  .  licuit]  neutrality  in  the 
3ivil  War:  cp.  718.  2,  a  very  similar 
mssage  to  the  present. 

Deinde  .  .  .  ingratos]  For  two  reasons 
Die.  considers  that  he  could  not  join  the 
Daesariahs,  and  if  he  wished  to  do  so  he 
yould  not  be  cordially  accepted  by  them  : 
1)  he  openly  exulted  at  Caesar's  assassi- 
lation,  (2)  they  view  him  as  an  ingrate: 
or  Caesar  has  showed  not  only  clemency 
iut  no  little  friendliness  to  Cicero  all 
luring  the  Civil  War. 

'aivoir poaooirir)T€ov]    'mustlputin 
.n  appearance   and  be  off  to  the  tented 


field?'  cp.  Att.  vii.  21.  1  (319).  Forireov 
see  on  Att.  x.  6.  1  (386). 

huic  praesertim  aetati]  (  especially  for 
one  of  my  age.' 

nisi  illi  iuvenes]  '  unless  Brutus  and 
Cassius  by  other  noble  deeds  wipe  out  this 
blot.'  Possibly  this  refers  to  the  censure 
passed  on  Brutus  and  Cassius  for  not 
having  killed  Antony  as  well  as  Caesar. 
The  author  of  the  verse  is  unknown  :  cp. 
Nauck  2,  p.  860.  The  correction  of  etsi 
to  nisi  seems  unavoidable,  as  we  do  not 
hear  of  any  *  noble  deeds '  that  Brutus  and 
Cassius  were  engaged  in  at  this  time. 

legatione  votiva]  cp.  718.  4.  But  there 
it  would  seem  that  lie  was  asking  to  be 
made  one  of  Caesar's  military  legati, 
though  without  obligation  to  perform 
special  military  duty  ;  and  it  was  such  a 
post  that  he  afterwards  obtained  from 
Dolabella  (744.  4).  Here  he  speaks  of  a 
legatio  votiva,  a  species  of  legatio  libera  : 
cp.  note  to  Att.  ii.  18.  3  (43) ;  and  iv. 
2.  6  (91) ;  and  he  was  uncertain  for  some 
time  (cp.  741.  1  ;  744.  4)  for  which  he 
should  apply. 

ne  in  senatu]  sc.  adsitn :  istos  are  Brutus 
and  Cassius. 


304 


EP.  730  (ATT.  XV.  la). 


730.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Air.  xv.  i  a). 

LEAVING  PUTEOLI  ;    MAY  17  J    A.  U.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44  J    AET.  CLC.  62. 

De  morte  Alexionis  medici,  de  Antonio  a  se  non  convento  Miseni,  de  sermone  cum 
Hirtio  habito,  etiain  de  negotio  Attici  Buthrotio,  de  re  publica  quid  cum  Hirtiolocntus 
sit,  de  Q.  filio,  de  Caerellia  aliaque  quadam  muliere,  de  Bruti  litteris. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  0  factum  male  de  Alexione  !  Incredibile  est  quanta  me 
molestia  adfecerit,  nee  mehercule  ex  ea  parte  maxime,  quod 
plerique  mecum,  '  ad  quem  igitur  te  medicum  conferes  ? '  Quid 
mihi  iara  medico  ?  aut  si  opus  est,  tanta  inopia  est  ?  Amorem 
erga  me,  humanitatem  suavitatemque  desidero.  Etiam  illud : 
quid  est  quod  non  pertimescendum  sit,  cum  hominem  temper- 
antem,  summum  medicum  tantus  improviso  morbus  oppresserit  ? 
Sed  ad  haec  omnia  una  consolatio  est,  quod  ea  condicione  nati 
sumus  ut  nihil  quod  homini  accidere  possit  recusare  debeamus. 
2.  De  Antonio  iam  antea  tibi  scripsi  11011  esse  eum  a  me  conven- 
tum.  Yenit  enim  Misenum,  cum  ego  essem  in  Pompeiano,  indei 
ante  profectus  est  quam  ego  eum  venisse  cognovi.  Sed  casu, 
cum  legerem  tuas  litteras,  Hirtius  erat  apud  me  in  Puteolano  :  ei 
legi  et  egi.  Primum,  quod  attiuet,  nihil  mihi  concedebat,  deinde 


1..0  factum  male]  See  651.  This 
Alexio  is  not  to  be  confounded  with 
the  Alexio  who  managed  the  affairs  of 
Atticus  in  Epirus  (642.  3). 

Quid  mihi  iam  medico?]  opus  est  seems 
to  be  omitted  sometimes  in  such  phrases : 
cp.  557.  5  quid  enim  mihi  foro?  where, 
however,  a  few  MSS.  have  cum  foro : 
Verr.  v.  45,  quid  enim  tibi  navi  ?  which 
Priscian  (i.  344.  8  Keil)  quotes,  with  opus 
fuit  added.  Verg.  Aen.  iv.  98  quo  certa- 
mine  tanto  ?  is  hardly  apposite.  Additions 
have  been  proposed  such  as  <cum>  medico 
(Wes.)  or  medico  <opus  est>  (Otto),  or  <a> 
medico  '  What  have  I  to  hope  now  from  a 
physician?'  (Reid). 

homini]  cp.  555.  4:  718.  3  :  Fam.  v. 
16.  2  (529). 

2.  De  Antonio}     See  727.  2. 

et  eg\\  The  meaning  is  *  I  reasoned 
about  them,'  i.e.  about  what  you  said  in 


them.  But  the  ellipses  are  unsymmetrical 
(Litteras)  legi  et  (de  eis]  egi.  Wes.  proposes 
ei  legi  et  <^cum  eo^>  egi.  Peerlkamp 
would  read  et  relegi.  The  phrase,  how-i 
ever,  is  justified  by  the  assonance  of  the 
two  words,  '  I  read  and  said  them  to  him.' 
So  we  might  say,  '  he  would  not  be  led 
said  by  me,'  a  phrase  not  to  be  strictb 
analysed  grammatically. 

Primum,  quod  attinet]     Primum  muj 
mean    '  at  first,'    as  deinde  shows.     Fc 
attinet  without  ad  the  Thesaurus  quot 
besides  this  passage,  Rhet.  Herenn.  1.  1, 
ea    conquisierunt   quae  nihil   attinebant\ 
Hor.    Od.  i.    19.    12 :    Augustin.  Sei 
assunt  duae  mulieres  et  quod  magis  attii 
publicanae.    Possibly  quod  attinet  = '  whi 
is  of  importance,'  'and  this  is  of  imp( 
ance.'  The  first  opinion  of  Hirtius  was 
importance,   as  it  showed  the  views 
his   party   on   the   subject.      He  was 


EP,  730  (ATT.  XV.  la). 


305 


ad  summam  arbitrum  me  statuebat  non  modo  huius  rei  sed  to  tins 
consulatus  sui.  Cum  Antonio  autem  sic  agemus  ut  perspiciat,  si 
in  eo  negotio  nobis  satis  fecerit,  totum  me  futurum  suum.  Dola- 
bellam  spero  doini  esse.  3.  Redeamus  ad  nostros  :  de  quibus  tu 
bonam  spem  te  significas  habere  propter  edictorum  humanitatem. 
Ego  autem  perspexi,  cum  a  me  xvn  Kal.  de  Puteolano  Neapolim 
Pansae  conveniendi  causa  proficisceretur  Hirtius,  omnem  eius 
seusum.  Seduxi  enina  et  ad  pacem  sum  cohortatus.  Non  poterat 
scilicet  negare  se  velle  pacem,  sed  non  minus  se  nostrorum  arma 
timere  quam  Antoni,  et  tamen  utrosque  non  sine  causa  praesidium 
habere,  se  autem  utraque  arma  metuere.  Quid  quaeris  ? 


quiet  man,  who  could  be  easily  induced 
to  agree  with  an  importunate  suitor.    But 
it  would  he  more  natural  in  point  of  sense 
to  take  just  the  opposite  meaning   and 
read  quod  attinet  <wiAi£>,  nihil  concedebat, 
his  first  refusal  meant  nothing.    It  seems 
hard  even  in  a  letter  to  take  attinet  for 
attineret,  and  interpret  '  he  granted  noth- 
ng  of  any  importance.'    It  \\rould  be  better 
to  read  at  finer  et.     Moreover,  to  express 
'  nothing  of  importance,'  the  natural  order 
would  have  been  nihil  quod  attinet.    But 
n  the  whole  we  think  quod  attinet  =  '  and 
this  is  of  importance,'  parenthetical,  is  the 
best  interpretation.     In  551.  2   we  have 
uia  nihil  attinuit  =  '  because  it  was  of 
importance,'  'it  did  not  matter.' 
ad  summam']     '  to  sum  up  in  a  word '  : 
p.  ad  summam  Die  M.  TULLI  :  adsentior 
.  Pompeio,  Att.   vii.    7.    7  (298);   ad 
ummam  non  posse  ista  sic  abire,  703.  1. 
consulatus  sui~\     which  he  was  to  hold 
the  forthcoming  year. 
domi  esse~]    Lehmann,  pp.  73,  74,  shows 
it    domum    means    Romam    and   domi 
mae  in  several  places  in  the  Letters, 
p.g.,  586.  3  ;  654,  1 ;  see  note  on  Att.  ii. 
3.  1  (40).     It  was  at  Rome  that  Cicero 
Vas    going    to    discuss   the    Buthrotian 
uestion  with   Antony  :  cp.  727.  2.     It 
ms  possible  too  that  we  should  explain 
nc  domus  suppeditat  mihi  hortorum  amoe- 
tatem,  Q.  Fr.  iii.  1. 14  (148),  '  my  town 
iuse  is  now  just  as  charming  as  any  of 
y     suburban     retreats.'      We    cannot 
ept  the  suggestion  of  Lambinus,  who, 
paring^'oris  esse  '  to  be  bankrupt,'  in 
is.  12,  thinks  domi  esse  here  means,  '  to 
e  solvent.'     We  could  not  assume  that 
cause  a  needy  man  is  said  « to  be  out 
elbows,'  a  prosperous  man   could  be 
'  to  be  in  at   elbows.'     It  is  clear 

VOL     V. 


that  he  is  here  referring  to  the  cause  of 
the  Buthrotians,  to  which  he  thinks,  as 
appears  from  other  letters,  e.g.  727.  2 ; 
738.  1-3,  Dolabella  can  give  material 
help,  if  in  Rome.  Dr.  Reid  (Hermalh. 
xii.  (1902),  p.  138)  thinks  domi  esse  means 
'  Dolabella  is  our  man,'  as  we  might  say 
'  we  have  him  in  our  pocket ' :  and  he 
interprets  the  difficult  passage,  Q.  Fr.  ii. 
8  (10).  4  (123)  Hortus  domi  est  'I  have 
the  Garden  (i.e.  Epicurean  literature)  at 
my  finger  ends.'  He  also  refers  to  733.  3 
Sirtius  est  tuus. 

3.  nostros']     Brutus  and  Cassius. 

edietorum\  One  of  these  edicta  was 
that  referred  to  in  740.  1,  in  which 
Brutus  dismissed  the  young  men  from 
the  provincial  towns  whom  he  had 
enrolled  as  a  sort  of  escort  or  body- 
guard. Another  may  have  had  some 
intimation  that  he  was  ready  to  go  into 
exile  (725.  1 :  726.  4)  if  it  would  conduce 
to  peace.  But  we  cannot  be  sure.  Brutus 
was  the  sort  of  solemn  person  who  would 
like  to  issue  manifestoes. 

OvSev  u7t€s]  These  words  seem  to 
indicate  that  he  thought  Hirtius  was 
concealing  his  real  opinion.  At  least  they 
form  part  of  a  verse  (Eur.  Andr.  448), 
eAt/cra  KovSev  vyies  aAAa  TTO.V  irfpij-  \ 
(j>povovi>T€s,  which  Cicero  quotes  in  Att.  ii. 
25.  1  (52)  to  indicate  a  tortuous  and 
hypocritical  state  of  feeling  :  cp.  728.  2, 
nihil  sinceri.  It  is  interesting  to  observe 
the  way  Cicero  speaks  of  Hirtius  in  a 
private  letter,  and  in  the  De  Fato  2, 
which  was  written  at  this  time,  Nam 
cum  essem  in  Puteolano  Hirtiusque  noster, 
consul  desiynatus  (cp.  712.  2  duo  quidem 
quasi  designati  consuls')  iisdem  in  locis, 
vir  nobis  amicissimus  et  Us  studiis  in  quibus 
not  a  pueritia  viximus  deditus:  multum 

U 


306 


EP.  730  (ATT.  XV.  la). 


vyttg.  4.  De  Q.  filio  tibi  adsentior  :  patri  quidem  certe  gratissimac 
[et]  bellae  tuae  litterae  fuerunt.  Caerelliae  vero  facile  satis  fecij 
nee  valde  laborare  mibi  visa  est,  et,  si  ilia,  ego  certe  non  laboraremj 
Istam  vero,  quam  tibi  molestam  scribis  esse,  auditam  a  te  essd 
omnino  demiror.  Nam  quod  earn  collaudavi  apud  amicos,  audien-? 
tibus  tribus  filiis  eius  et  filia  tua,  roS'  CK  TOVTOV  ;  [quid  est  hoc  ?].] 


Quid  est  autem  cur  ego  personatus  ambulem  ? 

Parumne  foeda  persona  est  ipsius  senectutis  ?  5.  Quod  Brutuai 
rogat,  ut  ante  Kalendas,  ad  me  quoque  scripsit,  et  fortasse  f  aciamij 
Sed  plane  quid  velit  nescio.  Quid  enim  illi  adferre  consili  possum  j 
cum  ipse  egeam  consilio  et  cum  ille  suae  immortalitati  meliua 


una  framus,  maxime  nos  quidem  exqui- 
rentes  ea  consilia  quae  ad  pacem  et  ad 
eoncordiam  civium  pertinerent :  yet  he  is 
represented  in  728.  4  as  one  of  that  class 
(istorum)  of  whom  nemo  est  qui  otium  non 
timeat :  cp.  729.  1. 

4.  Caerelliae']  See  on  725.  4,  from 
which  it  appears  that  Caerellia  tried  to 
bring  about  a  reconciliation  between 
Cicero  and  his  divorced  wife  Publilia. 
Cicero  adds — '  I  easily  satisfied  her  [that 
it  was  impossible  and  undesirable]  ;  she 
did  not  seem  to  take  a  keen  interest  in  the 
matter,  and  even  if  she  had,  I  certainly 
should  not  have  done  so.' 

Istam  vero]  Some  editors  refer  istam 
to  Publilia's  mother,  who  may  have  built 
hopes  of  a  reconciliation  on  some  kind 
words  about  her  used  by  Cicero  in  the 
presence  of  members  of  her  family. 
Schiitz,  with  more  probability,  under- 
stands istam  as  referring  to  some  other 
candidate  for  Cicero's  hand,  who  '  bored 
Atticus  to  plead  her  cause  because  Cicero 
had  spoken  well  of  her.'  Or  the  passage 
may  mean,  *  that  lady  who  you  say  per- 
turbs you,  I  wonder  you  heard  of  her  at 
all.*  It  is  quite  uncertain  who  is  meant 
by  istam.  We  are  not  sure  that  tua  should 
not  be  omitted,  as  has  been  suggested. 
Attica  was  a  mere  child,  barely  seven 
years  old.  The  reading  of  the  Greek  is 
uncertain.  M  -gives  TOECTOTOT-  Z  is 
stated  to  have  had  rb  IK  TOVTOV.  It  may 
be  T($8'  fK  TOVTOV  5  '  does  this  follow  from 
that  ? '  that  is,  '  is  it  a  fair  sequitur  that 
if  a  man  speaks  well  of  a  woman  he  is 
prepared  to  make  her  his  wife  ? ' 

quid  est  hoc}    "We  agree  with  Wesen- 
berg  that  this  is  the  gloss  of  a  puzzled 


copyist,  and  we  are  disposed  to  echo  id 
ourselves.  Dr.  Eeid  (p.  139)  suggests,  aq 
does  Kayser,  TI  e'/c  TOVTOV  ;  '  what  follows 
from  that  ?  '  and  supposes  quid  est  hoc  ?j 
to  be  a  kind  of  translation  of  those  words. 
Lamb,  conjectured  TI  e<rrt  TOVTO 
which  quid  est  hoc  ?  is  a  gloss. 

quid  est  autem  .  .  .  senectutis]     Taking 
the  view  that  istam  refers  to  some  candi- 
date for  Cicero's  hand,  we  understand  theji 
connexion  to  be  as  follows :  in  quoting! 
the  words  of  some  poet : 

'  Why  should  I  wear  a  mask  before  men** 
eyes  ? ' 

Cicero  means  'Why  should  I  wear  thei 
mask  (act  the  part)  of  a  man  who  wall 
still  of  age  to  marry,  and  so  be  careful  of 
praising  ladies'  looks  ?  Why  should  I  j 
not  be  natural,  and  speak  of  them 
reservedly  as  an  old  man  may  ? ' 
reference  to  a  mask  in  the  quotation  1 
Cicero  to  continue,  not  quite  appositely 
indeed  :  '  Isn't  the  mask  of  old  age  ugly 
enough  to  dispel  all  idea  of  marriage! 
coming  my  way  ?  '  The  mask  in  the  comioi 
verse  would  be  the  attractive  mask 
of  a  young  man  ;  the  reference  in  what 
Cicero  adds  would  be  to  the  repulsive) 
mask  of  an  old  man.  We  agree  wi 
Prof.  Palmer  that  the  words  quid  .  . 
ambulem  are  from  some  old  play. 

5.  ut  ante  Kalendas"]  sc.  eum  conveniam : 
cp.  for  ellipse,  565.  1. 

quid  velit  nescio]  We  incline  to  think 
that  there  was  a  suspicion  that  Brutu 
was  going  to  take  some  vigorous  step  in 
opposition  to  Antony:  cp.  743.  1,  and 
note  to  735.  5  and  to  738.  2,  3. 


EP.  731  (ATT.  XV.  Ib).  307 

}uam  nostro  otio  consuluerit  ?   De  regiua  rumor  exstiuguetur.    De 
^lamma,  obsecro  te,  si  quid  potes. 


731.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xv.  i  b). 

LEAVING  SINUESSA  ;    MAY  18  ;   A.  U.  C.  710  ',    B.  C.  44  ;   AET.  CIC.  62. 
De  Pilia,  de  funere  matiis  On.  Luculli,  de  contione  Bruti  ad  se  ut  corrigeret  missa. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Here  dederam  ad  te  litteras  exiens  e  Puteolano  deverter- 
mque  in  Cumanum.  Ibi  bene  valentem  videram  Piliam.  Quin 
tiam  paullo  post  Cumis  earn  vidi.  Venerafc  enim  in  funus,  oui 
uneri  ego  quoque  operam  dedi.  Cn.  Lucullus  familiaris  noster 
natrem  efferebat.  Mansi  igitur  eo  die  in  Sinuessano,  atque  inde 
nane  postridie  Arpinurn  proficiscens  hanc  epistulam  exaravi. 
.  Erat  autem  nihil  novi  quod  aut  scriberem  aut  ex  te  quaererem, 
dsi  forte  hoc  ad  rem  putas  pertinere  :  Brutus  noster  misit  ad  me 
rationem  suam  habitam  in  contione  Capitolina,  petivitque  a 
ne  ut  earn  ne  ambitiose  corrigerem  ante  quam  ederet.  Est  autem 
ratio  scripta  elegantissime  senteutiis,  verbis  ut  nihil  possit  ultra. 
ijgo  tamen,  si  illam  causam  habuissem,  scripsissem  ardentius. 
vides  quae  sit  et  persona  dicentis.  Itaque  earn  corrigere 


regina]     Cleopatra  :  cp.  727.  2.  candidly,'  '  without  any  bias  in  favour  of 

Ftamma]     See  on  721.  4.  the  writer.'  Boot  points  out  that  Cicero 

himself  has  explained  the  sense  in  which 

1.  Here]     For  the   double   form   here  he  uses  ambitiosus  by  the  juxtaposition  of 
ad  fieri,  cp.  Neue-Wagener  ii3,  644.  two  phrases  in  Q.  Fr.  i.  2.  4,  6  (53),  in 

videram]  As  Cicero  appears  not  to  Graecos  ambitioswn  esse  and  Graecis  solis 

ave  seen  Pilia  till  a  little  later  at  Cumae,  indulgeo.  It  does  not  seem  necessary 

erhaps  we  should  read  audieram  ;  post  to  correct  the  ne  of  the  MSS  to  nee  or  non  ; 

as  added  by  Lambinus.  ut  .  .  ne  is  a  common  collocation  in  Cicero. 

operam  dedi]  1  1  attended.'  In  Att.  Or,  perhaps,  the  remark  of  Brutus  was 

\  15.  6  (143)  deinde  Antiphonti  operam  more  ungracious,  'without  any  desire  to 

jc.  dedi),  it  is  used  of  attending  the  show  off'  Cic.  'sown  eloquence:  or  '  with- 

leatre  .  out  any  interested  motive,  '  such  as  a  desire 

2.  contione  Capitolina']     Brutus  at  the  to  show  the  superiority  of  Cicero's  style 
ame  time  as,  or  a  little  after,  the  meeting  of  eloquence  over  that  of  Brutus.     All 
f  the  Senate  on  the  17th  (cp.  Phil.  i.  32)  Brutus    wanted    was    the    correction    of 
elivered  a  speech  to  a  meeting  held  in  obvious  errors.    These  meanings  are  pos- 
le  Capitoi,  in  which  he  guaranteed  to  sible  :  but  if  any  one  of  them  was  really 
le  veterans  all  the  grants  which  Caesar  what  Brutus  implied,  Cicero  would  pro- 
Ad  made  to  them.     Brutus  had  now  com-  bably  have  expressed  some  resentment. 

s] 


li'tted    his    harangue    to    writing,    and  "tiroQeais]     'you   observe  what  the 

equested  Cicero  to  correct  it.  theme    is    (cp.  729.    1),   and  what    the 

ne  ambitiose']     *  to  correct  the   speech       position  of  the  speaker.' 

U2 


308 


EP.  732  (ATT.  XV. 


non  potui.  Quo  enim  in  gen  ere  Brutus  noster  esse  vult  et  quo( 
iudicium  habet  de  optimo  genere  dicendi,  id  ita  consecutus  est  in 
ea  oratione  ut  elegantius  esse  nihil  possit.  Sed  ego  secutus  aliuc 
sum,  sive  hoc  recte  sive  non  recte.  Tu  tamen  velim  earn  orationem 
legas,  nisi  forte  iam  legisti,  certioremque  me  facias  quid  iudice 
ipse.  Quamquam  vereor  ne  cognomine  tuo  lapsus  virtpaTTiKoc  si 
in  iudicando.  Sed  si  recordabere  Arumoadivovg  fulmina,  turn 
intelleges  posse  et  arriKi^rara  et  gravissime  dici.  Sed  haec  coram 
Nunc  nee  sine  epistula  nee  cum  inani  epistola  volui  ad  te  Metro 
dorum  venire. 


732.     CICEHO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xv.  2). 

VESCTANUM  ;    MAY  19  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  J    AET.  C1C.  62. 

De  Attici  litteris  de  Buthroto,  de  L.  Antonio,  de  Menedemo,  de  consilio  suo  ir 
scribendo  obtinendo  et  ab  Attico  probato,  de  legionibus,  de  Buthrotiis,  si  Atticus  pe 
senatum  speret,  de  Octavii  contione  et  ludorumapparatu,  de  Matio,  Postumio,  Saserna 
Balbo,  de  prima  disputatione  Tusculana  sua,  de  Flamma,  de  Tyndaritanorum  causa 
de  Alexionis  morte. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  xv  Kalend.  e  Sinuessano  proficiscens  cum  dedissem  ad  te 
litteras    devertissemque    facutius,  in  Vescino  accepi    a  tabellario 


Quo  enim  in  genere']  '  as  regards  the 
method  of  speaking  at  which  he  aims  and 
his  own  ideal  of  the  art,  be  has  achieved 
it  in  that  speech  to  the  highest  degree  of 
perfection  ;  my  ideal  is  different,  perhaps 
rightly,  perhaps  wrongly'  :  sequi  is  the 
word  which  Cicero  constantly  uses  for 
setting  before  one's  mind  an  ideal  method, 
whether  of  speech  or  action ;  hence 
secutus  (suggested  by  Pius)  is  the  most 
probable  correction  of  solus  of  the  MSS. 
Perhaps  we  should  print  *  de  optimo 
genere  dicendi '  in  inverted  commas,  as 
there  seems  to  be  an  allusion  to  this 
alternative  title  of  his  Orator :  cp.  727.  3. 

earn  orationem']  so  the  ed .  Rom. :  M  has 
turn.  Perhaps  totam.  See  Adn.  Crit. 

lapsus']  '  falling  into  an  error  by  reason 
of  your  name,  I  fear  you  will  be  hyper- 
Attic.'  The  name  Atticus  would  lead  him 
to  approve  the  Attic  style  of  oratory  : 
but  he  fell  into  the  error  of  excess  and 
became  hyper-Attic.  There  is  no  need  to 
adopt  abusus  as  suggested  by  Boot. 

et  arriKtarara  et  gravissime}  Owing 
to  et  before  drrtKtarara,  we  have  added 
et  before  gravissime  with  Lamb.  '  that 
speeches  can  be  made  both  in  the  most 


Attic  style  and  in  the  most  powerful; 
language.'  The  Attic  school  of  rhetoric 
was  at  this  time  represented  by  Calvug) 
and  Brutus,  and  the  Rhodian  school! 
by  Cicero.  Hortensius  had  been  the! 
representative  of  the  Asianic  schooll 
founded  by  Hegesias.  Cicero  here  im-j 
plies  that  the  Attic  school,  though  it»| 
main  characteristic  was  simplicity  andj 
chasteness,  yet  could  attain,  on  a  greatj 
occasion,  an  elevation  of  style  which  thai 
oratory  of  Brutus  failed  to  reach.  W» 
can  well  imagine  the  way  Demosthenes] 
would  have  *  f  ulmined '  on  the  Ides  of  I 
March,  in  that  crisis  of  the  world's^ 
history,  when  the  speech  of  Brutus  was  4 
so  tame  and  cold.  The  oration  which] 
Shakespeare  puts  into  the  mouth  ofl 
Brutus  at  the  funeral  of  Caesar  admirably! 
represents  the  character  here  ascribed  to 
his  oratory  by  Cicero. 

1.  acutius']  We  agree  with  Wesenberg 
that  under  this  word  is  concealed  the 
name  of  some  friend  with  whom  Ciceroi 
sojourned,  such  as  ad  Vettium. 

Vescino~\  Sinuessa  was  in  the  saltua 
Vescinus,  and  was  built  over  an  oldi 


EP.  732  (ATT.  XV. 


309 


iuas  litteras,  in  quibus  nimis  multa  de  Buthroto.  Non  enim  tibi 
ea  res  maiori  curae  aut  est  aut  erit  quam  mihi.  Sic  enim  decet  te 
mea  curare,  tua  me.  Quam  ob  rem  id  quidem  sic  susceptum  est 
mihi  ut  nihil  sim  habiturus  antiquius.  2.  L.  Antonium  contionatum 
esse  coguovi  tuis  litteris  et  aliis  sordide,  sed  id  quale  f  uerit  nescio  : 
nihil  enim  scripti.  De  Menedemo,  probe  :  Quintus  certe  ea  dicli- 
tat  quae  scribis.  Consilium  meum  a  te  probari,  quod  ea  non 
scribam  quae  tu  a  me  postularis,  facile  patior,  multoque  magis 
id  probabis,  si  orationem  earn  de  qua  hodie  ad  te  scripsi  legeris. 
Quae  de  legionibus  scribis,  ea  vera  sunt.  Sed  non  satis  hoc  mihi 
videris  tibi  persuasisse,  qui  de  Buthrotiis  nostris  per  senatum 
speres  confici  posse  ;  quod,  puto  (tantum  enim  video),  non  vide- 
mur  esse  victuri.  Sed,  ut  iam  nos  hoc  fallat,  de  Buthroto  te  non 
fallet.  3.  De  Octavi  contione  idem  sentio  quod  tu,  ludorumque 


Ausonian  town  called  Vescia  :  cp.  C.I.L. 
x.  p.  463.     Cp.  Vescino,  Liv.  x.  21.  8. 

2.  contionatum  .  .  .  sordide~]  '  made  a 
wretchedly  poor  speech '  ;  the  reference 
seems  to  be  to  the  manner,  not  to  the 
matter,  of  the  speech. 

scripti]  '  there  was  no  written  copy  of 
the  speech.'  By  this  rendering  Dr.  Reid 
(Hermath.  xii.  p.  141)  defends  the  MS. 
reading.  That  speeches  were  often  written 
out  and  disseminated  shortly  after  delivery 
can  be  seen  from  Att.  vii.  8.  5  (299) ; 
722.  7.  For  the  genitive  he  compares 
aedificati  .  .  nikilin  Att.  iv.  8.  1  (112)  : 
and  perhaps  scripti  should  be  written  for 
scriptis  in  Att.  x.  5.  3  (416).  The  vulg. 
nihil  enim  scripsisti  would  have  to  mean 
you  did  not  write  out  any  part  of  it,' 
an  unusual  sense  to  give  the  words. 

De  Menedemo}  Cicero  calls  this  Mene- 
demus  nequissimum  Graeculum,  in  Phil, 
xiii.  33.  He  was  a  creature  of  Caesar's, 
and  a  rumour  now  prevailed  that  he  had 
been  executed.  In  734.  4  Cicero  expresses 
his  regret  that  this  rumour  proved  to  be 
unfounded. 

quae  tu  a  me  postularis]  This  refers  to 
Atticus'  request  that  Cic.  should  write 
a  speech  for  Brutus  to  deliver  to  the 
people  on  his  return  to  Rome  (727.  3). 

facile  patior]  cp.  590.  1. 

oraiionem  eam~\     sc.  Bruti. 

hodie]  cp.  731.  2. 

Quae  de  legionibus]  that  Antony  wished 
to  bring  four  legions  from  Macedonia. 
They  did  not  come  to  Italy  until  August. 

qui  .   .    .   speres]     '  though  you  report 


hostile  measures  on  the  part  of  Antony, 
you  hardly  seem  to  credit  your  own  news 
when  you  indulge  a  hope  that  we  may  be 
able  to  get  a  senatus  consultum  settling 
the  Buthrotian  business  in  which,  I  opine — 
for  that  is  all  I  can  see — we  do  not  seem 
likely  to  be  successful.  But  supposing  I 
am  mistaken  in  this  forecast,  you  will 
not  be  disappointed  in  the  matter  of 
the  Buthrotians.'  We  have  adopted  the 
punctuation  suggested  by  Dr.  Reid 
(Hermath.  xii.  p.  143).  We  still  think 
that  the  rumour  about  the  Regions  was 
that  Antony  was  going  to  bring  over  the 
legions  from  Macedonia.  The  rumour 
about  disaffection  in  the  Martian  and 
Fourth  legions  came  to  Cicero's  ears  a 
little  later  (734.  1).  Cicero,  always 
wishing  to  prophesy  smooth  things  to 
Atticus  about  the  Buthrotian  business  in 
which  Atticus  was  so  deeply  interested, 
but  for  which  Cicero  was  not  really  very 
solicitous,  says  that  it  was  secure  in  any 
case :  and  indeed  so  it  turned  out.  But 
Cic.  gave  no  reason  here  for  his  opinion. 
He  meant  Att.  to  understand  that  he 
thought  the  case  was  so  plain  and  just 
that  there  would  be  no  difficulty. 

3.  De  Octavi  contione"]  cp.  727.  5  ; 
728.4. 

ludorumque']  the  games  which  Octavian 
was  proposing  to  give  in  July  in  honour 
of  the  victory  of  Pharsalia,  and  of  which 
the  superintendents  were  Matius  (785.  6), 
Postumus  (712.  2  ;  713.  2),  and  Saserna 
(Bell  Afr.  9.  1  ;  57.  1  ;  Phil.  xiii.  28), 
all  friends  and  followers  of  Caesar. 


310 


EP.  732  (ATT.  XV. 


eius  apparatus  et  Matius  ac  Postumus  mihi  procuratores  non  pla~ 
cent :  Saserna  collega  dignus.  Sed  isti  omnes,  quern  ad  raodum 
sentis,  non  minus  otium  timent  quam  nos  arma.  Balbura  levari 
invidia  per  nos  velim,  sed  ne  ipse  quidem  id  fieri  posse  confidit. 
Itaque  alia  cogitat.  4.  Quod  prima  disputatio  Tusculana  te 
confirmat  sane  gaudeo :  neque  enim  ullum  est  perfugium  aut 
melius  aut  paratius.  Flamma  quod  bene  loquitur  non  moleste 
fero  :  Tyndaritanorum  causa,  de  qua  causa  laborat,  quae  sit  ignoro  : 
hos  tamen  .  .  .  IIci/rtXotTrov  movere  ista  videntur,  in  primis  ero- 
gatio  pecuniae.  De  Alexione  doleo,  sed,  quoniam  inciderat  in 
tarn  gravem  morbum,  bene  actum  cum  illo  arbitror  :  quos  tameii 
secundos  heredes  scire  velim  et  diem  testamenti. 


otium  timent]  728.  2,  4  ;  729.  1. 
Octavian  appears  to  have  made  no  allusion 
to  the  amnesty  in  his  speech. 

levari  invidia]  cp.  728.  2,  Questus  est 
etiam  de  sua  invidia  eaque  omnis  eius 
oratio  fuit  ut  amare  videretur  Antonium. 
Quid  quaeris  ?  Nihil  sinceri. 

4.  confirmat]  '  fortifies  you  against  the 
fear  of  death.'  The  Tusculan  Disputa- 
tions were  probably  composed  in  the 
autumn  of  45. 

Flamma]  '  I  am  glad  Flamma  speaks 
encouragingly'  about  his  prospects  of 
being  able  to  pay  the  money  for  which 
Montanus  was  security:  cp.  721.  4. 

de  qua  causa"]  Most  editors  correct 
causa  to  Casca  or  Pansa ;  but  Lehmann, 
p.  113,  has  shown  that  this  repetition  of 
the  substantive  in  the  relative  clause, 
though  most  frequent  in  the  Orations  (e.g. 
Rose.  Am.  72,  Sull.  43,  de  domo  110, 
Vat.  34,  Balb.  27),  is  also  found  in  the 
Letters,  as  in  Fam.  iii.  8.  4  (222);  ix. 
24.1(820);  ix. 26. 3  (246) ;  xiii.9.  2(237); 
xiii.  58  (248) ;  so  also  infunus  cuifuneri 
in  the  last  letter,  and  lex  .  .  .  quae  lex, 
778.  11.  The  Balliol  codex  is  said  to 
read  tarn  for  causa,  which  is  possible  ;  so 
does  the  cod.  Helmstadtiensis,  which  also 
has  laboras. 

ft os  tamen]  The  verb  is  lost :  perhaps 
it  was  in  Greek.  The  meaning  was  pro- 


bably *  I  will  assist.'  Dr.  Reid  suggests 
noscam  tamen,  '  however,  I'll  take  their 
brief.' 

UcvTf\onrov~\     See  on  728.  4. 

ista~]  '  affairs  with  you,'  i.e.  at  Eome  : 
cp.  776  fin. 

erogatio  pecuniae]  The  money  deposited 
in  the  temple  of  Ops  by  Caesar,  and 
appropriated  by  Antony.  It  is  worth 
noticing  that  Hirtius  seems  to  have 
become  disturbed  by  reason  of  Antony's 
inroad  on  the  money  of  the  State. 
Towards  the  end  of  the  month  he  appears 
to  have  become  alarmed  by  Antony's 
troops  of  veterans  (741.  1). 

quos  tamen  secundos  heredes]  We  should 
probably  understand,  but  not  supply,. 
acripserit.  The  ellipse  of  scribere  is 
common.  The  construction  will  then  be 
a  colloquial  one :  '  what  second  heirs 
should  like  to  know,  and  the  limit  oi 
time  under  the  will.' 

diem  testamenti]  The  limit  of  time 
within  which  the  heirs  were  bound  to 
take  formal  possession  of  the  property 
bequeathed :  cp.  note  to  663.  3  ;  but  we 
confess  to  be  unable  to  quote  any  parallel. 
In  Quintilian  v.  10.  44,  signator  qui  ants 
diem  tabularum  decessit,  it  means  '  before 
the  date  of  the  execution  of  the  will. 
Could  it  be  '  th'e  day  the  will  is  opened  '  ? 
lit.  '  the  day  of  the  will. 


EP.  783  (ATT.  XV. 


311 


733.    CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Arr.  xv.  3). 

ARP1NUM  J   MAY   22  ;    A.    U.    C.    710  J    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  C1C.  62. 

Eespondet  ad  litteras  duas  Attici,  quo  die  in  Tusculanum  venturus  sit,  non  esse  a  se 
larendum  victoribus,  de  Calvae  testamento,  de  tabula  Demonici,  de  litteris  ad  Dola- 
sellam  datis,  de  Alexione,  de  Hirtio,  de  Antonio,  de  Q.  filio,  de  oratione  Bruti,  de 
Jruto. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Undecimo  Kalend.  accepi  in  Arpinati  duas  epistulas  tuas, 
quibus  duabus  meis  respondisti.  Una  erat  xv  Kal.,  altera  xn 
data.  Ad  superiorem  igitur  prius.  Accurres  in  Tusculanum,  ut 

cribis,  quo  me  vi  Kal.  venturum  arbitrabar.  Quod  scribis 
parendum  victoribus,  non  mihi  quidem,  cui  sunt  multa  potiora. 
m  ilia,  quae  recordaris,  Lentulo  et  Marcello  consulibus  acta  in 
aede  Apollinis,  nee  causa  eadem  est  nee  simile  tempus,  praesertim 

5um  Marcellum  scribas  aliosque  discedere.  Erit  igitur  nobis 
3oram  odorandum  et  constituendum  tutone  Romae  esse  possimus. 

tfovi  conventus  babitatores  sane  movent.     In  magnis  enim  versa- 


1.  in  Arpinati"]  This  is  perbaps  the 
>est  correction  of  nati  of  the  MSS.  It  is 
trongly  defended  by  Ruete  (p.  21). 

non  mihi  quidem}  '  I  must  not  at  all 
vents,'  i.e.  there  will  be  no  compulsion 
n  me  to  obey  them :  for  death,  exile,  or 
nytbing  was,  in  Cicero's  mind,  prefer- 
ble  to  submission. 

ilia  quae  recordaris]     At  the  beginning 
f  the  Civil  War  in  49,  wben  prepara- 
ions  for  war  were  made  (Caes.  B.  C.  i.  6), 
hough  Cicero  advocated  peace  and  com- 
promise at  that  time  (cp.  note  to  vol.  iii-8, 
xciii  and   Fam.   vi.  6.   5,  Ep.   488). 
"he  case  is  different  now  :  Antony  is  no 
Uaesar.     For    the   nominativus  pendens, 
p.  Madv.  on  Fin.iii.  11.    It  is  possible, 
lowever,  that  <nec  erant  eadem>  has  been 
ost  before  nee  causa  eadem.     F  has  acta 
<sine  me>  in  aede,  and  Ant.  acta  <rne> 
n  aede,  and  so  has  M,  but  me  is  deleted, 
"i'ossibly  the  reading  of  F  is  right  (cp. 
:88.    6,    susceptum    bellum   est   quiescente 
me):  for  Cicero  could  have  attended  the 
meeting  in  the  Temple  of  Apollo,  as  it 
was  outside  the  walls:  cp.  Fam.  viii.  4.  4 
206).     The  senate  was  held  there,  so 


that  Pompey  might  attend,  as  he  could 
not  enter  the  city  while  retaining  his 
impei  ium. 

nee  causa  eadem  .  .  .  tempus]  '  neither 
the  merits  of  the  case  nor  the  circum- 
stances are  the  same'  (Shuckburgh). 
He  seems  to  mean  that  the  constitution- 
alists have  riot  as  strong  a  case  or  as  power- 
ful support  as  they  had  five  years  earlier. 
Then  it  would  have  been  unpatriotic  for 
any  citizen  to  have  refused  to  come  and 
take  part  in  the  deliberations  of  the  Senate. 
"We  think,  however,  that  causa  rather 
means  'our  side,'  'our  cause,'  '  our  politi- 
cal party,'  cp.  738.  1,  causae  vero  amicis- 
simus:  and  note  to  Att.  vii.  3.  5  (294) 
eausam  solam  ilia  causa  non  habet. 

discedere~\  '  leaving  town.'  Marcellus 
(consul  in  50)  at  this  time  seems  to  have 
avoided  politics.  He  was  married  to 
Octavia,  sister  of  Octavian. 

Novi  conventus  habitatores]  The  new 
colonists  established  by  Antony  in  Cam- 
pania. He  uses  the  word  conventus,  not 
colonia,  as  the  establishment  of  the  new 
settlement  at  Casilinum  was  illegal  accord- 
ing to  augural  law  (Phil.  ii.  102).  These 


312 


EP.  733  (ATT.  XV.  3}. 


mur  angustiis.  Sed  sunt  ista  parvi :  quin  etiam  maiora  contem4 
nimus.  Calvae  testamentum  cognovi,  hominis  turpis  ac  sordid!. 
Tabula  Demonic!  quod  tibi  curae  est,  gratum.  De  f  malo  scrips! 
iam  pridem  ad  Dolabellam  accuratissime,  modo  redditae  litterae 
sint.  Eius  causa  et  cupio  et  debeo.  2.  Venio  ad  propiorera.  Cog-j 
novi  de  Alexione  quae  desiderabam.  Hirtius  est  tuns.  Antouioj 
quam  est  volo  peius  esse.  De  Q,.  filio,  ut  scribis,  fA.  M.  C.  De 
patre  coram  agemus.  Brutum  omui  re  qua  possum  cupio  iuvare,] 
cuius  de  oratiuncula  idem  te  quod  me  sentire  video.  Sed  parum 
intellego  quid  me  velis  scribere  quasi  a  Bruto  babitam  orationem 
cum  ille  ediderit.  Qui  tandem  convenit  ?  An  sic,  ut  in  tyrannumj 
iure  optimo  caesum  ?  Multa  dicentur,  multa  scribentur  a  nobis>( 
sed  alio  modo  et  tempore.  De  sella  Caesaris,  bene  tribuni  : 


veterans  probably  had  been  located  at 
Casilinum,  but  had  not  yet  been  provided 
with  lands,  so  that  they  were  only  dwellers 
in  this  new  aggregation.  As  such  they 
would  cause  Cic.  anxiety,  as  they  would 
have  no  local  tie  to  keep  them  from  lending 
aid  to  Antony.  For  conventus  of  an 
irregular  gathering,  cp.  Fam.  iv.  1.  1 
(387)  in  scnatum  vel  potius  in  conventum 
senatorum. 

Tabula]  '  auction ' :  cp.  584.  4.  Popma 
supposes  that  Demonicus  was  a  debtor  of 
Cicero. 

twafo]  Some  proper  name  is  hidden 
under  the  word  malo.  Shuckburgh  and 
Dr.  Reid  suppose  it  is  Manlio,  referring  to 
the  influence  which  Dolabella  seems  to 
have  had  to  further  the  interests  of  Man- 
lius  Torquatus :  623.  1  ;  652.  2  ;  662.  2. 
This  seems  very  probable. 

et  debeo]  It  would  be  quite  possible  to 
supply  in  thought  cupere ;  but  Boot  has 
clearly  shown  that  debere  causa  alicuius  is 
good  Ciceronian  Latin;  see  616.  2. 

2.  de  Alexione}  cp.  732  fin. 

tuus]  i.e.  for  you  in  the  Buthrotian 
business. 

quam  est}  The  MSS.  give  quoniam  est. 
There  are  two  courses  open:  (1)  understand 
male,  from  peius,  '  as  he  is  in  a  bad  way,  I 
hope  he  will  be  worse ' — a  somewhat  violent 
proceeding  ;  or  actually  to  add  male,  com- 
paring 748  init.  L.  Antonio  male  sit ;  (2)  to 
alter  quoniam  to  quam — an  easy,  but  of 
course  suspiciously  easy,  change.  Dr.  Keid 
thinks  that  the  rarity  of  quam  preceding 
the  comparative  led  the  copyist  to  make 
the  alteration,  and  that  in  his  anxiety  to 
change  the  unusual  feature  that  he  had 


recognized  he  did  not  notice  that  he  hadJ 
introduced  a  still  more  novel  construction  J 
The  position  of  quam  before  the  compara 
tive  in  Deiot.  8  led  to  the  introduction  of| 
tarn  even  before  the  time  of  Priscian  :  sea 
Mr.  Fausset's  and  Dr.  Reid's  notes.     In 
is    suggested    by    Dr.    Sihler   (Cicero  of, 
Arpinum,    p.    410)    that    the    cause   of 
Antony's  trouble  was  the  growing  popu- 
larity of  Octavian :  or  it  may  have  been 
his  growing  unpopularity  with  the  con- 
servatives   owing    to    his    bringing   the] 
veterans   to   Rome,  and   plundering   the] 
treasury  (Ferrero,  iii,  55  note) ;  cp.  734. 1  ] 
Antoni  consilia  turbulenta. 

A.  M.  C.}     The  best  restoration  here 
seems  to  be  that  of  Turnebus  and  Grono-j 
vius,  AAI2,  '  enough,'  '  iam  satis.' 

quod  me}     For  this  kind  of  attraction 
cp.  662.  1 ;  De  Sen.  1  ;  Madv.  Fin.  ii.  88. 1 

quid  me  velis}  *  what  you  mean  by  j 
wanting  me  to  write  in  the  form  of  a 
speech  as  made  by  him.'  We  think  with 
Gronovius  and  Wes.  that  we  must  read 
habitam  orationem  for  habita  oratione. 

Qui  tandem  convenit  ?}  '  what  in  the ; 
world  would  be  the  appropriateness  of  doing 
such  a  thing '  (lit.  '  how  in  the  world 
would  it  be  suitable?  ')  'would  there  not  be 
an  awkwardness  in  such  a  course  ?  '  (i.e. 
would  it  not  offend  Brutus  i?)  '  or  should 
I  treat  the  death  of  Caesar  as  the  just 
execution  of  a  tyrant? '  (i.e.  shall  I  Avrite 
a  general  disquisition  on  the  just  execu- 
tion of  a  tyrant  f )  For  tandem  in  ques- 
tions with  some  note  of  wondering  or 
impatience,  cp.  Tusc.  iii.  8  :  Cat.  i.  1, 
16:  Sail.  Cat.  20.9. 

sella  Caesaris}     A  golden  chair  in  which 


EP.  734  (ATT.  XV.  4,  $1- 


313 


praeclaros  etiam  xim  ordines  !     Brutum  apud  me  fuisse  gaudeo, 
modo  et  libenter  fuerit  et  sat  diu. 


734.    CICERO  TO  ATTIC  US  (ATT.  xv.  4,  §§  1-4). 

ARP1NUM  ;    MAY  24  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  J    AET.    CIC.    62. 

De  epistula  Q.  Fufii  ad  se  data,  turn  ad  duas  Attici  epistulas  respondet,  in  his  de 
turbulentis  Antonii  consiliis  et  de  incerta  rei  publicae  condicione,  de  adventu  in 
Tusculanum  suo,  de  Buthrotiis,  de  oratione  Bruti,  de  Caesaris  morte  iarn  puene 
•dolenda,  quid  sibi  suisque  faciendum  sit  quaerit. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  ix  Kalend.  H.  x  fere  a  Q.  Fufio  venit  tabellarius.  Nescio 
quid  ab  eo  litterularum,  uti  me  sibi  restituerem  :  sane  insulse,  ut 
solet :  nisi  forte  quern  non  ames  omnia  videntur  insulse  fieri. 


to  witness  tbe  games  had  been  publicly 
•presented  to  Caesar.  When  Octavian 
wished  to  produce  this  at  the  games,  he 
was  prevented  by  the  tribunes,  and  amid 
the  applause  of  the  Equites,  who  occupied 
the  first  fourteen  rows.  This  event  is 
stated  by  Appian  (iii.  28)  to  have  occurred 
•at  games  (perhaps  the  Ludi  Ceriales) 
exhibited  by  Critonius,  who  said  that  he 
would  not  allow  Caesar  to  be  honoured  in 
this  way  at  games  given  at  his  expense. 
They  should  have  been  celebrated  in 
April,  but  may  perhaps  have  been  put 
off  to  May  :  cp.  Ferrero  iii.  56  note.  A 
similar  attempt  to  produce  Caesar's  golden 
chair  appears  to  have  been  made  at  the 
I  Ludi  Victoriae  Caesaris  or  Veneris  Gene- 
tricis  in  July  (Nic.  Dam.  c.  28):  cp. 
Pint.  Ant.  16,  and  Appian  1.  c. 

praeclaros  .  .  .  ordines}  ace.  of  excla- 
mation, without  interjection. 

apud  me]  perhaps  at  Astura,  714.  1 : 
I  720.  4. 

1.  ix  Kalend '.]  x  of  M  must  be 
•corrected.  Arpinum  was  about  85  miles 
from  Home,  so  a  letter  could  not  have 
reached  Cicero  on  the  day  on  which  it  was 
[written.  (Ruete.) 

H.  x.]  =  hora  decima.  H.  is  Biicheler's 
'•correction  of  II.  of  M.  For  the  hour  of 
;an  event  specified  cp.  727.  1  :  for  the 
.abbreviation  H.  for  hora,  cp.  757  :  Q.  Fr. 
iii.  1.  24  (148). 


Fufio]  Q,  Fufius  Calenus  had  taken  an 
active  part  against  Cicero  in  the  Clodian 
incident,  and  had  afterwards  been  a 
follower  of  Caesar  and  Antony.  It  is  he 
who  is  made  to  deliver  the  great  invective 
against  Cicero  in  Dio  Cass.  (xlvi.  1-28). 
He  was  the  especial  opponent  of  Cicero 
during  the  last  year  of  the  orator's  life. 

Nescio  quid]  '  he  brought  me  a  kind  of 
a  note  from  Fufius,  asking  me  to  make 
friends  with  him,  and  showing  his  usual 
want  of  tact ;  though  indeed  I  suppose 
if  you  have  no  affection  for  a  man  you 
think  everything  is  stupidly  done.'  The 
elliptieo-adversative  use  of  nisi  in  the 
Letters  has  been  frequently  noticed. 

quem~]  Sjogren  (Xdptrfs  to  Leo, p.  296) 
defends  quern  of  the  MSS.  He  shows 
that  in  such  general  expressions  the 
relative  sometimes  refers  to  the  whole 
sentence,  being  virtually  =  si  quis,  com- 
paring Plant.  Asin.  323  em  istaec  virtus 
est^quando  usust,  qui  malum  fert  fortiter  : 
Terence  Hec.  608  istuc  sapere  est  qui 
ubiquomque  opus  sit  animum  possit  Jlec- 
tere:  Cic.  Leg.  ii.  19  qui  secusfaxit,  deus 
ipse  vindex  erit:  Ennius  ap.  N.  D.  iii.  66 
Qui  volt  esse  (qu.  vere)  quod  volt  ita  dat  se 
res  ut  operam  dabit,  '  where  there's  a  will, 
there's  a  way.'  Miiller  adds  <ab  eo>  before 
videntur.  We  might  also  alter  to  quae 
with  Bosius,  or  read  nisi  <si>  forte 
quern.  Dr.  Reid  suggests  quotn.  But 
Sjogren's  explanation  seems  preferable. 


314 


EP.  734  (ATT.  XV.  4,  §§1-4). 


Scrips!  ita  ut  te  probaturum  existimo.  Mihi  duas  a  te  epistulas 
reddidit,  unara  xi,  alteram  x.  Ad  recentiorem  prius  et  pleniorem. 
*  *  laudo.  Si  vero  etiam  Carfulenus :  aw  Trora/xwv.  Antoni  con- 
silia  narras  turbulenta,  atque  utinam  potius  per  populum  agat 
quam  per  senatum  !  quod  quidem  ita  credo.  Sed  mihi  totum  eius 
consilium  ad  bellum  spectare  videtur,  si  quidem  D.  Bruto  pro- 
vincia  eripitur.  Quoquo  modo  ego  de  illius  nervis  existimo,  non 
videtur  fieri  posse  sine  bello.  Sed  non  cupio,  quouiam  cavetur 
Buthrotiis.  Bides  ?  t  aps  condoleo  non  mea  potius  adsiduitate, 


alteram  X]  Wes.  (E.  A.  137)  adds 
daiam  '  quod  Cicero  sic  nunquam  audien- 
dum  relinquit':  but  cp.  725.  1,  accept 
binas  a  te  litteras,  alteras  sexto  die,  alteras 
quarto. 

pleniorem']  'more ample,'  'fuller.'  This 
is  the  conjecture  of  Klotz  for  leniorem. 
Dr.  Reid  suggests  leviorem,  referring  to 
719.  1  magni  quidem  ponderis,  to  epistulam 
paulo graviorem  in  Att.  i.  13.  1  (19),  and 
to  ponderosa  epistula  used  jocularly  in  ii. 
11.1  (39).  But  this  letter,  to  judge  from 
the  reply  of  Cicero,  was  the  more  weighty 
of  the  two  :  and  though  you  might  say  a 
letter  was  minus  gravis  or  ponderosa,  we 
doubt  if  you  would  say  levior  ;  that  would 
rather  mean  '  trifling.' 

*  *  laudo']  Boot  suggests  de  legione 
M(artia]  for  et  leniorem.  Dr.  Reid  most  in- 
geniously (Hermathena  xii.  147)  proposes 
<J3ffnatuleium>.  He  was  quaestor  of 
the  Fourth  Legion,  and  stirred  it  up  to 
desert  Antony  (Phil.  iii.  7  and  39).  This 
is  rendered  very  probable  by  etiam. 
Carfulenus  was  an  officer  in  the  Martian 
Legion  (Fam.x.  33.  4,  Ep.  890).  Miinzer 
in  Pauly-Wissowa  (s.  v.)  supposes  that 
the  name  Egnatnleius  dropped  out  after 
Aeu/ctos  in  Appian  iv.  26,  and  that  he  is 
the  Lucius  who  is  there  stated  to  have 
perished  in  the  proscription.  The  actual 
desertion  of  Antony  by  those  two  legions 
did  not  take  place  till  November ;  but  it 
is  noticeable  that  their  leaning  towards 
the  constitutionalists  was  surmised  as 
early  as  May.  In  &vu  irora/jLwv  the  refer- 
ence is  to  the  well-knoM^n  chorus  in  Eur. 
Med.  409. 

Antoni  consilia  .  . .  turbulenta]  About 
a  month  before  it  had  been  rumoured 
(719.  4)  that  Antony  proposed  to  get 
on  June  1  an  exchange  of  provinces, 
viz.  the  two  Gauls  instead  of  Macedonia ; 
but  apparently  that  change  was  not  to 
come  into  operation  until  next  year,  when 
his  consulship  would  be  at  an  end.  Now 


the  rumour  was  that  he  was  going  to  have 
that  change  effected  at  once,  and  Decimus 
was  to  be  deprived  of  his  province  before 
the  year  was  out. 

quod    quidem    ita    credo"]      '  which    I 
believe  will  be   the  case'  =  ita  fore  ut  \ 
dixi,  cp.  Fam.  ii.  3.  2  (169)  quod  ita  esse  ; 
confido.     He  did  carry  his  plans  by  the 
help  of  the   people,    not  the   senate,  by 
suborning  the  tribunes  and  inducing  the 
people  to  give  him  the  province  of  Gaul, 
which  had  been  assigned  to  D.  Brutus. 

nervis~\  '  power,'  '  resources' ;  cp.  Phil, 
v.  5  nervos  belli,  pecuniam  infinitatn  ; 
also  Pro  Lege  Manil.  17  si  vectigalia 
nervos  esse  reip.  semper  duxitnus. 

Buthrotiis~]  He  ironically  says,  'I  don't 
want  war,  because  as  long  as  this  hollow 
state  of  peace  continues  the  Buthrotians  are- 
secure  in  the  possession  of  their  property,, 
all  the  acts  of  Caesar  still  holding  good.' 
He  means  that  is  the  only  good  that  our 
present  state  of  peace  brings  about. 
Gronovius  thinks  that  Cicero  says  he 
desires  war  (non  cupio  fieri  sine  bello\ 
because  war  would  take  the  attention  of 
the  agripetae  off  Buthrotum.  Atticus 
might  smile  at  Cicero's  saying  that  the 
Buthrotians  are  the  chief  reason  why 
the  question  of  peace  or  war  is  of  any 
interest  to  him.  He  then  adds,  *  I  had 
rather  they  had  owed  their  immunity  to 
my  services  on  their  behalf  in  the 
senate.' 

t  aps condoleo"]  Lamb,  suggested  At  ego 
doleo.  Though  far  from  certain,  we  < 
know  no  emendation  that  is  better.  For 
some  guesses  see  Adn.  Crit.  Dr.  Reidi 
thinks  it  is  a  corruption  of  ab  isto  tamen 
doleo,  *  I  am  sorry  that  the  settlement  of 
the  business  rests  with  Antony.'  It  is 
possible  that  we  should  read  At  sco.. 
(=  senatns  consulto)  doleo,  non  mea  potius, 
&c.  '  But  I  am  sorry  that  it  is  by  a 
decree  of  the  Senate,  and  not  by  my 
personal  efforts  that  the  matter  is  being 


EP.  734  (ATT.  XV.  4,  §§  1-4). 


315 


diligentia,  gratia  perfici.  2.  Quod  scribis  te  nescire  quid  nostris 
faciundum  sit,  iam  pridem  me  ilia  airopta  sollicitat.  Itaque  stulta 
iam  Iduum  Martiarum  est  consolatio.  Animis  enim  usi  sumus 
virilibus,  consiliis,  mihi  crede,  puerilibus.  Excisa  enim  est  arbor, 
non  evulsa;  itaque  quam  fruticetur  vides.  Redeamus  igitur, 
quoniam  saepe  usurpas,  ad  *  Tusculanas  disputationes.'  Saufeium 
de  te  celemus  :  ego  numquam  indicabo.  Quod  te  a  Bruto  scribis, 
ut  certior  fieret  quo  die  in  Tusculano  essern  futurus,  ut  ad  te 
ante  scripsi,  vi  Kal.,  et  quidem  ibi  te  quam  primum  per  videre 
velim.  Puto  enim  nobis  Lanuvium  eundum  et  quidem  non  sine 
multo  sermon e.  Sed  jusArjo-et.  3.  Redeo  ad  superiorem  :  ex  qua 
praetereo  ilia  prima  de  Buthrotiis  ;  quae 

mihi  sunt  inclusa  medullis, 


carried  through.'  Atticus  may  have  told 
Cicero  that  the  matter  was  in  a  fair  way 
to  settlement  (cp.  quoniam  cavetur  Buth- 
rotiis),  as  he  was  in  process  of  obtaining 
a  decree  of  the  Senate  on  the  question. 
It  would  appear  that  this  had  heen  a 
course  which  Atticus  had  viewed  with 
favour,  though  Cicero  did  not  think  that 
it  was  likely  to  succeed  :  cp.  732.  2. 
Atticus  probably  obtained  assurance  about 
the  decree  of  the  Senate  after  he  had 
written  on  the  22nd,  and  before  he  wrote 
on  the  23rd,  as  in  the  former  he  asks  for 
Cicero's  assistance  in  the  matter  (cp.  §  3). 

2.  nostris']  Brutus  and  Cassius.  It  is 
probably  the  dative :  '  What  is  to  be  done 
by  our  heroes?  '  cp.  §  4  ;  but  in  both 
places  it  might  be  abl.,  '  What  is'  to 
become  of  ? '  :  though  even  in  that  sense  it 
might  be  dative :  see  Reid  on  Acad.  ii.  96. 

Animis  .  .  .  puerilibus]  cp.  728.  3. 

Excisa  .  .  .  vides']  '  the  tree  has  only 
been  felled,  not  plucked  up  by  the  roots, 
and  so  you  see  how  it  is  putting  forth  its 
shoots ' :  cp.  Prov.  Cons.  43.  nonne  vobis 
videor  .  .  illud  tristissimum  tempus  debere 
si  ex  rerum  natura  non  possim  evellete,  ex 
animo  quidem  eerie  excidere  ? 

fruticetur']  This  is  the  only  place 
where  the  deponent  form  occurs.  This 
passage  is  quoted  in  Nonius  479. 

Redeamtis  .  .  .  ad~\  '  let  us  return  to 
the  [consolation  afforded  by  the]  Tusculan 
essays  [which  teach  us  not  to  fear 
death],  but  we  must  not  let  Saufeius 
know  of  such  an  act  on  your  part.' 
This  very  fri^t-d  joke  must  be  supposed 
to  be  an  allusion  to  the  fact  that  the  1st 
Tusc.  Disp.  is  mainly  Stoic  doctrine,  and 


so  opposed  to  the  Epicureans,  to  which 
school  Saufeius  and  Atticus  belonged. 

de  te~\  So  Popma  for  pete  of  M.  Cor- 
radus  reads peto.  Dr.  Reid  puto,  comparing 
Att.  ix.  6.  2  (360),  sed,  opinor,  quiescamus 
for  this  parenthetical  use  with  the  subjunc- 
tive. 

a  Bruto~\  sc.  rogatum  esse  ;  but  these 
words  need  not  be  expressed,  as  Lehmann, 
p.  7,  has  shown.  He  quotes,  among  many 
other  similar  ellipses,  in  hanc  rem  Zpavov 
a  te  (rogare),  Att.  xii.  5.  1  (471).  Add 
Att.  ix.  18.  1  (376)  Summa  fuit  ut  ille, 
quasi  exitum  quaerens,  ut  deliberarem : 
Att.  xvi.  9  (798)  litterae  ab  Octaviano: 
nune  quidem,  ut  Romam  statim  veniam. 

Tusculano]  So  Baiter  and  Dr.  Reid 
(ib.  149)  think  we  may  alter  Tusculanum 
of  the  MSS.  as  esse  in  with  ace.  is  only 
found  in  legal  and  official  language  (e.g. 
Pro  Quinct.  22).  The  usual  alteration  is 
to  read  venturus  or  iturus  for  futurus. 
The  former  is  not  improbable  :  for  in 
cod.  Harleianus  2682  of  De  Senect.  71, 
we  find  futurus  for  venturus,  which  seems 
to  show  that  the  words  were  confused  by 
copyists. 

per  videre  velim~\  =  pervelim  videre. 
This  tmesis  of  per  is  often  found  with 
adjectives :  e.g.  Att.  i.  4.  3  (9)  per  mihi 
gratum  est :  Fam.  iii.  o.  3  (205)  per  fore 
accommodatum  tibi :  and  see  Index. 

Puto  enim~\  '  I  think  I  shall  have  to  go 
to  Lanuvium  (to  meet  Brutus),  and  even 
that  I  cannot  do  without  giving  rise  to 
much  comment,  but  nous  verronsS  Sed 
/j.f\T]<Tft  is  a  formula  for  dismissing  a 
subject :  cp.  Att.  xii.  3.  2  (468) ;  724.  3. 

3.  mihi  .  .  .  medullis"]   '  is  in  my  heart, 


316 


JSP.  734  (ATT.  XV.  4,  §§  1-4). 


sit  modo,  ut  scribis,  locus  agendi.  De  oration e  Bruti  prorsus 
contendis,  cum  iterum  tarn  multis  verbis  agis.  Egone  ut  earn 
causam  quam  is  scripsit  ?  Ego  scribam  non  rogatus  ab  eo  ? 
Nulla  7ra/o£7%£i/o»j(ne  fieri  potest  contumeliosior.  At,  inquis,  'H/oa- 
K\ei$eiov  aliquid.  Non  recuso  id  quidem,  sed  et  componendum 
argumentum  est  et  scribendi  exspectandum  tempus  maturius.  Licet 
enim  de  me,  ut  libet,  existimes  (velim  quidem  quam  optime),  si 
baec  ita  manant  ut  videntur  (feres  quod  dicam),  me  Idus 
Martiae  non  delectant.  Ille  enim  numquam  revertisset,  nos 
timor  confirmare  eius  acta  non  coegisset :  aut,  ut  in  Saut'ei  earn 
relinquamque  *  Tusculanas  disputationes,'  ad  quas  tu  etiam  Vesto- 
rium  bortaris,  ita  gratiosi  eramus  apud  ilium  (quern  di  mortuum 
perduint !)  ut  nostrae  aetati,  quoniam  interfecto  domino  liberi  non 
sumus,  non  fuerit  dominus  ille  fugieudus.  Rubeo,  mibi  crede. 
Sed  iam  scripseram :  delere  nolui.  4.  De  Menedemo  vellem 
verum  f  uisset.  De  regina  velim  verum  sit.  Cetera  coram ;  el 
maxime  quid  nostris  faciendum  sit,  quid  etiam  nobis,  si  Antonius 
militibus  obsessurus  est  senatum.  Hanc  epistulam  si  illius  tabel- 
lario  dedissem,  veritus  sum  ne  solveret.  Itaque  misi  dedita. 
Erat  enim  rescribendum  tuis. 


ay,  in  my  heart  of  hearts. '  We  agree  with 
Moser  that  these  words  are  probably  taken 
from  some  poet :  in  Fam.  xv.  16  (531)  we 
have  qui  mihi  haeres  in  medullis  :  cp.  Ov. 
Trist.  i.  5.  9  haec  mihi  semper,  erunt  iinis 
infixa  medullis. 

De  oratione  .  .  .  contendis]  '  As  regards 
the  speech  of  Brutus,  you  are  positively 
insistent.'  Atticus  wanted  Cicero  t<> 
write  a  speech  purporting  to  be  one 
delivered  by  Brutus  :  cp.  733.  3. 

Nulla  irapeyx  €  ip'no' ' s]  '  there  could 
not  be  a  more  flagrant  case  of  poaching  '  ; 
*  I  could  not  put  my  finger  in  the  pie  in  a 
more  insulting  manner.' 

'Hpa.K\fi5cioi>]  Something  in  the 
style  of  Heracleides  of  Pontus,  a  pupil  of 
Plato,  who  wrote  on  political  subjects  : 
cp.  764.  2  ;  772.  6  ;  Att.  xv.  13.  3  (794) ; 
xvi.  11.  3  (799). 

manant]  '  go  on  '  from  bad  to  worse  : 
cp.  manabat  enim  illud  malum  urbanum 
723.  1,  and  note  there. 

Ille  enim  numquam]  *  Caesar  would 
never  have  come  back  to  life '  (in  the 
person  of  Antony).  So  Boot.  But  would 
not  this  idea  have  been  expressed  by  some 
such  words  as  nunqnam  in  Antonio  revix- 


isset  ?  More  probably  it  means  '  Caesar 
would  never  have  returned  from  the  East,' 
whither  he  was  about  to  set  out.  Atticus 
knew  of  his  projected  Eastern  expedition 
and  would  have  understood  revertisset.  in 
this  sense,  hardly  in  the  sense  ascribed  to 
it  by  Boot. 

aut]  l  or,'  to  take  the  Epicurean  stand- 
point of  personal  considerations. 

in  Saiifei  earn]  Some  word  like  sectam 
must  be  understood.  Bosius  conjectured 
alpeffiv.  He  says  he  is  '  joining  the 
school  of  Saufeius  the  Epicurean,  anc 
abandoning  the  (high  ground  of  the] 
Tusc.  Bisp.,'  when  he  comes  to  the 
consideration  of  the  private  and  persona 
advantages  which  he  might  have  enjoyec 
under  the  rule  of  Caesar. 

Festorium]  Att.  was  urging  a  man  so 
little  given  to  philosophical  subjects  as 
Vestorius  (715.  3)  to  read  the  Tusculau 
Disputations. 

4  Menedemo']  732.  2. 

regina}     Til.  2  ;  730.  5. 

coram]  sc.  disseremus,  or  some  such 
word — a  common  ellipse. 

nostris}     cp.  §  2. 

dedita]     'express,'    sc.   opera,    which 


EP.  735  (ATT.  XV.  41). 


317 


735.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xv.  *l). 

ARP1NUM  ;    MAY  24  ;    A.  U.  C.  716  ;    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  62. 
De  litteris  ad  Brutum  dandis,  de  Tirone  ad  Dolabellam  misso,  de  L.  Caesare. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

5.  Quam  vellem  Bruto  studium  tuum  navare  potuisses  !  Ego 
igitur  ad  eum  litteras.  Ad  Dolabellam  Tironem  misi  cum 
mandatis  et  litteris.  Eum  ad  te  vocabis  et,  si  quid  habebis  quod 
placeat,  scribes.  Ecce  autem  de  transverse  L.  Caesar  ut  veniam  ad 
se  rogat  in  Nemus  aut  scribam  quo  se  venire  velim :  Bruto  enim 
plucere  se  a  me  conveniri.  0  rem  odiosam  et  inexplicabilem  ! 


most  editors  supply  in  the  text,  and 
which  perhaps  we  ought  to  add  with  the 
Thesaurus,  especially  as  opera  might  easily 
have  fallen  out  before  erat.  But  it 
seems  within  the  limits  of  ellipse  that 
part  of  a  well-known  phrase  should  be 
imitted  in  a  familiar  letter,  just  as  we 
light  write  '  the  Long '  for  '  the  Long 
Vacation  '  :  or  '  the  open  '  for  '  the  open 
ield  '  in  such  a  phrase  as  '  he  refused  to 
come  into  the  open.'  Similarly  in  738.  4 
we  have  obsignata  for  obsignata  epistula, 
where  most  editors  insert  epistula, 
wrongly,  as  it  seems  to  us.  Kalb  \Archiv 
l.  83)  quotes  a  gloss  dedicta  eVtrrjSes, 
CGL  ii.  39.  51  :  cp  311.  58.  But  in  no 
rther  place  in  Cicero  do  we  find  opera 
Omitted. 

5.  studium  tuum~]  '  How  I  wish  you 
jould  have  shown  Brutus  your  great 
nterest  in  his  cause.'  This  seems  to 
•efer  to  an  effort  made  by  Brutus  and 
3assdus  to  raise  a  loan  from  Atticus,  on 
which  mission  they  sent  one  Caius 
?lavius  to  Home  :  cp.  Nepos  Att.  8, 

3—4,  an  important  passage  to  show  the 
ittitude  of  Atticus.  He  would  lend 
money  to  Brutus  as  an  individual,  but  he 
would  not  take  political  sides  with  him. 
We  print  it  in  full  as  an  appendix  to  this 
etter.  It  seems  to  us  that  Brutus  and 
Cassius  were  at  this  time  really  thinking 
>f  taking  some  decided  steps  in  the  direc- 
ipn  of  civil  war:  cp.  727.  3  (early  in 

y)  ducem  enim  novi  civilis  belli  aut 
nemo  sequetur  aut  ii  sequentur  qui  facile 


vincantur :  738.  2  ne  quod  calidius  ineant 
consilium:  743.  1  ut  moliantur  aliqiiid? 
nee  audent  nee  iam  possunt :  763.  2  non- 
nullos  interdum  iacit  igniculos  virilis. 
This  request  to  Atticus  for  a  loan,  the 
anxious  way  Cicero  avoids  giving  advice 
(737.  1  :  cp.  743),  though  he  evidently 
did  not  think  that  Brutus  was  the  man 
for  such  an  enterprise  (cp.  768.  1  quanta 
&p9X«pfa),  and  the  urgent  advice  of 
Hirtius  that  they  should  do  nothing  hot- 
headed (calidius  738.  2)  all  point  in  this 
direction.  The  movement  collapsed  on  the 
present  occasion,  we  think,  owing  to  the 
refusal  of  Atticus  to  finance  it.  Monev 
obtained  from  Appuleius  and  Antistius", 
quaestors  of  Asia  and  Syria,  next  year 
enabled  Brutus  to  raise  forces  on  a  con- 
siderable scale:  cp.  note  to  Brut.  i.  11 
(850). 

de  transverso]  '  all  of  a  sudden,'  a 
rather  rare  phrase  for  what  happens 
suddenly  and  unexpectedly.  Cp.  Cornif. 
ad  Herenn.  iv.  14.  In  Seneca  Vit. 
beat.  15.  6,  we  have  ex  transverso  :  also 
Petron.  55:  and  Cicero  Acad.  ii.  121, 
Ecce  tibi  e  transverso. 

L.  Caesar]  He  was  uncle  of  Antony, 
who  was  son  of  his  sister  Julia.  L.  Caesar 
had  been  consul  in  64. 

Nemus~]  his  praedium  Nemorense,  near 
the  sacred  grove  of  Diana  in  the  vicinity 
of  Aricia;  see  on  Att.  vi.  1.  25  (252). 

0  rem  odiosam~\  'what  a  bore,  and 
what  a  puzzle  for  me  ! '  It  annoyed  him, 
was  a  bore,  to  have  to  choose  his  words  as 
he  would  he  obliged  to  do  in  an  interview 


318 


EP.  736  (FAM.  XII.  16). 


Puto  me  ergo  iturum,  et  inde  Romam,  nisi  quid  mutaro.  Sum-j 
matim  adhuc  ad  te :  nihildum  enim  a  Balbo.  Tuas  igitur 
exspecto,  nee  actorum  solum  sed  etiam  futurorum. 


736.     TREBONIUS  TO  CICERO  (FAM.  xn.  i6). 

ATHENS  ;    MAY    25  J    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  J    AET.  CIC.  62. 

Trebonius  M.  Ciceroni  gratulatur  de  filio,  quern  optimis  studiis  deditum  Athenis 
viderat.  Mittit  versus  in  M.  Antonium  a  se  conscriptos,  quibus  argumentum  ab  ipso 
Cicerone  sumptum  persecutus  erat.  Petit  ut  Cicero  de  se  mentionem  faciat  in  com- 
mentariis  de  Caesaris  interitu. 

TKEBONIUS  CICERONI  SAL. 

1.  S.  v.  b.     Atheuas  veni  a.  d.  xi  Kal.   luu.  atque  ibi,  quod 

Diaxime  optabam,  vidi  filium  tuum,  deditum   optimis  studiis  sum- 


\vitb  Antony's  uncle,  and  it  was  a  puzzle 
to  him  how  he  could  ever  go  through  the 
talk  with  L.  Caesar  without  prejudicing 
himself  somehow. 

Summatim~\  sc.  litteras  misi,  '  I  am 
writing  so  far  with  no  detail,  for  I  have 
nothing  as  yet  from  Balbus.'  The  unex- 
pected visit  of  L.  Caesar  northwards  is 
referred  to.  Cicero  knew  nothing  more 
about  its  cause  than  he  had  written  :  for 
he  had  heard  nothing  from  Balbus.  He 
and  L.  Caesar  had  been  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Naples  (722.  3 ;  724.  2), 
and  Cicero  seems  to  have  expected  some 
notification  from  Balbus  why  a  man  in 
such  bad  health  would  take  a  long 
journey.  Dr.  Beid  (Hermath.  xii.  149) 
suggests  summa  tamen  adhuc  apud  te, 
(  even  now  1  depend  entirely  on  you,'  on 
the  ground  that  Cicero  does  not  appear 
(as  the  letters  hereabouts  show)  to  have 
been  prevented  from  writing  fully  to  Att. 
by  the  absence  of  a  letter  from  Balbus. 
But  the  matter  in  question  is  the  definite 
one  about  L.  Caesar. 

nihildum~\  sc.  cognoram ;  he  had  as 
yet  heard  nothing  from  Balbus  of  the 
designs  of  Antony. 

Tuas\  sc.  litteras ;  '  I  expect  your 
letters  (giving  an  account),  not  only  of 
the  past,  but  of  the  future.' 

actorum~]  Litterae  actorum,  for  '  a  letter 
about  the  past,'  is  a  somewhat  rare  ex- 
pression, but  defensible  as  a  genitive  of 
material. 


APPENDIX.  (Nepos,  Atticus  8.) 
Occiso  Caesare  cum  res  publica  penes 
Brutos  videretur  esse  et  Cassium  ac  tota 
civitas  se  ad  eos  convertisset,  sic  M. 
Bruto  usus  est,  ut  nullo  ille  adulescens 
aequali  familiarius  quam  hoc  sene,  neque 
solum  eum  principem  consili  haberet, 
sed  etiam  in  convictu.  Excogitatum  est 
a  quibusdam,  ut  privatum  aerarium 
Caesaris  interfectoribus  ab  equitibus  Eo- 
manis  constitueretur.  Id  facile  effici  posse 
arbitrati  sunt,  si  principes  eius  ordinis 
pecunias  contulissent.  Itaque  appellatus  • 
est  a  C.  Flavio,  Bruti  familiari,  Atticus 
ut  eius  rei  princeps  esse  vellet.  At  ille, 
qui  officia  amicis  praestanda  sine  factione 
existimaret  semperque  a  talibus  se  con-i 
siliis  removisset,  respondit :  si  quid 
Brutus  de  suis  facultatibus  uti  voluisset, 
usurum,  quantum  eae  paterentur,  se 
neque  cum  quoquam  de  ea  re  colloeuturum 
neque  coiturum.  Sic  ille  consensionis 
globus  huius  unius  dissensione  disiectus 
est.  Neque  multo  post  superior  esse 
coepit  Antonius,  ita  ut  Brutus  et  Cassius 
omissa  cura  provinciarum,  quae  iis  dicis 
causa  datae  erant  a  consule,  desperatis 
rebus  in  exilium  proficiscerentur.  Atticus, 
qui  pecuniam  simul  cum  ceteris  conferre 
noluerat  florenti  illi  parti,  abiecto  Bruto 
Italiaque  cedenti  sestertium  centum  milia 
muneri  misit.  Eidem  in  Epiro  absens 
trecenta  iussit  dari,  neque  eo  magis 
potenti  adulatus  est  Antonio  neque  des- 
peratos  reliquit. 

1.  deditum  .  .   .  fatna]     'diligent    in. 


EP.  736  (FAM.  XII.  16).  319 

rnaque  modestiae  fama:  qua  ex  re  quantam  voluptatem  ceperim 
scire  potes  etiam  me  tacente ;  non  enim  nescis  quanti  te  faciam  et 
quam  pro  nostro  veterrimo  verissimoque  amore  omnibus  tuis  etiam 
minimis  commodis,  non  modo  tanto  bono  gaudeam.  Noli  putare,  mi 
Cicero,  me  hoc  auribus  tuis  dare  :  nihil  adulescente  tuo  atque  adeo 
nostro — nihil  enim  mihi  a  tepotest  esse  seiunctum — aut  amabilius 
omnibus  iis  qui  Athenis  sunt  est  aut  studiosius  earum  artiurn 
quas  tu  maxime  amas,  hoc  est  optimarum.  Itaque  tibi,  quod  vere 
facere  possum,  libenter  quoque  gratulor  nee  minus  etiam  nobis, 
quod  eum,  quern  necesse  erat  diligere  qualiscumque  esset,  talem 
habemus  ut  libenter  quoque  diligamus.  2.  Qui  cum  mihi  in 
sermon e  iniecisset  se  velle  Asiam  visere,  non  modo  invitatus  sed 
etiam  rogatus  est  a  me  ut  id  potissimum  nobis  obtinentibus  pro- 
vinciam  faceret ;  cui  nos  et  caritate  et  amore  tuum  ofncium  prae- 
staturos  non  debes  dubitare.  Illud  quoque  erit  nobis  curae  ut 
Cratippus  una  cum  eo  sit,  ne  putes  in  Asia  feriatum  ilium  ab  iis 
studiis  in  quae  tua  cohortatione  incitatur  futurum  ;  nam  ilium 
paratum,  ut  video,  et  ingressum  pleno  gradu  cohortari  non  inter- 
mittemus,  quo  in  dies  longius  disceudo  exercendoque  se  procedat. 
3.  Vos  quid  ageretis  in  re  publica,  cum  has  litteras  dabam,  non 
sciebam  :  audiebam  quaedam  turbulenta,  quae  scilicet  cupio  esse 

his  literary  studies,  and  bearing  an  ex-  accusative  and  infinitive  after  dubitare, 

cellent  character.'  in  the  sense  of  '  to  be  in  doubt,'  cp.  note 

et  quam  .  .  .  gaudeam]  'and  how  to  786.  2,  and  Fam.  x.  31.  5  (824). 
truly,  in  virtue  of  our  very  old-standing  Cratippus]  Cicero  had  a  high  opinion 
and  sincere  affection,  I  rejoice  when  even  of  this  eminent  Peripatetic  philosopher, 
trifling  advantages  fall  to  your  lot,  not  to  He  not  only  urged  the  Areopagites  to  re- 
mention  so  great  a  blessing  as  this,' i.e.  quest  Cratippus  to  open  a  school  atAthens, 
having  such  an  excellent  son.  Yet  young  but  obtained  for  him  from  Caesar  a  grant 
Marcus  was  not  such  a  credit  to  his  father  of  Roman  citizenship.  Cicero  thought  that 
after  all  (cp.  Senec.  Ehet.  Suasor.  7.  13  ;  he  was  not  merely  the  most  distinguished 
Plin.  H.  N.  xiv.  147),  though  he  did  Peripatetic  of  the  day  (Off.  i.  2  ;  iii.  5), 
fair  service  in  the  army  of  Brutus  (Phil.  but  that  he  was  worthy  of  being  ranked 
x.  13).  with  the  greatest  names  of  that  school  in 

hoc  auribus  tuis  dare~\     a  variation  of  any  age  (Off.   ii.  8).     For  his  pleasant 
the  expression  dare  verba,  '  to  pay  with  relations    with   young    Cicero,    cp.    the 
words,'    'to    deceive.'      Cicero,     loving  latter's  epistle  to  Tiro,  Ep.  786. 
father  that  he  was,  confesses  that  he  is  et  ingressum  plena  gradu]  '  and  march- 
easily  deceived  as   regards  his  son  :  cp.  ing  quick  step.' 

746,  vel  verba  mihi  dari  facile  patior  in  discendo  exercendoque  se]  '  in  his  studies 

hoc  meque  libenter  praebeo  credulum.  and    his   exercises,'    i.e.    that    he    may 

atque  adeo']     *  or  rather ' ;  cp.  note  to  develop  himself  fully  both  in  mind  and 

Att.  i.  17.  9  (23).  body  ;    the  exercises    referred    to  were 

libenter']     'quite  spontaneously.'  most  probably  bodily  exercises  :  cp.  Att. 

2.  caritate  .  .  . praestaturos~\     'that  I,  vi.  1.12(252),  Cicerones pueri ainant inter 

with  all   the    love    and    affection   of    a  se,  discunt,  exercentur. 
father,   will  fill  your  place.'      For  the 


320 


EP.  736  (FAM.  XII.  16). 


falsa,  ut  aliquando  otiosa  libertate  fruamur  ;  quod  vel  minime  mihi 
adhuc  contigit.  Ego  tamen  nactus  in  navigatione  nostra  pusillum 
laxamenti  concinnavi  tibi  munusculum  ex  institute  meo,  et  dictum 
cum  magno  nostro  honore  a  te  dictum  conclusi  et  tibi  infra  sub- 
scripsi :  in  quibus  versiculis  si  tibi  quibusdam  verbis  svOvpprjpovt 
ripoG  videbor,  turpitude  personae  eius  in  quam  liberius  inve- 
himur  nos  vindicabit.  Ignosces  etiam  iracundiae  nostrae,  quae 
iusta  est  in  eius  modi  et  homines  et  civis.  Deinde,  qui  magis  hoc 
Lucilio  licuerit  adsumere  libertatis  quam  nobis?  cum,  etiamsi 
odio  pari  fuerit  in  eos  quos  laesit,  tamen  certe  non  magis  dignos 
habuerit  in  quos  tanta  libertate  verborum  incurreret.  4.  Tu, 
sicut  mihi  pollicitus  es,  adiunges  me  quam  primum  ad  tuoa 
sermones  ;  namque  illud  non  dubito  quin,  si  quid  de  interitu  Cae- 
saris  scribas,  non  patiaris  me  minimam  partem  et  rei  et  amoris  tui 
ferre.  Yale  et  matrem  meosque  tibi  commendatos  habe.  D.  vm 
K.  lun.  Athenis. 


3.  otiosa  libertate']  '  leisure  and  free- 
dom.' 

Ego  tamen  .  .  .  subseripsi]  '  However, 
as  I  obtained  a  bit  of  leisure  during  tbe 
sea-voyage,  I  concocted  a  little  present 
for  you,  as  1  bad  determined  ;  and  in- 
serted a  witticism,  wbicb  you  made, 
paying  a  bigb  compliment  to  me  ;  and  1 
added  a  foot-note,  acknowledging  it  as 
yours.'  Fordicere  dicta,  cp.  De  Orat.  ii. 
222  ;  Plane.  85.  On  that  passage  Dr. 
Holden  compares  Cicero  in  a  letter  to 
Cornelius  Nepos  ap.  Macrob.  ii.  1.  14, 
itaque  nostri  cum  omnia  quae  dixissemus 
dicta  essent,  quaefacete  et  breviter  et  acute 
locuti  essemus,  ea  proprio  nomine  appellari 
dicta  voluerunt.  For  pusillum  =  '  a  little 
bit'  cp.  559.  3  ;  also  in  the  joke  De 
Orat.  ii.  245  perpusillum,  '  a  very  tiny 
bit,'  to  wbicb  Dr.  Reid  bas  referred  us  : 
cp.,  too,  Cato,  R.  R.  i.  90  :  Quintil.  viii. 
6.  28. 


ev6vpp-r)fj.ovfffTtpos^\     'rather 
out-spoken  '  :  cp.  633.  5,  6  <ro(pos  t 


too 


personae  eius~\  '  of  that  character,*' 
'  personage,'  i.  e.  Antony,  not  as  mere 
Antony,  but  in  his  public  capacity  as 
magistrate,  the  debauchee  consul. 

Lucilio~]  cp.  Juv.  i.  165,  Ense  velut 
stricto  quotiens  Lucilius  ardens  Infremuit, 
rubet  auditor  cui  frigida  mens  est  Crimini- 
bus,  and  Mayor's  note. 

odio  part]  For  similar  ablatives  of 
quality  cp.  note  to  694.  3. 

4.  adiunges  .  .  .  sermones]  '  you  will! 
insert  my  name  as  soon  as  possible  in  your 
dialogues.' 

minimum  partem]  On  the  Ides  of 
March  Trebonius  drew  Antony  aside  out 
of  the  senate  house,  so  that  he  might  not 
be  present  while  Caesar  was  being  slain, 


EP.  737  (ATT.  XV.  5\. 


321 


737.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xv.  5). 
ruscuLUM ;  MAY  27  OR  28 ;  A.  u.  c.  710  ;  B.  c.  44 ;  AET.  cic.  62. 

De  litteris  Bruti  et  Cassii  sibi  redditis,  de  provincia  Bruti  et  Cassii  quid  sentiant 
Jalbus  et  Hirtius,  de  consilio  suo  ut  absit  ab  urbe. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  A  Bruto  tabellarius  rediit :  attulit  et  ab  eo  et  Cassio.  Con- 
tilium  meum  magno  opere  exquirunt,  Brutus  quidem,  utrum  de 
luobus.  0  rem  miseram  !  Plane  non  habeo  quid  scribam.  Itaque 
iilentio  puto  me  usurum,  nisi  quid  aliud  tibi  videtur.  Sin  tibi 
quid  venit  in  mentem,  scribe,  quaeso.  Cassius  vero  vehementer 
>rat  ac  petit  ut  Hirtium  quam  optimum  faciam.  Sanum  putas  ? 
•ore  VCLVQ  av9paKt£.  Epistulam  tibi  misi.  2.  Ut  tu  de  pro- 
vincia Bruti  et  Cassi  per  senatus  consultum,  ita  scribit  et 


1.  attulit]  sc.  epistulas.  This  word  is 
often  omitted  (see  Lehmann,  p.  10,  and 

Miiller's  crit.  note  on  p.  171.  30  of  his 
edition  of  Att.,  and  559.  16  of  Q.  Fr.), 

j.g.  Ep.  735  fin.  Tuas ;  659  init.  ad 
matrem,  plenum  pietatis  (sc.  epistulam 
misit).  But  in  all  the  passages  quoted, 

jxcept  the  doubtful  Saufei  (sc.  litter  as ; 
cp.  Leonidae  litterae  just  before)  leyisse 
vellem  726  fin.,  there  is  some  adjective  or 

pronoun  added.  But  the  mention  of 
tabellarius  here  justifies  the  ellipse ; 

.hough   litter  as  (lit9}  might  have  fallen 

mt  after  attulit. 

et  Cassid]  It  is  not  necessary  to  add  a  : 
cp.  Att.  i.  1.  2  (10),  et  ab  amicis  et  existi- 
matione,  quoted  by  Dr.  Eeid. 

utrum  de  duobus]  '  which  of  the  two 
things  they  ought  to  do,'  whether  they 
ought  to  come  to  Rome,  to  be  present  in 

.he  senate  on  the  1st  of  June,  or  remain 

n  Lanuvium,  and  avoid  the  dangers 
which  threatened  them.  Or  it  might  be 

:he  question  whether  they  should  stay  in 

Italy  and  take  some  vigorous  me;isures(743. 
i)  or  go  into  exile  (725.  1  ;  726.  4).  If  it 
was  the  latter  alternative,  we  do  not  won- 

ler  at  Cicero's  reluctance  to  give  advice. 

or  at  ac  petit]  This  seems  an  anti- 
jlimax.  However,  it  may  pass  in  a  letter, 
and  it  would  be  rash  to  correct  orat  to 

rrat  with  Lambinus. 
Sanum  putas]     l  do  you  think  Cassius 

s  in  his  senses  '  (to  make  such  a 
proposal)  ? 

tore  vavs  &v6pa.K€s]     "We  think  it 


better  to  give  the  corrupt  words  obelised 
than  to  introduce  any  of  the  conjectures 
(for  which  see  Adn.  Crit.)  into  the  text. 
By  far  the  best  of  these  is  that  of 
Victorius  (made  also  independently  by 
Mr.  Shuckburgh)  6  Br)ffavpbs  foepaKes, 
'  our  treasure  turns  out  to  be  but  dust ' 
— a  proverb  for  disappointed  hopes :  cp. 
Gaisford's  Paroemiographi  Graeci,  p.  254. 
Lucian  often  uses  it  Zeuxis  2  :  Hernio- 
timus  71 :  Navigium  26  ;  cp.  Timon  41. 
Hirtius  is  no  treasure  ;  as  \ve  would  say, 
he  is  a  broken  reed,  for  he  is  a  Caesarian 
at  heart:  cp.  738.  1.  Bosius  suggests 
6  yva<pfbs  dvdpaKfvs,  '  the  fuller  turned 
charcoal-maker,'  i.e.  I  am  unfitted  for  the 
task  of  converting  Hirtius.  (The  allusion 
is  to  the  fable  of  ^Esop  (59  ed.  Halm)  of 
the  Charcoal-maker  and  the  Fuller, 
teaching  that  people  of  opposite  views 
cannot  live  together.)  But  Cic.  ex- 
presses no  such  diffidence  elsewhere 
(727.  4  ;  728.  4  ;  730.  3),  but  generally 
distrust  of  Hirtius.  The  letter  of  Hirtius 
shows  that  any  hopes  he  had  of  him  were 
vain.  The  moral  of  the  fable,  teaching 
that  people  of  incompatible  occupations 
and  views  should  not  live  together,  does 
not  easily  lead  to  the  Greek,  which  would 
mean  '  the  Fuller  is  become  the  Charcoal- 
maker,'  and  does  not  readily  give  the 
supposed  sense  of  unfitness. 

Epistulam  tibi  misi]  He  seems  to 
have  forgotten  to  enclose  the  letter,  until 
writing  the  next  day  :  cp.  Ep.  738. 

2.  de  provincia~]    sc.  actum  iri  scribis, 


322 


EP.  737  (ATT.  XV.  5). 


Balbus  et  Hirtius,  qui  quidem  se  afuturum  (etenim  iam  in  Ti 
culano  est)  mihique  ut  absim  vehementer  auctor  est,  ille  quidei 
periculi  causa,  quod  sibi  etiam  fuisse  dicit,  ego  autem,  etiam 
nullum  perioulum  sit,  tantum  abest  ut  Antoni  suspicionem  fugei 
nunc  curem  ne  videar  eius  secundis  rebus  non  delectari,  ut  mil 
causa  ea  sit  cur  Komam  venire  nolim  ne  ilium  videam.    3. 
autem  noster  ad  me  epistulam  misit  sibi  a  nescio  quo  missam- 
nomen  enim  delerat — in  qua   scrip  turn    erat    veteranos  eos    qi 
reiciantur — nam  partem  esse  dimissam — improbissime    loqui,  ul 
magno  periculo  Romae  sint  futuri  qui  ab  eorum  partibus  dissentirJ 
videantur.     Quis  porro  noster  itus  reditus,  vultus  incessus  intel 
istos?  Quod  si,    ut    scribis,   L.   Antonius  in  D.  Brutum,  reliqul 


'  that  proposals  will  be  made  about  the 
province.' 

qui  quidem"]  The  addition  of  qui  is  a 
good  conjecture  of  Bosius,  supported  by 
his  notorious  '  Crusellinus.'  A  line  further 
on  he  also  conjectures  actutum,  which  is 
hardly  a  Ciceronian  word.  Understand 
scribit  with  qui,  and  cp.  738.  2  for  the 
statement  of  Hirtius.  Miiller  suggests, 
with  much  ingenuity,  that  we  should  read 
et  Balbus  et  <0ppius>,  Hirtius  quidem,  &c. 
But  after  the  death  of  Caesar  we  do 
not  hear  of  Oppius  being  in  any  close 
connexion  with  Balbus. 

afuturum~\  With  Boot,  Baiter,  and 
Ruete,  we  accept  the  conjecture  of  Orelli 
for  acturum  of  the  MSS.  The  letter  of 
Hirtius  (738.  2)  shows  that  he  intended 
to  absent  himself  from  the  meeting  of 
the  senate,  and  advised  Cicero  to  do  the 
same.  We  must  understand  ait  by 
zeugma  out  of  auctor  est. 

periculi  causa"}  On  account  of  the 
danger  which  Cicero  would  have  to  en- 
counter in  coming  to  Rome. 

fug  ere  curem]  '  so  far  am  I  from  con- 
cerning myself  to  avoid  exciting  the 
suspicion  of  Antony  by  appearing  to  lack 
sympathy  with  his  successes,  that  my 
unwillingness  to  meet  him  is  my 
reason  for  not  wishing  to  go  to  Rome.' 
The  form  of  the  sentence  is  confused  by 
the  tantum  abest  ut.  He  would  more 
naturally  have  written,  '  I  do  not  concern 
myself  about  Antony's  suspicions,  &c. ; 
nay,  more,  I  am  determined  not  to  meet 
him,  and  that  is  why  I  will  not  go  to 
Rome.'  The  same  phrase  has  complicated 
the  construction.  Curo  fugere  is  hardly 
Ciceronian  ;  but  non  euro  fugere  would  be 


a  normal  construction:  cp.  Att.  vii.  15.  2 
(311).  In  this  case  tantum  abest  ut  cureim 
is  treated  Kara  avveffiv,  as  if  it  were  nom 
euro. 

3.  qui  reiciantur']  '  whose  claims  (i.eJ 
to  public  land)  have  been  put  off — for  he 
states  that  a  certain  portion  of  them  hav« 
been  disbanded — are  using  most  seditious 
language.'  For  the  dangers  to  the 
constitutionalists  from  such  veteran] 
cp.  740.2. 

Quis  porro~\     l  in    the   midst     of  thesJ 
malcontents  what  will  be  my  goings  to 
and  fro,  my  look,  my  gait?'     The  wordfl 
itus  ....  incessus  have  the  appearance  of 
a   quotation  from   a  play ;  though  it  is, 
we  allow,  far  from  certain,  as  it  is  har<J 
to  see  what  is  the  metre.     Dr.  Reid  noteJ 
that  Itus  is  formed  by  Cicero  from  the! 
usage  isti  redisti  (Phil.  ii.  78),  and  it  is 
generally  found  with  reditus  Suet.  Tib.  38  :| 
Amm.  xxiii.  2.  4  :  yet  see  Lucr.  iii.  389  ;l 
cp.  Cicero's  formations  obviam  itio  (431. 1  ;l 
667.  4)  and  domum  itio  (De  Div.  i,  68), I 
though  itio  does  not  occur  elsewhere  in 
Cicero :    but  itiones  is  found  in  Terence! 
Phorrn.  1012.    For  the  asyndeton  of  pairs! 
of  words  somewhat  similar  cp.  Off.  i.  129 
status  incessus,  sessio  accubitio,  voltus  oculiA 
manuum  motus  teneant  illud  decorum. 

Quod  «]  '  But  if,  as  you  tell  me,! 
L.  Antonius  is  proceeding  against! 
D.  Brutus,  and  the  rest  against  Brutus! 
and  Cassius.'  These  refer  either  to 
attacks  in  the  Senate,  or  perhaps  to! 
legal  proceedings.  They  can  hardly  refer! 
to  military  actions  ;  cp.  Ferrero  iii.  59 1 
note,  who  justly  asks,  "Why  was! 
Lucius  Antonius  to  march  against  I 
Decimus  Brutus  when  everybody  was! 


EP.  738  (ATT.  XV.  6).  323 

LII  nostros,  ego  quid  faciam  ?  aut  quo  me  pacto  geram  ?  Mihi 
vero  deliberatum  est,  ut  mmc  quidem  est,  abesse  ex  ea  urbe,  in 
qua  lion  modo  florui  cum  sumina  verum  etiam  servivi  cum  aliqua 
<iignitate.  Nee  tarn  statui  ex  Italia  exire,  de  quo  tecum  deliberabo, 
quam  istuc  non  venire. 


738.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xv.  s). 

TUSCULUM  ;    MAY   28    OR   29  J    A.  U.   C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  epistula  sua  auctoribus  Bruto  et  Cassio  ad  Hirtium  data  et  de  epistula  ab  illo 
resciipta,  quam  in  epistulam  suam  includit,  de  reditu  Serviliae. 

CICERO   ATTICO   SAL. 

1.  Cum  ad  me  Brutus  noster  scripsisset  et  Cassius,  ut  Hirtium, 
qui  adhuc  bonus  fuisset  (sciebam  neque  eum  confidebam  fore  mea 
auctoritate  meliorem ;  Antonio  est  enim  fortasse  iratior,  causae 
vero  amicissimus) ,  tarnen  ad  eum  scripsi  eique  dignitatem  Bruti  et 
Dassi  commendavi.     Ille  quid  mihi  rescripsisset  scire  te  volui,  si 
forte  idem  tu  quod  ego  existimares,  istos  etiam  nunc  vereri  ne 
forte  ipsi  nostri  plus  animi  babeant  quam  habent. 

"  H1RTIUS  CICERONI  SUO  SAL. 

2.  Rurene  iam  redierim  quaeris.     An  ego,  cum  omnes  caleant, 
ignaviter  aliquid  faciiim  ?  Etiam  ex  urbe  sum  profectus.     Utilius 

saying  that   Marcus    wished    to    secure  removal  of  the  clause  Antonio  est    enim 

the  province  of  Gaul?     And  how  could  from  the   clause  neque  enim  confidebam 

there    be   any   question  of  making   war  fore  .  .  .  meliorem,  for  which  it  assigns 

upon  Brutus  and  Cassius,  who  possessed  the  reason.     For  Hirtius's  opinions  cp. 

noarmy?"  727.  4  ;  728.  4  ;  730.  3. 

in  qua    .    .    .  dignitate~\     •  wherein  the  tamen~\  i.e.  although  he  is  still  at  heart 

largest  measure  of  dignity   accompanied  a  devoted  Caesarian, 

mv  renown,  and  even  my   servitude  did  istos  .  .  .  habent]  *  that  the  Caesarians 

no't  lose  it  wholly.'  begin  to  fear  that  our  two  friends  (Brutus 

istuc']    to  Rome.  and  Cassius)  have  more  spirit  than  they 

actually   have '  :  cp.  743.  1  ut  moliantur 

Cum  . . .  commendavi]  We  have  adopted  aliquid?     Nee  audent  nee  iampossunt. 

the  punctuation  of  Dr.  Reid  (Hermath.xii.  2.  Burene]     'you  ask  have  I  already 

151),  which  does  not  require  any  addition.  returned  from  the  country  [he  had  been 

It  leaves  jffirtiMM*  without  being  governed  in  Naples].     Could   I  play   the  laggard 

by  any  verb  ;  but  such  an  anacoluthon  is  when   all   are   so   active  ?     [Of  course  I 

natural  after  a  long  parenthesis.     The  have  come  back  to   Rome]    and    what 

objections  to  the  reading    adopted  pre-  is    more     [so     active    am     I    that]    I 

viously    (see    Adn.    Crit.)    are    (1)    the  have  left  the   city  again.     I  thought  it 

additions  of  fuisse  and  facerem,   (2)  the  more    expedient    to     be    away.     I    am 

three  parentheses,  (3)  eum=talem,  (4)  the  writing   this  just  on    my   departure  for 

X  2 


324 


EP.  738  (ATT.  XV.  6). 


enim  statui  abesse.  Has  tibi  litteras  exiens  in  Tusculanum  soripsi. 
Noli  autem  me  tarn   strenuurn   putare  ut  ad   Nonas   recurraml 
ISTihil  enim  iam  video  opus  esse  nostra  cura,  quoniam  praesidia 
sunt  in  tot  annos  provisa.     Brutus  et  Cassius  utinam,  quam  facile 
a  te  de  me  impetrare  possunt,  ita   per  te   exorentur   ne  quod 
calidius  ineant  consilium  !     'Cedentis'  enim  haec  ais  scripsissel 
quo  ?  aut  qua  re  ?     3.  Eetine,  obsecro  te,  Cicero,  illos,  et  noli 
sinere  haec  omnia   perire,  quae    funditus  medius  fidius  rapinisl 
incendiis,    caedibus     pervertuntur.     Tantum,     si     quid    timentl 
caveant :  nihil  praeterea  moliantur.     Non  meditis  fidius  acerrimis 
consiliis  plus  quam  etiam  inertissimis,   dum  modo  diligentibus, 
consequentur.     Haec  enim  quae  fluunt  per  se  diuturna  non  sunt, 
in  contentione  praesentis  ad  n.ocendum  habent  viris.     Quid  speres 
de  illis  in  Tusculanum  ad  me  scribe." 

4.  Habes  Hirti  epistulam,  cui  rescripsi  nil  illos  calidius  cogi-l 
tare,  idque  confirmavi.  Hoc  qualecumque  esset  te  scire  voluil 
Obsignata  iam  Balbus  ad  me  Serviliam  redisse,  confirmare  non1 
discessuros.  Nunc  exspecto  a  te  litteras. 


Tusculum.  Do  not  fancy  that  I  shall  be 
so  active  as  to  return  for  the  Nones.'  All 
this  about  his  activity  is  somewhat 
laboured  irony.  Dr.  Reid  (ib.  152)  would 
punctuate  Eliam  :  ex  urbe  profectus  sum 
'  Yes,  I  am  a  malingerer.  I  have  left  the 
city.'  But  he  had  been  in  the  country, 
and  showed  energy  by  coming  back. 
Continuing  the  irony  he  says,  '  I  have 
gone  away,  too,'  thus  showing  more 
energy.  We  think  of  the  story  in 
Lucian  (Quomodo  hist.  3)  of  Diogenes 
rolling  his  tub  up  and  down  the 
Ceramicus  when  everyone  else  was 
busy  with  warlike  preparations.  It  was 
expected  that  there  would  be  meetings 
of  the  Senate  on  both  the  Kalends  and 
the  Nones,  at  which  a  consul  elect,  as 
Hirtius  was,  ought  to  be  present.  It  was 
at  the  meeting  on  the  Nones  that  Brutus 
and  Cassius  were  commissioned  to  buy 
corn  in  Asia  and  Sicily. 

praesidia']  see  708.  4,  where  Cicero 
writes  that  Caesar  had  arranged  the 
consuls  and  tribunes  of  the  people  for 
two  years.  But  the  words  in  tot  annos 
would  seem  to  have  a  more  general 
application,  and  to  refer  to  all  the 
measures,  military  and  otherwise,  by 
which  Caesar  had  sought  to  ensure  the 
stability  of  the  State. 


Brutus  et  Cassius~\  '  "Would  that  the)! 
could  be  persuaded  by  you,  as  easily  ail 
they  can  get  from  you  in  my  case  m 
similar  assurance,  to  refrain  from  any! 
precipitate  step.  You  say  they  wrote  tol 
you  what  was  in  their  letter  on  theim 
departure.  Where  were  they  going,  ana 
why  ?  '  Hirtius  feared  that  Brutus  and 
Cassius  had  possibly  left  Italy  with  al 
view  to  raise  forces  in  the  East,  ana 
return  in  arms. 

calidius']  cp.  Off.  i.  82  quibus  periculosm 
et  calida  consilia  quietis  etcogitatis  splendi M 
diora  et  maiora  videantur. 

3.  haec  omnia']    '  the  whole  empire  '  J 
cp.    note    to    552.  1    and     NagelsbachJ 
pp.  154,  155  (ed.  7). 

Non  medius  jfidius']  1 1  pledge  my  honouJ 
they  will  gain  no  more  by  the  most 
dashing  proceedings  than  by  masterly! 
inactivity  accompanied  with  vigilance.l 
The  present  flood  cannot  last  long  if  let! 
alone  (per  se)  :  if  a  struggle  occurs,  theyfl 
(the  Antonians)  have  forces  at  hand  ton 
do  much  harm'  :  haec  quae  Jluunt  seemal 
to  mean  Antony's  flood  of  prosperity :  cp  J 
Off.  i.  90  rebus  prosperis  et  ad  voluntatenm 
fluent  ibus. 

4.  Obsignata'}    sc.  epistula  :  cp.  note  to- 
734.4. 


EP.  739  (ATT.  XV.  7). 


325 


739.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xv.  7). 

TUSOULUM  ;    MAY  28  OR  29  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  \    B.  C.  44  J    AET.    CIO.  62. 

De  litteris  Attici  et  Sexti,  de  Servio  pacificatore. 

CICERO  ATT1CO  SAL. 

Gratum,  quod  mihi  epistulas,  quae  quidem  me  delectarunt,  in 
)rimis  Sexti  nostri.  Dices  *  quia  te  laudat.'  Puto  mehercule  id 
[uoque  esse  causae,  sed  tamen  etiam  ante  quam  ad  eum  locum 
reni,  valde  mihi  placebat  cum  sensus  eius  de  re  publica  cumf  turn 
cribendi.  Servius  vero  pacificator  cum  librariolo  suo  videntur 
>bisse  legationem  et  omnis  captiunculas  pertimescere.  Debuerat 


Strviliatn]  the  mother  of  Brutus,  who 
.ad  just  seen  her  son  at  Lanuvium. 

confirmare]  '  that  she  avers  that  Brutus 
nd  Cassius  will  not  leave  Italy.' 

epistulas']     sc.  misisti. 

Sexti]  i.  e.  Sextus  Peducaeus  :  cp. 
Ltt.  xv.  13.  3  (794). 

sensus  eius  de  re  publica]  '  his  political 
rinciples.' 

scribendi']  We  agree  with  Boot  that 
he  word  which  lies  hidden  under  turn  is 
aore  likely  to  have  been  rtvos,  or  some 
ither  Greek  word,  than  cura  or  causa. 
)r.  Reid  suggests  consilium,  comparing 
viii.  14.  1  (349)  scribendi  sententiam  : 
ind  thinks  that  possibly  a  similar  corrup- 
ion  of  consilium  is  to  be  found  in  the 
mm  in  Q.  Fr.  i.  1.  22  (30).  Fr.  Schmidt 
md  Miiller  read  genus. 

Servius'}  Serv.  Sulpicius,  the  juris- 
ionsult,  took  on  himself  the  task  of 
winging  about  a  state  of  general  amity  by 
ais  personal  exertions  as  a  peace-maker. 
Cicero,  ridiculing  his  abortive  mission, 
writes  that  'he  has  gone  on  a  peace-making 
r>mbassy  with  his  clerk'  (cp.  Att.  iv. 
i.  1  (107) ;  Balb.  14  :  or  '  his  little  case ' 
pf  law-books,  diminutive  of  librarium, 
bp.  De  Leg.  i.  7  :  but  then  we  shall  have 
co  read  videtur),  and  is  on  his  guard  (as  a 
urisconsult)  against  all  quips  and  quid- 
ities  of  the  law  that  may  be  used  against 
iim.'  We  do  not  know  to  what  negotia- 
ions  of  Servius  Cicero  is  referring, 
servius  carried  legal  pedantry  into  poli- 
ical  negotiations  :  cp.  Att.  x.  15.  2  (401), 


Servi  consilio  nihil  expeditur :  omnes  cap- 
tiones  in  omni  sententia  occurrunt.  Possibly 
Servius  was  going  to  urge  that  his  motion 
(cp.  Phil.  i.  3)  about  the  acta  Caesaris 
should  be  maintained.  The  plural  viden- 
tur is  a  hint  that  his  secretary  has  as  much 
chance  as  himself  of  effecting  the  desired 
object.  In  the  case  of  a  substantive  con- 
nected with  another  by  cum  the  plural  may 
be  used  when  the  things  predicated  apply 
equally  to  both  ;  cp.  Ter.  Heaut.  473  ; 
Cic.  Phil,  xiL  27  ;  Fam.  xiv.  7.  2  (402)  ; 
Liv.  xxi.  60.  7  ;  Sail.  Cat.  43.  1 ;  Jug. 
38.6;  101.5;  NeposPhoc.  2.2.  Itisvery 
rare  in  classical  Greek,  but  cp.  Thucyd. 
iii.  109.  2  ;  Xen.  Hell.  i.  1.  10.  Cicero 
then  adds,  '  His  proper  course  was  not 
the  legal  hand-grip,  but  the  next  alter- 
native,' i.e.  an  appeal  to  the  sword. 
(Possibly  some  word  like  cogitare  is  to  be 
understood  with  debuerat :  or,  perhaps, 
vocare,  this  being  the  technical  word 
(Murena  26)  in  the  phrase  te  ex  iure 
manum  consertum  voco.}  This  sentiment 
he  expresses  by  means  of  the  quotation 
from  Ennius,  fully  explained  on  Fam.  vii. 
13.  2  (171),  where  see  note.  The  words 
quae  sequUntur  are  sed  magi'  ferro  Rem 
repetunt.  We  might  paraphrase— 

« He  should  have  bethought  him  that 
this  is  a  time  when 

Man  calls  not  man  to  sift  the  plea  of  Right, 
But  seeks  the  brute  arbitrament  of  Might. 

It  is  the  second  verse  that  he  should  have 
remembered.' 


326  EP.  740  (FAM.  XL 


autem  non  *  ex  iuremanum  consertum,'  sed  quae  sequuntur :  tuque 
scribes. 


740.    M.  BRUTUS  AND  CASSIUS,  PR.AETOBS,  TO 
M.  ANTONIUS  (FAM.  XL  2). 

LANUVIUM  ;    MAY  (END)  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44  J    AET.  CIC.  62. 

Erutus  et  Cassius  praetores  quaerunt  a  M.  Antonio  putetne  ipsos  in  urbe  tutos  fore 
militum  veteranorum  frequentia. 

BRUTUS  ET  CASSIUS  PRAETORES  M.  ANTONIO  COS. 

1.  De  tua  fide  et  benevolentia  in  nos  nisi  persuasum  esset 
nobis,  non  scripsissemus  haec  tibi :  quae  profecto,  quoniam  istum 
auimum  habes,  in  optimam  partem  accipies :  scribitur  nobis 
magnam  veteranorum  multitudinem  Kornam  convenisse  iam  et  ad 
Kalendas  lunias  futuram  multo  maiorera  :  de  te  si  dubitemus  aut 
vereamur,  simus  nostri  dissimiles  ;  sed  certe,  cum  ipsi  in  tua  potes- 
tate  fuerimus  tuoque  adducti  consilio  dimiserimus  ex  municipiis 
nostros  necessarios,  neque  solum  edicto  sed  etiam  litteris  id 
fecerimus,  digni  sumus  quos  habeas  tui  consili  participes,  in  eai 
praesertim  re  quae  ad  nos  pertinet.  2.  Qua  re  petimus  a  te^ 

tuque  scribes']     '  and    you    will   write  simus  nostri  dissimiles']     '  we  should  bed 

on    the     matter,'     i.e.     the     imminence  untrue  to  ourselves.' 

of  recourse  to  violence.     Kayser  wishes  cum  ipsi  .  .  .fuerimus]    'when  we  put] 

to  read  tuque  <ei>  scribes.  ourselves  entirely  at  your  disposal '  :  cp.i 

Att.  i.  11.   1  (7);    Fam.  x.  31.  4  (824). 

A   copy   of  this  letter  was    probably  It  is,  as  Bardt  says,  the  technical  expres- 

sent  to  Cicero;   hence  its  appearance  in  sion  for  an  inferior  magistrate's  position! 

the  correspondence :  cp.  note  to  Ep.  700.  with  regard  to  his  superior:   cp.    Phil. 

1.    non    scripsissemus']      So    HD,   and  vi.  4. 

Mr.  Allen's  codices.    M  has  con  scrip  si  sse~  ex  municipiis  nostros  necessarios]     '  ouri 

mus.     The  negative  is  imperatively  re-  friends  from  the  provincial  towns '  :  cp.l 

quired;  cow  has  taken  its  place.  Phil.  x.  7,  qui  (sc.  Brutus]  cum  praetor 

convenisse]     About    April   25,  Antony  urbis  esset  urbe  caruit  .  .  .  cumqne  concursw 

had  started  on  a  journey  into  Italy,  in  cotidiano  bonorum  omnium  qui  admirabili** 

order  to  summon  veterans  to  Rome  for  ad  eum  fieri   solebat  praesidioque  Italiae\ 

June  1.     Many  returned  with  him,  and  cunctae  saeptus  posset  esse,  absens  indicia 

many  were  to  follow.     The   excesses  of  bonorum  defensus  esse  maluit  quam  pra 

Antony  during  that  journey,  his  return  sens  wanu. 

to  Rome,  nnd  the  general  alarm  caused  edicto]     cp.  727.  4,  edictum  Sruti   et 

thereby  are  vigorously  depicted  by  Cicero  Cassi  probo. 

in  Phil.  ii.  100-108.     During  the  latter  digni    sumus   .    .    .   participes]      'Wd| 

part  of  May  Antony  appears  to  have  been  deserve  that  you  should  put  us  in  posses-' 

in  Rome:  cp.  734.  1,  4.  sion  of  your  intentions.' 


EP.  740  (FAM.  XL  2).  327 

acias  nos  certiores  tuae  voluntatis  in  nos  ;  putesne  nos  tutos  fore 
n  tanta  frequentia  railitum  veteranorum,  quos  etiam  de  reponenda 
ara  cogitare  audimus  ;  quod  velle  et  probare  vix  quisquara  posse 
videtur  qui  nos  salvos  et  honestos  velit.  Nos  ab  initio  spectasse 
otium  nee  quicquam  aliud  libertate  communi  quaesisse  exitus 
declarat.  Fallere  nemo  nos  potest  nisi  tu,  quod  certeabest  ab  tua 
virtute  et  fide  ;  sed  alius  nemo  facultatem  habet  decipiendi  nos ; 
ibi  enim  uni  credidimus  et  credituri  sumus.  3.  Maximo  timore 
de  nobis  adficiuntur  amici  nostri ;  quibus  etsi  tua  fides  explorata 
est,  tamen  illud  in  raentem  venit,  multitudinem  veteranorum 
?acilius  impelli  ab  aliis  quolibet  quam  a  te  retineri  posse.  Bescri- 
3as  nobis  ad  ornnia  rogamus :  nam  illud  valde  leve  est  ac  nuga- 
torium,  ea  re  denuntiatum  esse  veteranis  quod  de  commodis 
eorum  mense  lunio  laturus  esses.  Quern  enim  impedimento 
Futurum  putas  cum  de  nobis  certum  sit  nos  quieturos  ?  Non 
debemus  cuiquam  videri  nimium  cupidi  vitae  cum  accidere  nobis 
niliil  possit  sine  pernicie  et  confusione  omnium  rerum. 

2.  ara]    cp.  720.  2,  where,  as  in  Phil.  in  the  letters  from  Brutus,  so  that  it  may 

i.  5,  Cicero  calls  it  columna.  Appian  (iii.  2)  be  considered  as  a  feature  of  his  style, 

calls  it  jSwyuov.  The    periphrastic    future    is,    however, 

spectasse  otium']     cp.    704.  3,  inimicis-  common  in  Cicero's  writings. 
simum  oti,  id  est  Bruti.     Compare  this  3.  etsi  tua  fides   .    .   .   explorata    est] 

with  the  assertion  of  Cicero,  that  Antony  '  although  we  have  every  reason  to  trust 

and  his  party  'fear  peace,'  timer e  otium,  your  honour.' 
728.  2;  729.  1.  ab  aliis  quolibet]    so  Ml;  M2,  making 

aliud  libertate  communi]     '  other  than  a  bad  conjecture,  alters  to  ab  alio  quolibet. 

the  liberty  of  the  community.'     For  this  For  quolibet  impelli  cp.  782.  3,  sed  pulcre 

construction    of   alius  with  the  ablative  intelligis  non  posse  nos  quoquam  impelli. 
cp.  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  3.  208,  qui  species  alias  nam  illud  .  .  .  esse]     '  For  that  is  a 

veris  scelerisque  tumultu  Permixtas  capiet ;  worthless  and   frivolous  plea,    that  the 

also  Hor.  Epist.   i.   16.  20;  ii.    1.   240.  summons  has  been  made  to  the  veterans 

We  cannot  find  any  example  of  the  con-  on  this   ground,   that  you  are  going  to 

struction  used  in  classical  prose  composi-  bring  forward   a  motion  touching  their 

tion     except  in  this  letter,  Varro  K.  R.  interests  in  the  month  of  June.' 
iii.   16.    23,   and    Seneca   Epist.   74.  22,  de  commodis]     This   is  a   reference   to 

aliud  honesto  bonum.  the  proposed  land-law  of  Lucius  Antonius, 

exitus}     '  what  has  happened.'  which  was  to  assign  land  to  the  veterans : 

credituri  sumus]     Schirmer  (Ueber  die  cp.  Phil.  i.  6.     It  was  probably  passed  in 

Sprache  des  M.  Brutus,  p.  19)  notices  that  the  second  half  of  June, 
in  the   Correspondence  with  Brutus  this  sine.  .  .  rerum]    'without  general  rum 

periphrastic  future  occurs  only  five  times  and  disorder.' 
in  the  letters  from  Cicero,  but  ten  times 


328 


EP.  741  (ATT.  XV.  8). 


741.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xv.  8). 

TUSCULUM  J    MAY  31  J    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.   CIC.  62. 

De  epistulis  Balbi  et  Hirtii  sibi  redditis,  de  Tirone  misso  cum  pluribus  et  ci 
litteris  ad  Antonium,  ut  sibi  legatio  concedatur,  de  salute  Attici,  de  C.  Cassii  suspicic 
vim  armatam  fore. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Post  tuum  discessum  binas  a  Balbo,  nihil  novi,  itemque  al 
Hirtio,    qui    se    scribit    vehementer     offensum     esse    veteranisJJ 
Exspectat  animus   quidnain  agam  de   Kalend.    [Martiis].     Misl 
igitur  Tironem  et  cum  Tirone  plures,  quibus  singulis,  ut  quidqu< 
accidisset,  dares   litteras,    atque  etiam    scripsi  ad   Antonium   d( 
legatione,  ne,  si  ad  Dolabellam  solum  scripsissem,  iracundus  home 
commoveretur.     Quod  autem  aditus  ad  eum  difficilior  esse  dicitur^ 
scripsi  ad  Eutrapelum  ut  is  ei  meas  litteras  redderet  legationdl 
mihi   opus   esse.     Honestior    est   votiva,   sed    licet   uti   utraqueJ 
2.  De  te,  quaeso,  etiam  atque  etiam  vide.  Yelim  possis  coram  :   si! 
minus  possis,  litteris  idem  consequemur.    Graeceius  ad  me  scripsii 
C.  Cassium   sibi    scripsisse    homines    comparari,    qui   armati   ii 
Tusculanum  mitterentur.     Id  quid  em  mihi  vix  fore  videbatur, 


1.  binas]  sc.  accepi,  cp.  753.  3,  Nullas 
a  te  xi  Kal.  (sc.  accepi}.  Atticus  appears 
to  have  left  .Rome  to  attend  the  meeting 
at  Lanuvium  (734.  2)  on  the  30th,  cp. 
752.  2  ;  and  returned  to  the  city  next 
day.  Atticus  occasionally  made  such 
brief  visits  to  the  country  :  cp.  note 
to  618. 

veteranis]  Hirtius  was  for  the  most 
part  a  Caesarian,  but  he  disapproved  of 
Antony's  inroads  on  public  money  and  of 
his  bringing  troops  of  veterans  to  Rome  : 
cp.  note  to  732.  4. 

Exspectat  animus]  This  is  a  somewhat 
unusual  variation  for  exspecto,  but  we 
have  animum  Publi  ojfenderem,  Att.  iv. 
15.  4  (143);  mem  in  te  animus  quam 
singulari  officio  fuerit,  Fam.  v.  5.  2  (18). 

quidnam  agam  de  Kalend. ~\  Martiis  is 
certainly  wrong.  It  was  on  the  1st  of 
June  the  senate  was  to  meet.  Probably 
Cicero  wrote  only  Kal. 

commoveretur]  '  should  become  excited.' 

Eutrapelum]  P.  Volumnius  Eutrapelus, 
to  whom  Cicero  wrote  Fam.  vii.  32.  33 


(229,    474),    was    Fraefecttis  fabrum 
Antony.    In  an  interesting  letter,  Famj 
ix.  26  (479),  we  read  how    Cicero    mef 
Cytheris   at  his   table,  and    enjoyed  th( 
evening.     Cytheris  was  Gallus's  LycorisJ 
Verg.  Eel.  x.  2.    Eutrapelus  was  a  friend! 
of  both  Atticus  and  Antony  (Nep.  AttJ 
10).    Cicero  now  desired  his  good  officeffl 
in  procuring    for  him  the  legatio  votivaA 
The  inf.  opus  esse  is  governed  by  litteraA 
=  litteras  quae  significarent :  cp.  742.  1.  j 

uti\  «  avail  myself  of  either,'  lit.  «  of 
both,'  i.e.  choose  which  I  shall  take. I 
The  two  alternatives  appear  to  be  either! 
a  legatio  liber  a  (of  which  a  leg.  votiva  im 
only  a  special  form)  or  a  military  legatio  : 
cp.  744.  4  on  the  question  of  the  advanJ 
tages  presented  by  the  different  kinds  of 
legatio. 

2.  Graeceius]  a  friend  of  Brutus,  noti 
elsewhere  mentioned. 

Id  quidem]  It  cannot  be  that  Cicerol 
here  writes  that  he  himself  had  alreadyl 
surmised  a  priori  that  a  band  of  armed] 
men  was  being  raised  to  occupy  his  house.] 


JBP.  742  (ATT.  XV.  9). 


329 


sed    cavendum   tamen    villaeque    plures    videndae.     Sed   aliquid 
crastinus  dies  ad  oogitandum  nobis  fdare. 


742.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xv.  9). 

TUSCULUM  J    JUNE  2  OR  3  J    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  provinciis  Bruto  et  Cassio  decernendis,  de  armorum  casu  in  domo  Attici,  de 
tristi  condicione  et  Attici  et  sua,  de  Bruti  litteris. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  mi  Nonas  vesperi  a  Balbo  redditae  mihi  litterae  fore 
Noiiis  senatum,  ut  Brutus  in  Asia,  Cassius  in  Sicilia  frumentum 
emendum  et  ad  urbem  mitteudum  curarent.  O  rem  miseram ! 
primum  ullam  ab  istis,  deiu,  si  aliquam,  hanc  legatoriam 


Ihe  early  editors  insert  non  before  vide- 
batur,  but  perhaps  vix  fore,  as  Wes.  pro- 
)oses  (Klotz  had  suggested  vix),  fell  out 
jefore  videbatur.  Madvig  brings  out  tbe 
same  sense  by  supplying  ementittim  for  id 
quidem.  For  other  conjectures  see  Adn.' 
)rit.  Dr.  Reid  suggests  nihili.  The 
armed  men  would  be  an  unlawful  band, 
rhich  might  have  been  collected  in  those 
awless  times.  There  was  no  question  of 
confiscation  of  the  property  of  the  resi- 
dents at  Tusculum. 

villae  .  .  videndae]  '  and  more  villas  must 
>e  provided, '  in  case  any  such  step  should 
>e  taken.  This  use  of  vides  is  common: 
see  on  Att.  v.  1.  3  (184).  But  villae  is 
>nly  a  conjecture  for  ut  ille  of  M,  and  it  is 
very  unlikely  that  Cicero  would  speak  in 
such  an  off-hand  way  about  providing 
more  country  residences  in  the  state  of 
lis  affairs  at  that  time.  Klotz  would  read 
ligiliae  for  villae.  Dr.  Reid  (Hermath. 
xii.,  p.  156)  thinks  that  the  object  of  the 
military  visit  was  to  force  the  numerous 
senators  who  lived  in  the  district  to 
ittend  the  approaching  meeting  of  the 
senate,  cp.  Phil.  i.  11  :  ii.  79:  and  that 
Tusculanum  does  not  refer  only  to  Cicero's 
villa,  but  to  the  district  (agrwri)  of 
?usculum.  He  says  "Though  Cicero 
iisbelieved  the  report,  he  thinks  the 
)wners  of  other  villas  at  Tusculum 
•should  be  warned."  We  are  not  sure 
low  he  would  translate  videndae.  Is  it 
must  be  seen  to,'  i.e.  put  into  a  state  of 
defence  ?  Perhaps  we  should  read  with 


Wesenberg  visendae,  '  must  be  visited ' 
to  give  warning  about  the  threatened 
raid.  Madvig  suggests  tutelaeque,  *  and 
more  than  one  kind  of  defence  must  be 
seen  to.' 

fdare]  dabit  of  ed.  Rom.  is  perhaps 
the  most  tolerable  emendation.  See  Adn. 
Crit.  Wes.  conjectures  adferet,  Miiller 
dederit. 

1.  curarent]  If  the  subjects  are  con- 
sidered as  acting  separately,  almost  always 
the  verb  agrees  with  the  nearest  subject. 
This  and  Tusc.  i.  89  (obiecissent]  appear 
to  be  the  only  exceptions  :  cp.  Lebreton, 
p.  20. 

ullam  ab  istis']  '  what  a  humiliation ! 
first,  that  Brutus  and  Cassius  should 
accept  any  appointment  at  the  hands  of 
the  Caesarian s  ;  then,  that,  if  they  did,  it 
should  be  one  'that  might  be  discharged 
by  a  couple  of  lieutenants.' 

si  aliquam']  This  seems  a  natural  at- 
traction ;  but  we  cannot  quote  an  exact 
parallel.  Something  like  it  is  Clu.  138 
(after  ut)  intellegi  potuit  .  .  ut  mare  .  . 
ventorum  vi  agitari  atque  turbari,  sic 
populum  Romanum  ....  hominum  sedi- 
tiosorum  vocibus  .  .  concitari :  cp.  Tusc. 
iv.  54.  However,  the  inf.  is  often  found 
in  secondary  sentences  in  or.  obliqua, 
especially  in  relative  clauses.  Lebreton, 
pp.  372-4. 

legatoriaui]  We  think  it  possible  that 
"Cicero  wrote  legatorum  provinciam  just 
as  he  wrote  ieiuna  tabellari  legatio,  Att. 


330 


EP.  742  (ATT.  XV.  9). 


provinciam !  Atque  hand  scio  an  melius  sit  quam  ad  Eurotam  sedereJ 
Sed  haec  casus  gubernabit.     Ait  autem  eodem  tempore  decretum 
iri  ut  et  iis  et   reliquis  praetoriis  provinciae  decernantur.     Hoo 
certe   raelius  quam  ilia  Uep^tKi}  porticus.      Nolo  enim  Lacedae-1 
monemf  longinquo  quom  Lanuvium  existimavit.f    Hides,  inquies, 
in  talibus  rebus?     Quid  faciam?     Plorando  fessus  sum.     2.  Di; 
immortales  !  quam   me  couturbatum  tenuit  epistulae  tuae  prior3 
pagina  ?     Quid   autem  iste  in  domo  tua  casus  armorum  ?     Sed 
huuc  quidem  nimbum  cito  transisse  laetor.     Tu  quid  egeris  tuaJ 
cum  tristi  turn  etiam    difficili  ad    consiliandum  legatione  vehe- 
menter  exspecto.     Est   enim    inexplicabilis.     Ita  circumsedemur 
copiis  omnibus.     Me  quidem  Bruti    litterae,  quas   ostendis  a  te- 
lectas,    ita  perturbarunt    ut,  quamquam    ante    egebam    consilio, 
tamen    animi  dolore  sim  tardior.     Sed   plura,  cum  ista  cognonv 
Hoc  autem  tempore  quod  scriberem  nihil  erat,  eoque  minus  quod 


ii.  7.  3  (34),  and  Dionis  legatio  in  the 
next  letter.  The  word  legatorius  is, 
however,  not  impossible.  Boot  sug- 
gested nugatoriam.  Possibly  delegatoriam, 
though  that  word  is  not  attested  for 
certain  until  the  time  of  the  Theodosian 
Code.  It  is,  however,  a  natural  forma- 
tion. 

ad  Eurotam']  Brutus,  who  was  a  great 
philo-Laconian,  had  given  to  a  stream  in 
his  property  at  Lanuvium  the  name  of 
the  Lacedaemonian  river  Eurotas, and  had 
named  a  certain  portico  of  his  after  the 
ffroa  TIcpffiKr),  erected  by  the  Spartans  to 
commemorate  the  battle  of  Plataea  (cp. 
Vitruv.  i.  1.  6;  Paus.  hi.  11.  3).  The 
gist  of  the  whole  passage  is,  that  it  would 
be  better  for  Brutus  to  be  engaged  in  some 
public  work,  however  far  beneath  his  dig- 
nity, than  to  be  idling  away  his  time  at 
Lanuvium. 

it's  et  reliquis  praetoriis']  This  passage 
proves  that  the  curatio  Jrumenti  was 
different  from  the  regular  provinces  to  be 
assigned  to  Brutus  and  Cfissius  as  prae- 
tors. The  provinces  they  ultimately  got 
as  such  were  Crete  and  Cyreiie  (cp.  note 
to  783.  1);  but  they  do  not  appear  to 
have  obtained  them  till  August. 

Lacedaemonem  .  .  .  existimavit]  The 
best  attempt  to  get  some  meaning  out  of 
this  passage  is  that  of  Gronovius,  who 
would  read  nolo  enim  Lacedaemonem  lon- 
ginquiorem  Lannvio  existimaris  (longin- 
quiorem  quam  Lanuvium  existimari,  as 


Miiller,  Schmidt,  and  Dr.  Reid  suggestJ 
is  better),  'you  inust  understand  that! 
when  I  speak  of  Lacedaemon,  I  mean 
one  no  further  off  than  Lanuvium  ;1 
my  allusions  to  the  Eurotas  and  thai 
UepfftK^  porticus  are  to  those  which! 
Brutus  has  so  designated  at  Lanuvium.'  J 

2.  casus  armorum]     This  is  supposed! 
to  refer  to  some  'fracas,'  of   which  waj 
know    nothing  ;  lit.     '  chance  of   arms,1 
'  chance  outbreak '  :  cp.  casus  navigandiJ 
Att.  vi.   1.    9  (252)  :    casus   huius   bellil 
Fam.  vi.  1.  7  (538).     But  it  seems  some-J 
what  unlikely  that  there  should  be  any! 
armed    fracas     in  Atticus'     house, 
that  Cicero  would  allude  to  it  in  this  way 
Could  it  be  casus  armariorum,  l  fall  of  cup«| 
boards  (or  safes)'  ?   That  would  lead  semi- 
humorously  to  the    metaphorical   use  of 
nimbum,     for    which,    in     the   sense   ofl 
calamity,  we  can  find  no  parallel.     Eon 
armarium,  of  a  safe  in  which  money 
kept,   cp.  Clu.  179  ;   Cael.    52  ;    Plaut 
Epid.     308.     But  it  might  refer  to  anji 
kind    of     receptacle    like    a    cupboardJ 
Cicero's  affected  horror  at  the  fall  of  the 
cupboards  would  be  a  continuance  of  his 
jocular  vein  from  the  last  section. 

legatione~\     '  what  you  effected  by 
embassage ' :    cp.  Ov.  Met.  vi.   685   u 
blanditiis  nihil  agitur.     "We   should  n( 
add  de :  that  would  rather  mean  *  what  yoi 
effected  in  bringing  about  that  embassy. 
Possibly  this  was  some  visit  which  At 
intended  to  pay  to  Brutus  and  Cassius 


EP.  743  (ATT.  XV.  10). 


331 


lubitabam  tu  has  ipsas  litteras  essesne  accepturus.  Erat  enim 
ncertum  visurusne  te  esset  tabellarius.  Ego  tuas  litteras  vehe- 
nenter  exspecto. 


743.     CICEKO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xv.  10). 

TTJSCULUM  ;    -JUNE  5  OR  6  ,*    A.  TJ.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  Bruti  litteris  et  de  misera  Bruti  et  Cassii  condicione  decretis  provinciis. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

0  Bruti  amanter  scriptas  litteras !     0  iniquum  tuum  tempus 
[ui  ad  eum  ire  non  possis  !    Ego  autem  quid  scribam  ?    Ut  bene- 
ficio  istorum  ntantur  ?     Quid  turpius  ?     Ut  moliantur  aliquid  ? 
Sec  audent  nee  iam  possunt.     Age,  quiescant  auctoribus  nobis ; 
uis  incolumitateiu  praestat  ?    Si  vero  aliquid  de  Decimo  gravius, 
uae  nostris  vita,  etiam  si  nemo  molestus  sit  ?     Ludos  vero  non 
acere,  quid  foedius  ?    Frumentum  imponere,  quae  est  alia  Dionis 


dvise  them  what  to  do.  Cicero  himself 
elt  the  difficulty  (cp.  737.  1).  Att. 
[>pears  to  have  had  a  more  important 
agagement  (743.  1).  This  is  the  only 
lace  in  Cicero  where  consiliari  occurs, 
oot  suggests  eonciliandum,  which  is 
sproved  by  the  Thesaurus  (440.  6).  But 
aesar  has  consiliari  twice(B.  C.  i.  19.  2  ; 
73.  2)  ;  cp.  Hor.  Carm.  hi.  3.  17. 

1.   0  iniquum  .  .  .  possis~]    'How   un- 
iward  your  engagement  which  prevented 
our  going  to  him  ' :  cp.  note  to  742.  2. 
Ut  beneficio]     *  shall  I  counsel  them  to 

ccept  a  favour  from  the  Caesarians?' 
he  benejiciiim  was  the  superintendence 
:  the  corn  supply  mentioned  in  the  last 
tter(§l). 

Nee  audent']  cp.  738.  1  note. 
de  Decimo  gravies']  It  was  surmised 
iat  an  attempt  would  be  made  by  Antony 
>  deprive  D.  Brutus  of  the  province  of 
aul,  which  had  been  decreed  to  him  by 
ie  senate.  This  attempt  was  made  by 
e  Lex  de  permutatione  provinciarum 

assed  in  August  (cp.  784.  7),  and  led 
timately  to  the  Mutinensian  war.  He 

sks,  '  Will  Brutus  and  Cassius  find  life 

ndurable  in  such  a  case,  even  though  no 
hostile  step  be  taken  against  them  ?  ' 


ZwJos]  The  Ludi  Apollinares  (July 
6-13),  which  Brutus,  as  Praetor  Urbanus, 
was  bound  to  hold.  He  did  celebrate 
them,  but  not  personally.  They  were 
celebrated  in  his  name  by  Gains  Antonius 
(App.  B.  C.  iii.  23). 

Frumentum~\  '  to  load  corn  '  (i.e.  to 
have  corn  put  on  ship-board  for  trans- 
mission to  Rome) ;  '  what  is  this  but  a 
Dion's  embassy?'  The  last  words  refer 
to  the  Sicilian  tyrant  Dionysius,  who, 
under  the  pretence  of  sending  Dion  on 
an  embassy,  in  effect  sent  him  into  exile. 
Dionis  legatio  would  seem  to  have  become 
proverbial  for  an  apparent  compliment 
which  really  removes  the  person  compli- 
mented :  but  we  do  not  know  of  any 
other  place  where  it  is  used,  nor  do  we 
know  any  other  place  where  Dionysius  is 
represented  as  ostensibly  having  sent  Dion 
on  an  embassy.  Plutarch  Dion  15  says, 
ov  (pvyris  a\\'  aTroSij/ui'as  rcD  Aiwvi  yfycvr)- 
/jLevys'.  and  Nepos  Dion  3  (Dionysius) 
oatendens  se  id  utritisque  facere  causa  ne, 
cum  inter  se  timerent,  alternter  altertim 
praeoccuparet.  Ernesti  naturally  asks  how 
this  cura  annonae,  which  was  given  to 
Pompey  and  other  eminent  men,  comes  to 
be  spoken  of  so  slightingly  here.  He 
suggests  that  in  other  cases  the  imperium 


332 


EP.  7U  (ATT.  XV.  11}. 


legatio  ?  aut  quod  munus  in  re  publica  sordidius  ?  Prorsut 
quidem  consilia  tali  in  re  ne  iis  quidem  tuta  sunt  qui  dant.  Sed 
possim  id  neglegere  proficiens.  Frustra  vero  qui  ingrediar  ? 
Matris  oonsilio  cum  utatur  vel  etiam  precibus,  quid  me  inter- 
ponam  ?  Sed  tamen  cogitabo  quo  genere  utar  litterarum. 
silere  non  possum.  Statim  igitur  mittam  vel  Antium  vel  Circeios. 


744.     CICERO  TO  ATTIOUS  (Arr.  xv.  11). 

ANTIUM    OR    ASTURA  |   JUNE  8  J    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  J    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  colloquio  cum  Bruto  et  Cassio  audientibus  Servilia,  Tertulla,  Porcia  a  se  in.) 
Antiati  habito,  de  Dolabella  qui  Ciceronem  sibi  legaverit. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Antium  veni  a.  d.  vi  Idus.  Bruto  iucundus  noster  adven- 
tus.  Deinde  multis  audientibus  Servilia,  Tertulla,  Porcia  quae- 
rere  quid  placeret.  Aderat  etiam  Favonius.  Ego,  quod  eram 
rneditatus  in  via,  suadere,  ut  uteretur  Asiatica  curatioue  frumenti, 
nihil  esse  iam  reliqui  quod  ageremus  nisi  ut  salvus  esset :  in  eo 


was  attached  to  the  appointment,  but  not 
in  this  case.  Probably  the  insignificance 
of  the  posts  was  due  to  the  fact  that  the 
curae  were  confined  to  individual  pro- 
vinces, that  of  Brutus  to  Asia,  and  that 
of  Cassias  to  Sicily  ;  while  the  appoint- 
ments were  also  well  understood  to  be 
designed  to  shelve  their  holders.  And  in 
any  case  there  never  appears  any  indica- 
tion that  they  M'ere  to  be  in  a  superior 
position  to  the  provincial  governors.  For 
quae  est  alia  cp.  Phil.  i.  22,  Quid  est 
aliud  hortari  adulescentis  ut  turbulenti 
.  .  .  velint  esse  ;  ii.  7  ;  Off.  iii.  55.  One  is 
to  understand  nisi  haec  :  cp.  De  Senect.  5. 

proficiens']  *  provided  I  were  doing  any 
good.'  For  this  absolute  use  of  proficiens 
see  note  to  Fam.  xv.  14.  1  (241):  cp. 
Tusc.  iv.  60  sed  raro  prqficit.  Kiihner 
notes  that  it  is  often  so  used  of  drugs 
'  doing  good.' 

ingrediar]  '  but  if  fruitlessly  (sc.  futti- 
rus  '  if  likely  to  act  in  vain  '),  how  could 
I  (with  propriety)  essay  the  task  ?  ' 

mittam]  sc.  litteras.  However,  he 
changed  his  mind,  and  went  in  person  to 


Antium,  from  which  place  the  next  letter' 
is  written. 

1.  quaerere~\     Hist,  inf.,  of  which  the 
subject  is  Brutus.    Servilia, '  dear  Tertia,' 
and  Portia  were  respectively  the  mother,  ( 
sister,  and  wife  of  Brutus.     So   suadere,  : 
below,  is  hist.  inf. 

Favonius]    Plutarch,  Pomp.  60,  says  of 
him,  dvfyp  r&\\a  /JLCV  ov  irovtipos,  avdaSeici 

5£    KO.I     V&pfl    irO\\dltlS    T^V    KOLTUVOS    010" 

fjLevos  a.TTo/uufji.f'io-Qai  vapprjaiav.   Mommsea 
calls  him  '  Cato's  Sancho.'     When  taken 
prisoner  after  the  battle  of  Philip  pi,  he  j 
inveighed     furiously    against    Octavian. , 
(Suet.  Aug.  13). 

uteretur]  'take,'  'accept,'  741.  1  fin. 
Ferrero  (iii.  67)  thinks  that  Dolabella's 
legatio,  which  Cic.  had  received  a  week  be- 
fore ( §  4 ) , '  had  temporarily  calmed  the  f  ury  j 
of  the  conservative  leader  and  his  desire 
to  exterminate  the  popular  party.'  It  iai 
quite  possible,  however,  that  he  saw  no 
adequate  means  for  the  present  of  resist*! 
ing  Antony  and  his  veterans. 

nihil  .  .  reliqui]     For    this    partitive 


EP.  7U  (ATT.  XV.  11). 


333 


tetiam  ipsi  rei  publicae  esse  praesidium.  Quam  oration  em  cum 
jingressus  essem,  Cassius  intervenit.  Ego  eadem  ilia  repetivi. 

jHoc  loco  fortibus  sane  oculis  Cassius — Martem  spirare  diceres 

se  in  Siciliam  non  iturum.  'Egone  ut  beneficium  accepissem 
jcontumeliam?'  Quid  ergo  agis?  inquam.  At  ille  in  Achaiam 
se  iturum.  Quid  tu,  inquam,  Brute  ?  « Eomam '  inquit,  *  si 
tibi  videtur.'  Mihi  vero  minime  :  tuto  enim  non  eris.  *  Quid  P 
si  possem  esse,  placeretne?'  Atque  ut  omnino  neque  nuno 
neque  ex  praetura  in  provinciam  ires,  sed  auctor  non  sum  ut 
te  urbi  committas.  Dicebam  ea,  quae  tibi  profecto  in  mentem 
[veniunt,  cur  non  esset  tuto  futurus.  2.  Multo  inde  sermone 
Djuerebantur,  atque  id  quidem  Cassius  maxime,  amissas  occasiones 
Decimumqne  graviter  accnsabant.  Ego  negabam  oportere- 


jenitive,  cp.  a  stronger  case  in  Fam.  xii. 

>,  2  (821),  nihil  belli  reliquifore  videbatur. 

intervenit']     l  came  in,'  not  '  took  part 

;or  the  first  time  in  the  conversation.' 

Hoc  loco}  '  this  was  the  moment  when.' 

fortibus  sane  oculis~\     *  with  a  look  of 

jreat  determination':  cp.  Att.  vii.  3.  11 

'294),  where  fortis  is  applied  to  a  strong, 

resolute,  decided  proceeding.    We  know  of 

jo  other  passage  where  fortis  is  applied  to 

i  part  of  the  body  :  its  uses  with  animus 

find  pectus   (Hor.  Sat.  ii.  5.  20 ;    2.  136) 

ire  hardly  parallel.      It    is    applied    to 

tratio  in  a  similar  sense  in  De  Or.  ii.  183. 

Martem  spirare]     He  uses  the   Greek 

py  TTVftav  in  Q.  Fr.  iii.  4.  6  (162). 

Egone  uf\  (  Could  I  ever  have  accepted 

usult  as  a  favour  ?  '     Dr.  Reid  points  out 

Hermath.  xii.  157)  that  as  the  discussion 

entirely  regards  future  action  we  cannot 

translate  'Was  I  bound  to  accept  insult 

is  a  favour  ?  '     He  explains  the  pluperfect 

wcepissem  on   the    analogy   of   par  erat 

it  was  always  right'  where  we  should 

?xpect  par  est :    and  par  fuerat  would 

mly     strengthen     the     emphasis.        In 

sxclamations     of     this    kind     ut     more 

diomatically   goes   with  the  verb,    e.g. 

Hancine  ego  ut  contumeliam  tarn  insignem 

n  me  accipiam  ?    Ter.  Eun.  771.     But  if 

ve  took  ut  with  the  verb  here,  we  should 

>e  obliged  to  interpret  beneficium  cont.  as 

a  favour  which  is  really  an  insult,'  and 

his    is    not     possible.      Prof.    Goligher 

nterprets  the   passage  quite  differently. 

:Ie   says    that  the   sentence   egone  .   .  . 

•ontumeliam  is  a  continuation  of  the  orat. 

>bliqua,  and    would    translate    '  Cassius 

aid    he  would    not   go  to    Sicily,  and 


(asked)  would  I  (Cicero)  have  accepted 
an  insult  as  a  favour.'  He  thinks  that  ego 
replaces  tu  of  oratio  recta  owing  to  the 
peculiar  circumstance  that  Cicero  is 
reproducing  a  conversation  in  which  he 
himself  is  addressed.  He  urges  further 
that  a  transition  would  not  be  made  to 
the  oratio  recta  without  inquit  or  some 
verb  of  the  kind  being  added. 

Atque]  'Ay,  and.'  Some  editors  would 
repeat  placeret,  but  this  quite  obscures 
the  characteristic  use  of  atque  and  ac  in 
vivacious  talk  frequent  in  the  comic 
drama.  Hofmann  quotes  ecquid  autem 
habet  homo  aceti  in  pectore  ?  Atque  acidis- 
sumi,  PI.  Pseud.  739 ;  num  quae  .  .  . 
aegritudo  obiecta  est  ?  Atque  acerruma, 
Bacch.  538  ;  cognoscitne  ?  Ac  memoriter, 
Ter.  Eun.  915.  Add  Plaut.  Pers.  830 
hie  eius  geminust  f rater.  Hiccinest  ?  Ac 
geminissumus.  Hofmann  also  shows  that 
nam  and  enim  are  similarly  used  in 
vivacious  discourse,  e.g.  De  Or.  i.  101  ; 
ii.  40,  where  see  "Wilkins's  notes. 

ut  .  .  .  neque]  =  ne  aut :  cp.  Fam. 
ix.  2.  3  (461),  ut  ea .  .  .  nee  viderem  nee 
audirem,  beside  ne  aut  scurrilis  iocus  sit 
aut  mimicus,  De  Or.  ii.  239. 

ex  praetura']  *  after  your  praetorship.' 
For  ex=  'after'  cp.  note  to  223.  5  and 
Index. 

auctor  .  .  .  ut]  This  is  the  usual  con- 
struction. We  find,  however,  accusative 
and  infinitive  in  Att.  ix.  10.  5  (365),  auctor 
.  .  .  te  quoque  profugere,  where  Cicero  is 
quoting  the  language  of  Atticus. 

2.  Decimumque~\  Their  ground  of  com- 
plaint against  D.  Brutus  was  his  stirring 
up  war  in  his  Cisalpine  province,  with  a 


334 


JSP.  744  (ATT.  XV.  11). 


praeterita,  adseutiebar  tamen.  Quomque  iugressus  essem  dicere 
quid  oportuisset  (nee  vero  quidquam  novi,sed  ea  quae  cotidie  omnes), 
uec  tamen  ilium  locum  attingerem,  quemquam  praeterea  oportuisse 
tangi,  sed  senatum  vocari,  populum  ardentem  studio  vehementiua 
incitari,  totam  suscipi  rem  publicam,  exclamat  tua  familiaris, 
*  Hoc  vero  neminem  umquam  audivi.'  Ego  repressi.  Sed  et 
Cassius  mihi  videbatur  iturus — etenim  Servilia  pollicebatur  se 
curaturam  ut  ilia  frumenti  curatio  de  senatus  consulto  tolleretur—] 
et  noster  cito  deiectus  est  de  illo  inani  sermone  quo  Homae  velle 
esse  dixerat.  Constituit  igitur  ut  ludi  abseute  se  fiereut  suo 
uomine.  Proficisci  autem  mihi  in  Asiam  videbatur  ab  Antioi 
velle.  3.  Ne  multa  :  nibil  me  in  illo  itinere  praeter  couscientianij 
meam  delectavit.  Non  enim  fuit  committendum  ut  ille  ex  Italia 
prius  quam  a  me  conventus  esset  discederet.  Hoc  dempto  munerei 
amoris  atque  offici  sequebatur,  ut  mecum  ipse 

aoi  ri  Svvarai  vvv,  6/£O7rpO7T£  J 

what  I  was  going  to  add,'  'I  checked! 
myself.'  Boeckel  contends  for  the  latter! 
sense,  and  compares  refero  =  me  referA 
(715.  1)  and  insinuavit  —  se  insiuuaviiA 
Att.  ii.  24. 2  (51), where  we  read  insinuatus\ 
If  so,  the  aposiopesis  was  by  ServiliaJ 
"  Well,  on  this  I  never  heard  anyonel 
[perhaps  she  intended  to  imply  '  speak  sol 
offensively ']."  For  this  sense  of  repress^ 
cp.  Sest.  144  (quoted  by  Boeckel)  me  .  .  .1 
dicentetu  .  .  .  horum  adspectus  in  ipso  cursut 
orationis  repressit.  We  incline  to  thai 
latter  interpretation. 

frumenti  curatio  .  .  .  tolleretur']  Some! 
more  honourable  mission  was  to  bel 
assigned  to  enable  them  to  absent  them-1 
selves  from  Rome  ;  but  we  do  not  know! 
what  Servilia  had  in  mind,  or  how  she! 
proposed  to  carry  her  intention  into! 
effect.  She  may  have  considered  herself  | 
sufficiently  influential;  and  perhaps  she* 
was  so,  as  she  was  very  rich. 
noster]  Brutus. 

delectus  est  de  illo  inani  sermons']  \ 
'abandoned  his  foolish  talk,'  recorded 
above,  when  he  said  he  would  go  toj 
Rome,  JRomatn  si  tibi  videtur.  In  deiectusl 
we  have  a  military  term,  'dislodged  from] 
a  position.'  M  gives  velle  esse  dixerat. I 
By  inserting  quo  Romae,  which  might 
have  fallen  out  after  sermone,  we  have] 
a  possible  sentence.  Lehmann  (p.  130)j 
wishes  to  make  an  extensive  addition! 
<vel  cum  mortis  periculo  se  Romae>. 
ludi~]  cp.  743. 


view  of  procuring  a  triumph,  instead  of 
taking  steps  to  oppose  Antony  and  his 
party.  Or  possibly  because  Decimus,  a 
fellow-soldier  of  Antony,  had  urged  that 
he  should  be  spared  on  the  Ides  of  March. 
But  this  clemency  is  generally  attributed 
to  Marcus  Brutus.  Yet  see  Ferrero  iii. 
68  note. 

praeterita]  sc.  ingeri,  accusari.  But  the 
ellipse  is  harsh.  It  is  barely  possible  that 
we  should  add  iterare.  Junius  declares 
that  two  MSS.  add  repeti,  which  no  doubt 
is  a  conjecture,  but  a  tolerable  one. 

oportuisse~\  sc.  fieri,  which  is  often 
omitted  after  oportere  and  posse,  not  only 
in  the  letters,  but  in  the  philosophical 
works,  e.g.  Tusc.i.  23. 

tangi]  'that  there  was  someone  else 
(Antony)  who  should  have  had  a  touch  ' 
(of  the  daggers  that  slew  Caesar). 

suscipi  rem  publicam']  sc.  a  Bruto  et 
Cassio. 

tua  familiaris']  Servilia,  the  mother  of 
Brutus. 

audivi]  This  passage  can  be  taken  in 
either  of  two  ways.  It  may  be  that 
Cicero  interrupted  Servilia  before  she  said 
something  like  tarn  libere  in  Jilium  meum 
ingerentem.  Servilia  must  have  heard 
ea  quae  cotidie  omnes  (sc.  dicebant) :  so  that 
dicentem  is  not  sufficient.  The  construction 
of  two  accusatives  with  audivi  would  be 
impossible.  Hence  we  can  take  repressi 
to  mean  'I  interrupted  her.'  But  it  may 
.also  be  taken  as  meaning  *  I  suppressed 


EP.  7U  (ATT.  XV.  11). 


335 


Prorsus  dissolutum  offend!  navigium  vel  potius  dissipatum.  Nihil 
onsilio,  irihil  ratione,  nihil  ordiue.  Itaque  etsi  ne  antea  quidem 
.ubitavi,  tameu  mine  eo  minus  '  evolare '  liinc  idque  quam 
prirnum 

ubi  nee  Pelopidarum  facta  neque  famam  audiam. 

Et  heus  tu,  ne  forte  sis  nescius,  Dolabella  me  sibi  legavit  a.  d. 
n  Nonas.  Id  mini  lieri  vesperi  nuntiatum  est.  Yotiva  ne  tibi 
luidem  placebat.  Etenim  erat  absurdum,  quae,  si  stetisset  res 
mblica,  vovissem,  ea  me  eversa  ilia  vota  dissolvere,  et  habent, 
ipinor,  liberae  legationes  definitum  tempus  lege  lulia  nee  facile 
iddi  potest.  Aveo  genus  legationis,  ut  cum  velis  introire  exire 


3.  conscientiam~\     of  having     done  his 
luty  to  his  friends. 

prius  quam  .  .  .  esset]  'before  I  had  a 
neeting  with  him.'  For  the  passive  cp. 
48.  2,  ut  se  conveniri  nolit. 

Hoc  dempto  inunere]  '  save  for  the 
atisfaction  of  discharging  this  duty,  I 
ould  not  help  asking  myself,  0  seer, 
)hat  boots  thy  journey  hither  now  ?  '  This 
rerse  from  an  unknown  poet  is  quoted 
gain  in  775.  2.  Boot  strikes  out  the  vvv 
s  spoiling  the  metre,  but  a  comic 
enarius  admits  a  dactyl  in  the  fifth  foot, 
aot  to  mention  the  fact  that  OeoirpoTre  can 
can  as  a  trisyllable. 

dissolutum  .  .  .  dissipatum]  '  I  found 
tie  ship  (of  state)  going  to  pieces,  or 
ather  all  in  fragments '  ;  dissipatum  is  a 
tronger  word  than  dissolutum.  Boeckel 
lustra tes  the  meaning  of  the  participles 
y  Or.  235,  facilius  est  apta  dissolvere 
uam  dissipata  connectere. 

eo  minus\     sc.  dubito. 

ubi  nee  Pelopidartim"]  see  on  694.  1  : 
1  where  the  deeds  of  Pelops'  children 
nd  their  fame  1  ne'er  shall  hear." 

4.  Et  heus  tu]  '  And,  1  say,  let  me  tell 
fou,  Dolabella  lias  made  me  his  legatusS 
KTe  have  retained  et  of  the  MSS.  and  not 
Itered  to  sed  :    cp.  Att.  vi.  1.  25  (252), 
nd  Lehrnann,  p.  63.     The  phrase  heus  tu 
ften    introduces   a   bit    of   news,    or   a 
triking  remark,  in  the  letters.    Dolabella 
ad  been  appointed  on  June  2  governor  of 
be  province  of  Syria.      For  legavit  cp. 
?am.  vi.  6. 10  (488),  Cassium  sibi  legavit. 

Votiva~]     sc.  legatio. 

dissolvere~]  'to  pay,  discharge,'  avow. 
Dissolvere  is  so  used  in  Tusc.  i.  100,  and 
n  Catullus  66,  38,  pristina  vota  novo 
nunere  dissoluo. 


habent]  'imply,'  'entail';  that  is,  liberae 
legationes  are  saddled  with  the  condition 
that  they  can  be  held  only  for  a  fixed 
time,  and  cannot  be  easily  prolonged  be- 
yond the  period  originally  fixed.  For  the 
use  of  the  verb  in  the  sense  of  '  entail,' 
Hofmann  compares  pons  magnum  circuitum 
habebat,  Caes.  B.  C.  i.  63.  2  ;  castrorum 
mutatio  habet  turpem  fugam  et  desperatio- 
nem,  ii.  31.  4;  restincta  sitis  stabilitatem 
voluptatis  habet,  Cic.  Fin.  ii.  9.  Possibly 
the  Julian  Law  restricted  legationes  liberae 
to  a  year,  as  Cicero's  law  had  done:  cp. 
De  Leg.  iii.  18 ;  also  vol.  iii2,  p.  328. 
Groebe  (in  his  ed.  of  Drumann  i.  p.  432) 
points  out,  as  a  further  argument  that 
the  legatio  which  Cicero  obtained  was  not 
a  libera  legatio,  the  fact  that  Cic.,  in  Phil, 
i.  6,  speaks  of  it  as  ius  legationis  liberum, 
not  ius  legationis  liberae.  He  was  made 
the  legatus  of  Dolabella,  who  had  received 
the  governorship  of  Syria  for  five  years, 
and  during  that  five  years  he  (Cicero) 
was  to  have  the  privilege  of  entering  or 
leaving  the  city  at  his  pleasure. 

Aveo  genus\  Dr.  Reid  notices  that 
elsewhere  the  ace.  after  aveo  is  always  a 
neuter  pronoun.  He  suggests  obeo,  '  1  am 
taking  up '  (cp.  739),  and  would  alter 
additum  to  datum. 

introire  exire~]  Forthe  asyndeton  cp.  itus 
reditus,  737.  3  ;  irent  redirent,  Phil.  ii. 
89,  where  see  Mayor's  note.  See  also 
Lehmann,  p.  24,  where  lie  quotes,  among 
other  asyndeta,  Fam.  xv.  4.  12  (238), 
Graecis  Latinis ;  Off.  i.  22,  dando  acci- 
piendo ;  Tusc.  v.  87,  minis  blandimentis  ; 
perhaps  Att.  i.  14.  1  (20),  aperte  tecte;  in 
which  cases,  as  here,  there  is  a  certain 
antithesis  between  the  asyndetic  words. 
Still  more  frequent  is  asyndeton  without 


336 


EP.  745  (ATT.  XV. 


liceat  :  quod  nunc  mihi  additum  est.  Bella  est  autem  hums  iurij 
quinquenni  licentia.  Quamquam  quid  de  quinquennio  cogitemS 
Contrahi  mihi  negotium  videtur.  Sed  /BAaa^rj/ia  mittamus. 


745.     CICEKO  TO  ATTICUS  (Axx.  xv.  12). 

ASTURA  ;    JUKE    10  J    A.   U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  ',    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  Buthroto,  de  Tirone  ad  Dolabellam  misso,  de  consiliis  Cassii  et  Bruti,  de  LJ 
Antonio,  de  Octaviano,  de  Marcello. 

CICEUO  ATT1CO  SAL. 

1.  Bene  mehercule  de  Buthroto.     At  ego  Tironem  ad  Dola-I 
bellam  cum  litteris,  quia  iusseras,  miseram.     Quid  nocet  ?     DJ 
nostris  autem  Antiatibus  satis  videbar  plane  scripsisse,  ut  noJ 
dubitares   quin   essent   otiosi    futuri   usurique   beueficio   Antoni 
contumelioso.     Cassius  frumentariam   rem    aspernabatur.     Earn 


antithesis,  as  ventis  remis,  Fam.  xii.  25. 
3  (825) ;  equis  viris,  Fam.  ix.  7.  1  (462)  ; 
and  sometimes  in  the  letters  is  the 
characteristically  Plautine  asyndeton  be- 
tween two  verbs  of  the  same  meaning,  as 
in  cures  enitare,  Fam.  iii.  9.  4  (249). 
Cp.  also  Index  s.v.  asyndeton. 

additum  est]  '  an  additional  privilege 
which,  through  my  appointment  by 
Dolabella,  I  enjoy.'  Such  is,  perhaps, 
the  force  of  additum  used  instead  of  the 
simple  datum. 

huius  iuris  quinquenni  licentia]  'the 
privilege  of  going  and  coming  as  you 
please  for  five  years,  which  this  appoint- 
ment carries  with  it.'  For  the  double 
genitive  see  note  on  fructus  tuae  suavitatis 
praeteriti  temporis,  Att.  iv.  1.  2  (90)  ; 
superiorum  temporum  fortuna  rei  publicae, 
641.  2 ;  cuius  ,  .  .  scelera  urbani  con- 
sulatus,  Phil.  vii.  15. 

Contrahi']  'things  seem  to  me  to  be 
drawing  to  a  crisis;  but  absit  omen.'' 
"What  he  hints  at  here  he  expresses  clearly 
in  750.  2,  mihi  res  ad  eaedem  et  earn  qui- 
dem  propinquam  spectare  videtur.  Here 
he  apologizes  for  his  sinister  forecast  in  a 
Greek  expression,  used  much  as  we  should 
use  the  Latin  phrase  absit  omen.  See  I3, 
p.  87,  where  similar  examples  are  collected. 
For  contrahi  cp.  Acad.  i.  38  cum  ea  con- 
traherent  in  angustumque  deducerent ; 
Lael.  20 ;  Nat.  D.  ii.  164  :  perhaps  also 


612.  2  adsentior  et  istud  nimium  diu 
etomnianunc  undique  contrahenda  ;  *  Thj 
business  seems  to  be  shorter  than  that, 
'  to  be  closing  up,'  lit.  '  to  be  in  process  o! 
being  shortened,'  i.e.  I  will  not  live  si 
long.  This  suits  the  next  words  bettej 
than  Dr.  Reid's  view  that  it  only  meani 
*  trouble  is  gathering  for  me,'  comparin( 
Att.  vii.  7.  7  (298)  male  contractis  rebus\ 
Cat.  iv.  9  nescio  an  amplius  mihi  negoi 
contrahatur.  This  is  hardly  a  stronJ 
enough  meaning  to  account  for  &\d(T<f>Ti/u.ci 
It  is  not  certain  where  Cicero  was  whel 
he  wrote  this  letter.  Possibly  after  thj 
meeting  at  Antium  he  went  on  to  his  villi 
in  the  adjacent  Astura.  Cicero  appear( 
to  have  sold  his  house  at  Antium  t< 
Lepidus  (654.  1). 


1.  de  Buthroto~]  The  best  commentary) 
on  this  matter  is  Att.  xvi.  16x  (767). 
do  not  know  what  the  good  news  abouj 
Buthrotum  was.  The  land-law  of  Lucid 
Antonius  seemed  to  be  injurious  to  Atticvu 
(748.  1 ;  751.  1)  ;  but  by  the  end  of  thd 
month  Marcus  Antonius  and  Dolabella 
had  decided  the  case  in  his  favour  (778J 
11,  cp.  758.  2,  3). 

Antiatibus]     Brutus  and  Cassius,  whcj 
were  at  Antium. 

beneficio  Antoni  contumelioso]  the  fru-\ 
menti  curatio:   cp.  744.  1. 


EP.  7b5  (ATT.  XV.  12). 


337 


Servilia  sublaturam  ex  senatus  consulto  se  osse  dicebat.  Noster 
?ero,  KOI  fjiaXa  atnvCog,  in  Asiam,  postea  quam  mihi  est  adsensus 
tuto  se  liomae  esse  non  posse  (ludos  enim  absens  facere  malebat), 
jtatim  autem  se  iturum,  simul  ac  ludorum  apparatum  iis  qui 
juraturi  essent  tradidisset.  Navigia  colligebat :  erat  animus  in 
cursu.  Interea  in  eisdem  locis  erant  futuri.  Brutus  quidem  se 
liebat  Asturae.  2.  L.  quidem  Antonius  liberaliter  litteris  sine 
3ura  me  esse  iubet.  Habeo  unum  beneficium,  alterum  fortasse, 
in  Tusculanum  venerit.  0  negotia  non  ferenda !  quae  feruutur 
:amen.  Tav  o  airiav  riov  Bjoovrwi'  TIQ  %x*1'  •^•I1  Octaviano,  ut 
>erspexi,  satis  ingeni,  satis  animi,  videbaturque  erga  nostros  ^owae 
ta  fore  ut  nos  vellemus  animatus.  Sed  quid  aetati  credendum 
it,  quid  nomiui,  quid  hereditati,  quid  /carrj^riaeLy  magni  consili 
est.  Yitricus  quidem  nihil  censebat,  quern  Asturae  vidimus.  Sed 
amen  aleudus  est  et,  ut  nihii  aliud,  ab  Antonio  seiungendus. 
liarcellus  praeclare,  si  praecipit  f  nostro  nostri  f  :  cui  quidem  ille 

Servilia]    cp.  744.  2. 

Noster  vero,  K  a  1  /*«Aa  (re/xvaJs]  'our 

riend    Brutus,    with    great    solemnity, 

declares)  that  he  is  off  to  Asia.' 
statim  autem  se  iturum~]  Editors  usually 

Iter   autem  to   ait.     But   autem  can  be 

.sed  in  resumptions  (cp.  Sandys  on  Orat. 

8),   and   in   closer   specifications    of    a 

tatement,    cp.  Drager,   ii2.    120.     It  is 

Imost  equivalent  to  '  furthermore  '  :  cp. 

lolden  on  Off.  ii.  6. 
erat  animus]  '  he  is  set  on  the  voyage.' 

loot  well  compares  556.  1,  est  animus  in 

ortis. 
Asturae]    Brutus  was  still  at  Antium  ; 

ut  he  apparently  was  intending  to  come 

o  Astura.     Cicero  had  been  desirous  that 

e  should  stay  in  his  house  there  a  few 

reeks  previously  :  720  fin. ;  725.  5. 
2.  alterum  for  tasse~]     '  so  I  already  owe 

im  one  kindness ;  perhaps  I    shall  owe 

im  another  if  he  pays   a   visit   to   my 

^usculan  estate.'     Cicero  had  said  above 

741.  2)  that  he  did  not  believe  there  was 

ny   truth   in  the  rumour  that  military 

orces  would  be  sent  to  Tusculum.  He 
now  ironically  speaks  of  a  visit  from 
L.  Antonius  as  a  new  favour  to  himself. 

Tav  5'  airiav']  '  the  blame  rests  with 
one  of  the  Bruti.'  It  is  possible  that  we 
should  alter  to  rwvSe  :  but  the  reading  of 
the  MS.,  rdvSe,  is  unobjectionable.  We 
should  not  read  ris  ex61 ;  Cicero's  criti- 
cism was  directed  against  Marcus  Brutus  : 
cp.  752.  2  fin.,  Haec  omnis  culpa  Bruti. 

VOL.  v. 


t]  'his  education.'  This 
is  a  late  Greek  word,  whence,  of  course, 
catechism. 

Vitricus]  '  his  stepfather,  L.  Marcius 
Philippus  (cp.  715.  2),  thinks  he  is  not  to 
be  trusted.' 

ut  nihil  aliud~\  '  even  supposing  nothing 
else '  :  cp.  Att.  xi.  14.  1  (429).  The 
usual  phrase  is  si  nihil  aliud  Att.  ii.  15. 
2  (42)  ;  16.  4  (43) ;  Liv.  ii.  43.  8. 

Marcellus']  brother-in-law  of  Octavian 
and  father  of  the  Marcellus  celebrated  by 
Yergil,  Aen.  vi.  861  ff.  We  do  not  think 
any  of  the  suggestions  made  on  this 
passage  are  probable  enough  to  warrant 
introduction  into  the  text.  The  text  is 
certainly  corrupt,  for  it  is  clear  that  we 
could  not,  with  Manutius,  interpret  nostro 
nostri  as  meaning  '  my  nephew,  the  son 
of  my  brother  Quintus, '  Nostri  certainly 
refers  to  Brutus,  as  it  generally  does  in 
the  letters  of  this  period.  We  think  the 
best  suggestion  is  that  of  Dr.  Reid,  ut 
nostro  nostra,  '  if  he  instils  the  principles 
of  our  party  into  him  as  one  of  our  party,' 
i.e.  if  he  assumes  that  Octavian  is  of 
course  one  of  the  constitutionalists,and  ad- 
vises him  as  such.  Boot  suggests  VOO~TOV 
nostri,  '  Marcellus  will  have  done 
splendidly  if  he  advises  Octavian  to 
bring  about  the  return  of  Brutus  to 
Eome.  Octavian  seems  devoted  to  Mar- 
cellus. He  does  not  believe  much  in 
Hirtius  and  Pansa.'  This  is  certainly 
ingenious.  If  Koch's  reading,  saluiaria 


338  EPP.  746,  747  (ATT.  XV.  16 a,  16 b). 

deditus  mihi  videbatur.     Pansae  autem  et  Hirtio  non  nimis  cre-l 
debat.     Bona  indoles,  tav 


746.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xv.  i6«). 

ASTURA  ;   JUNE  11  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  ;    AKT.  CIC.  62. 
De  litteris  a  Cicerone  suo  eiusque  magistris  acceptis. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 
Tandem  a  Cicerone  tabellarius,  et  mehercule  litterae 

scriptae,  quod  ipsum  TT/OOKOTT^V  aliquam  significat,  itemque 
ceteri'ipraeclara  scribunt.  Leonides  tamen  retinet  suum  illud 
"  adhuc."  Summis  vero  laudibus  Herodes.  Quid  quaeris  ?  Yel 
verba  mihi  dari  facile  patior  in  hoc  meque  libeuter  praebeo 
credulum.  Tu  velim,  si  quid  tibi  est  a  Statio  scriptum  quod 
pertineat  ad  me,  certiorern  me  facias. 


747.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xv. 

ASTURA  ;   JUNE  12.  J    A.  U.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44;    AET.  CIC.  62. 

Cicero  Attico  significat  se  in  amoenitate  villae  Asturae  tamen  Tusculanum  suum 
desiderare. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Narro  tibi  :  haeo  loca  venusta  sunt,  abdita  certe  et,  si  quid 
scribere  velis,  ab  arbitris  libera.    Sed  nesoio  quo  modo  OIKOQ  <f>i\o£. 

ttostris,  were    the   meaning,    we    should  Herodes   were   teachers    of    the    young 

suggest  a  slight  variation,  ffSxnpa  nostris,  Marcus. 

'  if  he  urges  Octavian  to  regard  Brutus  as  quod  ipsuin]  '  which  itself  (the  fact  that 

his   saviour':  lit.    'if  he    urges   that   a  they  were  well  written)  shows  some  pro- 

thankoffering  for   safety  he  paid  to  our  gress.' 

friends.'     But   Dr.  Reid's   conjecture  is  Statio]      The     freedman   of    Quintus 

much  the  simplest  ;  ilk  is  Octavian.  who,  Cicero  considered  (471.   1),   was  a 

p]     '  if  it  only  wears.'  disgrace  to  him  :  cp.  Att.  ii.  18.  4(46). 


/u.ej'tts]     'in  the  true  classic  Narro  tibi~\     These  words  introduce  a 

style':  see  on  709.  2,  and  cp.   eiiirives,  strong  assertion  :  seeon  Att.  ii.  11.  1  (39). 

Att.  xii.  6.  4  (499)  .     This  sign  of  '  pro-  haec  loca']     Astura. 

gress  '(TrpoKOTTrj)  on  the  part  of  his  son,  ab  arbitris]    '  from  visitors,'  lit.  'from 

and    the    praises    of    Herodes    (though  observers,'     'people    to    spy   you    out' 

Leonides  still  maintains  his  qualificatory  (Shuckburgh)  :  cp.  'Verr.  v.  80  ab  arbitris 

'so  far'),  encourage  Cicero  to  be  very  remote  loco.     Horace  (Ep.  i.  11.  26)  calls 

hopeful.       'Indeed,'    he   says,    'in   this  a  place  that  overlooks  the  sea  locus  e/usi 

matter    1  like   to   be   hoodwinked,    and  late  marts  arbiter. 

gladly  banish  suspicion.'     Leonides  and  oT/cos    4>t'Aos]     ofrcos    &pi<rros,    'the 


JSP.  748  (ATT.  XV.  15). 


339 


'taque  me  referunt  pedes  in  Tusculauum.  Et  tameu  haec 
/pa(f>'ia  ripulae  videtur  habitura  celerem  satietatem.  Equidem 
>tiam  pluvias  metuo,  si  "  Prognostica  "  nostra  vera  sunt.  Ranae 
nim  priToptvovcriv.  Tu,  quaeso,  fac  sciam  ubi  Brutum  nostrum  efc 
uo  die  videre  possim. 


748.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xv.  15). 

ASTURA  J    JUNE    13  J    A.  U.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  L.  Antonio  Buthrotiis  molesto,  de  nummis  L.  Fadio  curandis,  de  Cleopatra  et 
"ammonio  et  Sara,  de  profectione  sua  per  Erotis  dispensationem  impedita,  de  Ciceroni 
uo  in  annuum  sumptum  Athenas  permutando. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  L.  Antonio  male  sit !  si  quidem  Buthrotiis  molestus  est. 
!go  testimonium  composui,  quod,  cum  voles,  obsignabitur.  Num- 
los  Arpinatium,  si  L.  Fadius  aedilis  petet,  vel  omnis  reddito. 


ouse  one  loves  is  the  best  house,'  some- 
ung  like  '  be  it  ever  so  humble,  there's 
j  place  like  home  '  ;  cp.  Att.  iv.  8a.  1 
.12)  firj  fjiol  OVTOS  (f)i\os  oT/cos. 

me  referunt  pedes]  '  my  feet  carry  me 
ack  to  Tusculum  '  :  cp.  pea  tamen  ipse 
edit,  Tibull.  ii.  6.  14. 

tamen]  '  and  in  any  case  '  (even 
ithout  the  attractions  of  home)  '  I  should 
>on  get  tired  of  the  tame  (rough)  effect 
:  the  river's  narrow  bank.' 

>7ro7pa<£ia]  This  word  most  pro- 
ably  refers  to  a  certain  '  tameness  '  in  the 
eighbouring  scenery  ;  fairtKa  means 
tawdriness,  clap-trap,'  in  rhetoric.  The 
)mmonplace  style  in  rhetoric  might  give 
name  to  a  commonplace  style  of  painting 
.e.  in  which  the  subjects  are  common- 
ace),  and  hence  of  scenery.  The  latter 
ould  possess  a  certain  temporary  charm 
>r  the  jaded  city-man,  but  would  not 
)peal  for  long  to  a  Cicero. 

.Prognostica]  cp.  the  verses  which 
icero  quotes  from  his  version  of  the 
?rognostica  '  of  Aratus  in  De  Div.  i.  15, 

ros  quoque  signa   -videtis,  aquai  dulcis 

alumnae, 

unt  clamore  paratis  inanis  fundere  voces, 
Absurdoque  sonofontis  et  stagna  cietis. 


vff  iv~]     '  are  holding  forth.' 
the  sequel  of  the  passage  quoted  from 
xe  De  Div.  above,  Cicero  calls  the  frogs 


ranunculos,  the  diminutive  form  of  the 
word  rana,  likefurunculus,  avunculus. 

1.  L.  Antonio]  L.  Antonius,  tbe 
brother  of  Marcus,  had  been  appointed 
with  six  others  early  in  June  to  divide 
lands,  and  was  inclined  to  dispute  the 
validity  of  the  exemption  procured  for 
the  Buthrotians  by  Cicero  and  Atticus  : 
cp.  751.  1.  Cicero  drew  up  a  deposition 
(affidavit)  setting  forth  what  he  knew 
about  the  transaction,  possibly  that  Caesar 
had  actually  consented  to  save  the 
Buthrotians  from  confiscation  (767.  5  ; 
778.  11  ;  780.  15).  The  matter  is  dealt 
with  in  detail  in  letters  to  Plancus,  Capito, 
and  Cupiennius  (767,  777  to  781). 

si  quidem]  '  since,'  as  in  si  quidem  ut 
adlmcerat  liberalius  esse  nihil potest,  Att. 
x.  17.  3  (403),  si  quidem  Homerus  fuit 
ante  Eomam  conditam,  Tusc.  1.  3. 

aedilis]  L.  Fadius  was  aedile  of  Arpi- 
num  ;  for  these  aediles  in  country  towns 
see  Mayor  on  Juv.  x.  101.  Cicero  and  his 
son  and  nephew  were  aediles  at  Arpi- 
num  in  46  :  cp.  Fam.  xiii.  11.  3  (452). 
Cicero  owed  some  money  to  Arpinum, 
perhaps  water  and  other  rates,  as  he  did 
at  Tusculum:  cp.  692.  3.  Ferrero  (iii. 
58),  however,  says  that  this  was  a  sum 
which  the  municipality  had  previously 
lent  Cicero  at  a  time  when  it  was  looking 
for  an  investment.  However  this  may 

Y2 


340 


EP.  H8  (ATT.  XV.  15). 


Ego  ad  te  alia  epistula  scrips!  de  HS  ex.  quae  Static  curarentmj| 
Si   ergo  petet   Fadius,    ei    volo  reddi,   praeter   Fadium  nemii 
Apud  me  fitem  puto  depositum.  ...  Id  scripsi   ad  Erotem 
redderet.     2.  Eeginam  odi.     Id  me  iure  facere  scit  sponsor 
raissorum   ems    Hammonius,    quae   quidem    erant    0iAoAoya 
dignitatis  meae,  ut  vel  in  contione  dicere  auderem.    Saran  aufcei 
praeterquam  quod  nefarium  hominem,  cognovi  praeterea  in 
contumacem.     Semel  eum  omnino  domi  meae  vidi.     Cum 
(ftpovwe   ex   eo   quaererem    quid    opus   esset,    Atticum   se    dixil 
quaerere.      Superbiam    autem    ipsius   reginae,    cum   esset   tram 
Tiberim  in  hortis,  commemorare  sine  magno  dolore  non  possunu 
Nihil  igitur  cum  istis,  nee  tarn  animum  me  quam  stomachui 


be,  Cicero  is  determined  to  discharge  this 
debt  in  full  (vel  omnis  reddito),  and  he 
countermands  his  orders  to  raise  a  sum  of 
money  for  Statius,  the  steward  of  his 
brother  Quintus.  He  wishes  this  sum 
now  to  be  applied  to  the  payment  of 
Fadius,  as  well  as  another  sum  recently 
placed  to  his  account.  Boot  proposes  to 
read  a  Static,  in  which  case  the  reference 
would  be  to  a  sum  due  from  Quintus  and 
to  be  exacted  from  Statius ;  but  this 
change  is  not  necessary.  Cicero's  money 
affairs  were  in  a  very  involved  state 
just  now.  He  sent  Tiro  (§  3  ;  749.  1  ; 
750.  1  ;  752.  4)  to  disentangle  the  accounts 
of  Eros. 

Apud  me  item  puto  depositum]  This 
reading  cannot  be  right,  but  it  is  impos- 
sible to  say  whether  a  sum  mentioned 
after  the  word  depositum  has  fallen  out, 
or  whether  that  sum  should  be  inserted 
before  puto  in  the  place  of  item,  or 
whether  we  should  change  this  last  word 
to  idem,  and  suppose  Cicero  to  refer  to  a 
sum  of  money  placed  to  his  account  equal 
to  the  HS  ex.  which  he  has  just  men- 
tioned. 

2.  Reginam  odi]  The  reference  is  to 
Cleopatra,  who  had  left  Rome  shortly 
after  Caesar's  murder  (710.  1):  so  the 
events  related  in  this  section  must  have 
occurred  some  time  previously.  Possibly 
Cleopatra  had  been  spreading  some  un- 
justifiable stories  about  requests  which 
Cicero  had  made  for  Greek  manuscripts 
or  works  of  art,  or  something  of  the  kind. 
She  had  through  Hammonius  promised 
to  grant  those  requests,  but  apparently 
had  not  fulfilled  those  promises.  Ham- 
monius was  perhaps  the  same  as  the 
agent  of  Ptolemy  Auletes  in  Rome  in  56 : 


cp.   Fam.  i.   1.   1   (95).     'The  requ( 
which  I  made,'  says  Cicero,  '  were  qu 
suitable  to  my  position  and  character, 
which  I  might  proclaim  myself  on 
house-top  (lit.  "  at  a  public  meeting  ") 
have  been  the  recipient.'     The  readii 
of  the  MSS  is  sit,  not  scit ;  hence  Wesei 
berg    would     read    id    me    iure    fa, 
(testis)  sit  sponsor  promissorum  eius 
Dr.  Reid    points   out   that   testis   sit 
strongly  supported  by  749.  2,  De  regii 
gaudeo    te   non   labor  are,   testem   etu 
tibi  probari. 

Saran  autem]     '  As  to  Sara,  I  not  onlj 
know  him  to    be   a   rascal,   but  I 
found  him  impertinent  to  me  personally^ 
Once,  and  once  only,  have  I  seen  him 
my  house.    On  that  occasion  I  asked  hii 
quite  politely  what  he  wanted ;  he 
he  wanted  Atticus.'     Some  editors, 
seeing  in  the  conduct  of  Sara  anythii 
impolite  according  to  their  code  of  ma 
ners,  have  supposed  Sara  to  say  that 
was  'looking  for  an  Attic  orator,'  thl 
intimating  that  Cicero  did  not  deserve  I 
place  among  them,  and  have  resorted 
other  elaborate  devices  for  importing  ii 
the  sentence  a  breach  of  manners  on  tl 
part  of  Sara   sufficiently  marked  to 
appreciable  by  them.     Surely  it  was 
act  of  contumacia  in  Sara  to  pay  his 
visit  to  a  man  like  Cicero,  and  avow  tl 
he   had    not    come   to   see    Cicero, 
Atticus.     Dr.  Reid  suspects  that  San 
pionem  should  be  read.     He  was  one 
Cleopatra's  officers:  cp.  Dio  Cass.  1.  21 
1;  A  pp.  B.  C.  iv.  61. 

Nihil  igitur  cum  istis]     sc.  agam.     ' 
won't  have  anything  to  do  with  them.'    i 
me  .  .  .  arfiitrantur~\  *  and  they  credit,] 
me  with  no  true  courage,  but  with  merw 


EP.  748  (ATT.  XV.  15). 


341 


abere  arbitranfcur.  3.  Profectionem  meam,  ut  video,  Erotis 
spensatio  impedit.  Nam  cum  ex  reliquis,  quae  Nonis  Aprilibus 
cit,  abundare  debeam,  cogor  mutuari,  quodque  ex  istis  fructuosis 
bus  receptum  est,  id  ego  ad  illud  fanum  sepositum  putabam. 
ed  haec  Tironi  mandavi,  quern  ob  earn  causam  Romam  misi.  Te 
olui  impeditum  impedire.  4.  Cicero  noster  quo  modestior  est,  eo 
e  magis  commovet.  Ad  me  enim  de  hac  re  nihil  scripsit,  ad  quern 
mirum  potissimum  debuit.  Scripsit  hoc  autem  ad  Tironem,  sibi 
ost  Kal.  Aprilis — sic  enim  annuum  tempus  confici — nihil  datum 
se;  scio  tibi  pro  tua  natura  semper  plactiisse  teque  existimasse 

etiam  ad  dignitatem  meam  pertinere,  eum  non  modo  per- 
aeraliter  a  nobis  sed  etiam  ornate  cumulateque  tractari.  Qua 

velim  cures — nee  tibi  essem  molestus,  si  per  alium  hoc  agere 
ossem — ut  permutetur  Athenas  quod  sit  in  aunuum  sumptum  ei. 
cilicet  Eros  numerabit.  Eiiis  rei  causa  Tironem  misi.  Curabis 
•itur  et  ad  me,  si  quid  tibi  de  eo  videbitur,  scribes. 


xation  of  spirit ' :  animus  is  a  high 
uality,  stomachus  is  what  Hamlet  calls 
e  '  gall  to  make  oppression  bitter '  :  cp. 
8.  3  stomachor  omnia.  For  the  read- 

,  see  Adn.  Grit.    The  usual  correction 
am  vix  stomachum,  due  to  Bosius,  is, 
Miiller  says,  hardly  Latin.     Boot  says 
cero  would  have  said  nee  animum  me, 
x  stomachum  habere  arbitrantur. 
3.  Profectionem  meam}     to  Greece. 
Erotis  dispensatio]    ( the   management 

my  finances  by  Eros '  ;  dispensatio, 
nanagement,'  is  here  virtually  'mis- 
anagement '  :  see  note  on  Att.  i.  5. 

(1). 

impedit]  cp.  749.  1  fin. 
ex  reliquis  .  .  .  fecit]  '  from  the 
lance  which  he  made  on  April  5th.' 
le  balance  can  either  be  on  the  credit 
debit  side  :  so  that  the  word  can  mean 
ther  'credit'  (as  here  and  775.  3),  or 
irrears'  (Att.  vi.  2.  5  (256)  and  Plin. 
p.  iii.  19.  6).  Cratander  adds  vel  before 
tundare,  perhaps  from  his  manuscript, 
i  it  appears  in  some  of  the  inferior 
dices :  see  Wesenberg. 
fructuosis  rebus]  This  refers  probably 
the  rent  of  some  house-property  which 
icero  owned  in  Rome :  like  the  tenements 
nsulae)  referred  to  in  749.  1,  of  which 
ie  rent  had  been  earmarked  for  young 
cero's  education. 

id  .  .  .  putabam]  '  that  I  thought  was 
irrnarked  for  my  shrine.'  Cicero  was 
ill  thinking  of  the  shrine  for  his  dead 


daughter;  but  this  is  the  last  allusion 
to  it. 

impeditum  impedire]  cp.  perditum  pcr- 
damus,  Fam.  xiv.  1.  5  (82) ;  nota  noscere, 
Plaut.  Mil.  636 ;  inventum  inveni,  Capt. 
441  (according  to  Brix)  ;  actum  agere, 
Ter.  Phorm.  419.  Dr.  Reid  adds  Pkut. 
Men.  452,  contio  quae  homines  occupatos 
occupat,  which  also  occurs  in  Rud.  109. 

4.  scio]  Baiter  adds  this  word  here. 
Boot  would  insert  it  after  existimasse, 
which  plainly  depends  on  some  verb 
which  has  been  lost,  perhaps  puto  before 
pro.  Lehmann  would  insert  perspexi  or 
perspicio  after  pertinere,  comparing  nihil 
agere  nisi  quod  ad  me  pertineat  facile 
perspicio,  612.  2  ;  quatenus  quidquid  .  .  . 
ad  se  pertineat  perspicere  coepit,  Fin.  v. 
24.  The  sentence  can  hardly  represent 
what  young  Cicero  wrote  to  Tiro,  as  the 
old  editors  seem  to  have  held,  if  we  may 
judge  by  their  punctuation. 

ut  permutetur  Athenas]  '  to  send  him 
a  bill  of  exchange  on  Athens  to  an  amount' 
which  will  suffice  for  his  yearly  expenses. 
The  accusative  Athenas  is  probably  the 
right  form.  In  560.  1  we  think,  on  the 
whole,  that  Athenis  goes  with  the  clause 
quod  illi  opus  erit  Athenis,  permutarine 
possit.  It  is  unlikely  that  there  would 
be  two  forms  of  a  regular  business  ex- 
pression, the  ablative  and  accusative : 
and  -ne  would  naturally  go  with  the  first 
word  of  a  clause. 

ei.  Scilicet]  SoCrat.  for  etsilicet  of  M1. 
See  Adn.  Grit. 


342 


EP.  7£9  (ATT.  XV.  17). 


749.     CICEKO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xv.  17). 

ASTURA  ;    JUNE  14  ;    A.   U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  62. 

Ad  duas  Attici  epistulas  respondet  de  multis  rebus  summatim,  maxime  de  rel 
privatis  et  negotiis  communibus. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Duas  accepi  postridie  Idus,  alteram  eo  die  datam,  alterai 
Idibus.  Prius  igitur  superior!.  De  Bruto,  cum  scies.  De  conl 
sulum  ficto  timore  cognoveram.  Sicca  enim  QiXoaropyios  ille 
quidem,  sed  tumultuosius  ad  me  etiam  illam  suspicionem  pertulit, 
Quid  tu  autem  ?  TO.  /ntv  &SojU£i>a  ?  Nullum  enim  verbum  a 
fSiregio.  Non  placet.  De  Plaetorio  vicino  tuo  permoleste  tuli 


1.  Ducts']  sc.  epistulas.  For  the  ellipse 
cp.  738.  4  obsignata. 

superiori]     sc.  respondebo. 

De  Bruto]     sc.  scribes. 

consulum  ficlo  timore']  The  consuls, 
Antony  and  Dolabella,  affected  to  believe 
tli at  Brutus  and  Cnssius  had  designs  on 
their  lives,  and  Antony  made  this  an 
excuse  for  surrounding  himself  with  a 
body-guard.  They,  perhaps,  had  some 
grounds  for  so  doing,  as  there  were 
rumours  afloat  that  Brutus  and  Cassius 
were  likely  to  have  recourse  to  violent 
actions  :  cp.  note  to  735.  5  ;  and  they 
seem  to  have  thought  that  the  con- 
spirators had  more  vigour  than  they  had 
in  Cicero's  opinion  (738.  1).  This  is, 
perhaps,  the  body-guard  to  which  Appian, 
B.  C.  iii.  4  and  5,  refers,  but  wrongly 
considers  it  formed  as  early  as  April : 
cp.  750.  2;  751.  1;  752.  4. 

<(>  iXoffTopyw  $]  cp.  764.  1. 

eti'im  illam  suspicionem']  It  is  hard  to 
say  whether  etiam  means  '  this  suspicion 
among  others,'  or  'to  me  as  well  as  to 
others ' ;  probably  the  former.  Tumultu- 
osius,  'in  somewhat  alarmist  fashion,' 
seems  to  be  used  much  in  the  sense  of 
Qopv&oiroit'iin  754.  2. 

Quid  tu  autem  ?]  '  Well,  what  do  you 
say  ?  Take  the  goods  the  gods  provide  ? 
For  I  haven't  had  a  word  from  Siregius. 
Annoying.'  It  has  been  held  that  the 
reference  is  to  the  legatio  given  by 
Dolabella.  Cicero  wanted  the  legatio 
for  the  purpose  of  leaving  the  country : 
but  Dolabella  had  not  given  him  any 
order,  not  even  to  salute  Nicias  (752.  1), 
so  he  could  not  leave.  He  was  anxious 
to  do  so  owing  to  his  fears  from  the  military 
forces  now  at  Antony's  disposal.  But  how 


a  reference  to  Dolabella  underlies  Sit 
we   can  olfer  no   explanation.     Schmic 
supposes  TO  fjifv  StSo/meva  (sc.  5f£ovrai}  til 
refer  to  the  offer  of  the  corn  commission- 
ership  to  M.  Brutus.     The   passage, 
fear,  is  still  unexplained. 

a\  Siregio~]  Knowing  nothing  about  thill 
person,  we  cannot  guess  what  transaction! 
is  alluded  to  in  the  proverb  ra  n*v  $iS6-H 
/uLeva  (avd-yK't)  Se'xe^at)  :  cp.  Plato  Gorn 
499  C,  and  Cic.  Att.  vi.  5.  2  (269)  ;   but 
possibly  it  was  some  offer  from  a  debtoj 
of  Cicero's   to  compound   his  debt.     It 
would  be  rash  to  read  Sara  regio,  '  Saraj 
of  the  queen's  (Cleopatra's)  court,'  \vithl 
Schiitz.     The  other  allusions  to  privat* 
matters   in    this    letter    are    also    quitij 
beyond  the  reach  of  plausible  conjectxn 
O.'E.  Schmidt  (Rh.  Mus.  1898,  p.  23iB 
suggests  Circeio    (the  Circeian  PromoM 
tory),  where  he  thinks  Brutus  may 
been  (cp.  743  fin.).     He  was  at  Asturi 
about  the  10th  (745.  1),  whence  he  weni 
to  Nesis  near  Naples  about  June  25  (757)B 
As  the  context  seems  to  point  to  some! 
vigorous    action    on     the     part    of 
tyrannicides    (cp.    738.    2),    we  thoughjj 
that   possibly   the    reading  was    nullut 
enim  verbum  a  Syria  [written  Siria~]  (fl 
abasia).   Regio  non  placet.    '  Sicca  write* 
about  the  suspicion  that  is  abroad  that  thej 
tyrannicides   are  planning    some 
What  do  you  think  ?     They  must  do  th 
best  they  can  under  the   circumstances] 
for  there  is  not  a  word  from  Syria  (whi(~ 
it  was  hoped  would  support  them), 
district  (where  the  attempt  is  to  be  m? 
is  unsatisfactory.'     Cicero    writes   em 
matically   about  what  was  a  secret 
dangerous  matter. 

Plaetorio]  We  hear  of  a  M.  Plaetorh 


EP.  749  (ATT.  XV.  17). 


343 


jquemquam  prius  audisse  quam  me.  De  Syro  prudenter.  L.  An- 
ttonium  per  M.  fratrem,  ut  arbitror,  facillime  deterrebis.  Antroni 
vetui,  sed  nondum  acceperas  litteras  ne  cuiquam  nisi  L,  Fadio 
jaedili.  Aliter  enim  nee  caute  nee  iure  fieri  potest.  Quod  scribis 
[tibi  deesse  HS  c  quae  Ciceroni  curata  sint,  velim  ab  Erote 
tquaeras  ubi  sit  meroes  insularum.  Arabioni  de  Sittio  nihil  irascor. 
Ego  de  itinere,  nisi  explicato  A,  nihil  cogito,  quod  idem  tibi  videri 
'puto.  2.  Habes  ad  superiorem.  Nunc  audi  ad  alteram.  Tu 
vero  facis  ut  omnia,  quod  Serviliae  non  dees,  id  est  Bruto.  De 
[regina  gaudeo  te  non  laborare,  testem  etiam  tibi  probari.  Erotis 
rationes  et  ex  Tirone  cognovi  et  vocavi  ipsum.  Gratissimum, 
quod  polliceris  Ciceroni  nihil  defuturum :  de  quo  mirabilia  Mes- 
salla,  qui  Lanuvio  rediens  ab  illis  venit  ad  me,  et  mehercule  ipsius 


•who  was  a  friend  of  Lentulus,  Fam. 
i.  8.  1  (119);  and  of  a  Plaetorius  who 
was  condemned  for  extortion,  v.  20.  8 
!  (228).  Either  may  have  been  the  accuser 
of  M.  Fonteius  :  cp.  Font.  2. 

Syro']  probably  the  literary  slave  of 
Atticus  (568.  2). 

deterrebis']     cp.  note  to  748.  1. 

Antroni  vetui]  sc.  aliquid  dari.  '  1 
ordered  you  to  give  no  money  to  Antro, 
but  when  you  wrote  you  had  not  got  my 
letter  telling  you  not  to  give  anything  to 
anyone  except  to  L.  Fadius  the  aedile '  : 
cp.  748.  1.  We  do  not  know  who  Antro 
was. 

tibi  deesse]  '  that  you  have  not  got  the 
100  sestertia  paid  to  Cicero.' 

merces  insularum]  cp.  769.  5, '  the  rent 
of  the  flats  '  on  the  Aventine  and  in  the 
Argiletum  (cp.  568.  2),  the  booksellers' 
street  of  Borne.  He  had  assigned  these 
rents  to  be  applied  to  the  maintenance  of 
his  son  in  Athens. 

Arabioni  de  Sittio  nihil  irascor] 
Arabion  was  son  of  Massanassa  who 
fought  along  with  Juba  against  Caesar. 
After  the  defeat  at  Thapsus  he  was  de- 
prived of  his  kingdom,  which  was  divided 
between  Bocchus  and  that  able  adventurer 
P.  Sittius.  (For  this  remarkable  man  see 
Dr.  Reid's  Introduction  to  the  Pro  Sulla, 
,§  16.)  Arabio  fled  to  the  Pompeians  in 
Spain,  but  returned  after  Caesar's  murder, 
reconquered  his  country, andkilled  Sittius 
(App.  B.  C.  iv.  54).  The  subsequent 
fortunes  of  Arabio  are  told  by  Appian 
53,  56  :  cp.  Dio  xlviii.  22.  It  is  to  the 
death  of  Sittius  that  Cic.  plainly  refers. 
It  is  curious  how  Cic.  inserts  this  matter 


of  considerable  public  interest  in  the 
middle  of  an  account  of  his  financial 
difficulties. 

A]  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the 
sentiment  conveyed  is  that  of  752.  4,  nisi 
explicata,  solutione  non  sum  discessurus. 
A  is  conjectured  by  Gronovius  to  stand 
for  Aot7r£,  which  Cic.  generally  calls  reli- 
quo,  and  which  means  '  my  balance  '  at 
the  banker's.  This  is  very  ingenious.  A 
symbol  ^,  which  stands  for  A  =  \onrov, 
is  used  for  the  remainder  in  a  subtraction 
sum  in  the  papyri,  as  Prof.  Smyly  has 
pointed  out  to  us:  cp.  Flinders- Petrie 
Papyri,  vol.  iii,  p.  364.  Popma  would 
read  A,  which  he  regards  as  standing  for 
annuo,  or  '  my  yearly  accounts ' ;  the 
phrase  would  then  mean  *  till  I  see  if  1 
can  make  accounts  for  the  year  balance 
I  will  not  leave.'  See  also  on  Att.  ix.  9. 
4  (364). 

2.  facis  ut  omnia]  Editors  would  insert 
probe,  but  Lehmann,  p.  78,  shows  that 
the  text  is  right.  Among  many  other 
passages  he  cites  546.  3,  quod  me  ab 
hoc  maerore  recreari  vis  facis  ut  omnia, 
'  you  act  with  your  usual  kindness,'  or  '  it 
is  just  like  you.' 

Serviliae']  Atticus  was  ready  to  help 
Servilia  (which  in  effect  meant  Brutus : 
cp.  note  to  704.  3)  with  money  as  far  as 
his  resources  would  go.  He  would  not, 
however,  finance  the  movement  that  the 
tyrannicides  had  now  on  foot  (cp.  735.  5). 

testem  etiam]  sc.  Hammonium:  see  on 
last  ep.  $  2. 

qui  .  .  .  ad  me]  rediens  ab  illii  is  to  be 
taken  closely  together,  *  who  on  his  return 
from  Athens  came  to  me  (at  Astura)  from 


EP.  750  (ATT.  XV.  18). 


344 


litterae  sic  et  (j>i\o(jTopjw^  et  tvTrivwg  scriptae  ut  eas  vel  in  acroasi 
audeam  legere:  quo  magis  illi  indulgendum  puto.  De  Buciliauo 
Sestium  puto  non  moleste  ferre.  Ego,  si  Tiro  ad  me,  cogito  in 
Tusculanum.  Tu  vero,  quid  quid  erit  quod  me  scire  par  sit,  stating 


750.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Axx.  xv.  is). 

ON   THE    WAY   TO   TUSCULUM  ;   JUNE    15  J    A.  U.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44  ; 
AET.  CIC.  62. 


M.  Cicero  commendat  Attico  negotia  sua  et  consilium  proficiscendi  se  scribit  etiand 
Dolabellae  significasse,  Attici  tamen  consilium  exspectat. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  xvn  Kal.  etsi  satis  videbar  scripsisse  ad  te  quid  mihi  opus] 
esset  et  quid  te  facere  vellem,  si  tibi  commodum  esset,  tamen,  cui 
profectus  essem  et  in  lacu  navigarem,  Tironem  statui  ad  te 
mittendum,  ut  iis  negotiis  quae  agerentur  interesset ;  atque  etiam 
scripsi  ad  Dolabellam  me,  si  ei  videretur,  velle  proficisci  petiique  ab 
eof  de  mulis  vecturae  [itineris].  2.  Ut  in  his — quoniam  intellego 
te  distentissimum  esse,  qua  de  Buthrotiis,  qua  de  Bruto,  cuius 
etiam  ludorum  fsuorum  curam  et  [iam]  administrationem  suspicor 


Lanuvium '  (which  was  on  the  main  road, 
the  Via  Appia,  for  one  coming  from 
Brundisium  to  Kome). 

<f>i\o<TT6py<as  et  fvirivws']  (  written 
with  such  affection  and  purity  of  style 
that  I  would  venture  to  read  them  as 
models  in  a  conversazione.1  Acroasis  bel- 
lorum  hominum  is  mentioned  in  a  fragment 
of  Varro's  Menippean  Satires,  517  (p.  216 
ed.  Biicheler). 

Buciliano']  one  of  those  who  took  part 
in  the  murder  of  Caesar.  He  seems  to 
have  joined  with  Brutus  and  Sestius  in 
preparing  ships  on"  which  to  go  to  Greece : 
cp.  771.  4. 

si  Tiro -ad  me]     sc.  venerit,  cp.  773.  6. 

statim~]     sc.  scribes. 

1.  in  lacu]  the  lacus  Albanus  or 
Nemorensis,  not  lacus  Lucrinus. 

si  ei  videretur]  These  words  and  the 
request  for  a  supply  of  baggage  mules 
remind  us  that  Cicero  was  now  legatus  to 
Dolabella. 

ab  eo  tde  mulis  vecturae  f  [itineris]  As 
ZWORP  (cp.  Lehmann  'Att.,'  p.  139) 
omit  itineris,  we  may  assume  that  it  is 
probably  a  gloss,  or  perhaps  (but  less 


likely)  a  dittography  from  ut  in  his.  "We 
should  certainly  like  to  have  an  ace.  after 
petit,  and  Boot  conjectured  ab  eodetn  mulos:\ 
we  do  not  know  of  any  parallel  in  Cicero 
for  petere  de  '  to  make  a  request  about  a] 
thing'  (i.e.  for  a  thing),  though  Cues.] 
B.  G.  v.  3.  5  has  it.  The  collocation 
mulis  vecturae  for  '  transport-mules  '  is] 
hardly  possible.  We  think  it  must  be 
mulis  et  vectura,  or,  as  Dr.  Reid  suggests,  j 
mulis  vecturae  causa. 

2.  Ut  in  his"]  This  is  the  conjecture 
of  Gronovius  for  et  in  eis,  and  is  resumed 
by  the  words  tit  ergo  .  .  .  in  re.  For  ergo 
resumptive  after  a  parenthesis  cp.  Fam. 
xv.  10.  1  (239)  and  note. 

t  suorum~\  The  margin  of  Lambinus'  I 
ed.  gives  scenicorum,  which  is  probable. 
Lehmann  (p.  116)  conjectures  sumptuo-  \ 
sorum ;  the  more  expensive  the  games 
were  the  more  trouble  would  devolve 
on  Atticus :  for  the  adjective  he  com- 
pares ludos  .  .  .  sic  ut  nemo  sumptuosi- 
ores,  Q.  Fr.  iii.  8.  6  (159).  The  games 
were  very  costly  :  Pint.  Brut.  21  :  Appian 
B.  C.  iii.  24 :  Cic.  Phil.  i.  36.  For  the 
double  genitive,  see  on  744  fin. 

et  \iam~\  administrationetn]     etiam  has 


EP.  751  (ATT.  XV.  19). 


345 


x  magna  parte  ad  te  per  tin  ere — ut  ergo  in  eius  modi  re,  tribues 
obis  paullum  operae  :  nee  enim  multum  opus  est.  Mini  res  ad 
aedem  et  earn  quidem  propinquam  spectare  videtur.  Yides 
omines,  vides  anna.  Prorsus  non  raihi  videor  esse  tutus.  Sin  tu 
liter  sentis,  velim  ad  me  scribas.  Domi  enim  manere,  si  recte 
>ossum,  multo  malo. 


751.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xv.  19). 

TUSCULUM  ;    JUNE    16-19  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  J     B.  C.  44  J    AET.  CIC.  62. 

Quaerit  de  Buthrotiis,  de  Bruto,  de  armis  quae  futura  sint,  de  Theophane,  de  Q,. 
icerone,  de  mandatis  Dolabellae,  de  C.  Antonio,  de  Menedemo. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Quidnam  est  quod  audendum  amplius  de  Buthrotiis  sit? 
jgisse  enim  te  frustra  scribis.  Quid  autem  se  refert  Brutus? 
)oleo  mehercules  te  tarn  esse  distentum  :  quod  decem  hominibus 
eferendum  est  acceptum.  Est  illud  quidem  epywSec  sed 


obably  been  developed  out  of  et  owing 
the  adjacent  etiam.  It  is  just  possible 
at  iam  may  have  got  out  of  place  and 
ould  precede  pertinere  ;  now  that  Brutus 
nnot  be  in  Rome,  the  administration  of 
e  games  devolves  on  you. 
Mi  hi  res  ad  caedem~]  cp.  752.  4.  Here 
says  plainly  what  he  only  ventures  to 
nt  at  in  a  letter  (744)  written  but  a 
eek  before  in  the  words  contrahi  mihi 
ffotium  videtur;  sed  ft\dff(p^/ma  mit- 
mus ;  cp.  751.  1  De  armis  nihil  vidi 
ertius. 

1.  sit?  Egisse]    So  we  read  with  Wes. 

d  Boot  for  stetisse.  The  latter  would 
to  mean  '  appeared  in  court '  (in  this 
nse  we  could  also  have  stidsse};  but 
e  Buthrotian  matter  was  a  political 

;herthan  a  legal  question.  Miiller  reads 

?  Sat  egisse  '  to  have  got  into  a  state  of 
itation,'  '  to  have  got  into  a  fuss,'  lit. 
o  have  had  enough  to  do,'  a  semi- 
mic  expression  :  cp.  Petr.  58  ;  Plant, 
ere.  228.  Domitius  Afer  said  of  an 
ator  who  had  a  great  deal  of  action,  non 
ere  sed  satagere  (Quintil.  vi.  3.  54). 
se  refert]  <  why  is  Brutus  coming  back 
wards  Rome  instead  of  pursuing  his 


journey  to  Asia? '  We  do  not  hear  else- 
where of  this  return  of  Brutus  towards 
Rome.  Probably  it  was  a  mere  rumour. 
Perhaps  we  should  read  de  refert,  '  What 
does  Brutus  say  on  the  matter  ? '  i.e. 
his  affair,  possibly  connected  with  the 
enterprise  for  which  he  asked,  and  was 
refused,  a  loan  from  Atticus  (735.  2). 
The  Buthrotians  and  Brutus  were  the 
two  matters  which  were  troubling  Atticus 
at  this  time. 

decem  hominibus]  'those  ten  fellows  ' ; 
thus  he  contemptuously  designates  some 
Commission  of  Ten,  possibly  appointed 
under  the  Lex  Antonio*  Cornelia  de 
coloniis  deducendis.  Generally,  however, 
such  a  Commission  were  2'resviri.  The 
execution  of  the  Land  Law  of  L. 
Antonius  in  Italy  was  assigned  to  a 
body  of  Seven. 

Est  illud  .  .  .  gratissimum~]  Possibly 
Atticus  had  thanked  Cicero  for  his  efforts 
with  Dolabella  to  have  the  Buthrotian 
business  settled.  Cicero  says  it  was  a 
'tough  job'  (epywties),  but  'all  in  the 
day's  work '  (avfKrbv),  and  a  great 
pleasure  to  him,'  to  be  able  to  help 
Atticus  at  all.  But  it  is  also  possible  that 
illud  refers  to  some  favour  that  Atticus 


346 


EP.  751  (ATT.  XV.  19). 


mihique  gratissimum.  De  arrais,  nihil  vidi  apertius.  Fugiarnus 
igitur  ;  et,  ut  ais,  ooram.  Theophanes  quid  velit  nescio.  Sorip- 
serat  enim  ad  me.  Cui  rescripsi  ut  potui.  Mihi  autem  scribit 
venire  ad  me  se  velle,  ut  de  suis  rebus,  et  quaedam  quae  ad  me 
pertinerent.  Tuas  litteras  exspecto.  Vide,  quaeso,  ne  quid  temere 
fiat.  2.  Statius  scripsit  ad  me  locutum  secum  esse  Q.  Ciceronem 
valde  adseveranter,  se  haec  ferre  non  posse  :  certum  sibi  esse  ad 
Brutum  et  Cassium  transire.  Hoc  enimvero  nunc  discere  aveol 
hoc  ego  quid  sit  interpretari  non  possum.  Potest  aliquid  iratus 
Antonio,  potest  gloriam  iam  novam  quaerere,  potest  totum  esse 
(T\£$ia<rfjia9  et  nimirum  ita  est :  sed  tamen  et  ego  vereor  et  pater 
conturbatus  est.  Scit  enim  quae  ille  de  hoc  :  mecum  quidem 
a^ara  olim.  Plane  quid  velit  nescio.  A  Dolabella  mandate 
habebo  quae  mihi  videbuntur,  id  est,  nihil.  Die  mihi,  C.  Aid 
tonius  voluitne  fieri  septemvir  ?  Fuit  certe  dignus.  De  Mene- 
derno  est  ut  scribis.  l^acies  omnia  mihi  nota. 


had  done  for  Cicero  M'ith  no  little  trouble 
to  Atticus  himself .  If  so,  avetcrbv  becomes 
a  rather  cavalier  remark  on  Cicero's  part. 
Atticus  may,  however,  have  used  the 
word,  and  Cicero  be  merely  re-echoing  it. 

et,  ut  ais,  corain]  sc.  inter  nos  colloqne- 
mtir,  as  often,  e.g.  731  fin.,  753. 2  ; 
783.  6  fin.  The  discussion  would  be  as  to 
the  details  of  the  flight :  cp.  Att.  x.  15.  3 
(401)  Ibitur  igitur,  et  ita  quidem  ut  censes. 
Lehmann  (p.  34)  punctuates  et  tit  ais 
('let  us  fly  in  the  way  you  suggest'). 
Coram  Theophanes  quid  velit  nescio. 
•  What  T.  wants  by  a  personal  interview, 
I  know  not.'  Can  velle  cor  am  mean  that  ? 
And  if  so,  why  then  repeat  a  few  lines 
further  on  that  T.  asked  for  such  an 
interview  ?  Boot's  proposal  to  read  et, 
ut  ais,  curramus,  introduces  a  weak 
tautology. 

Theophanes^  of  Mitylene,  who  had 
been  a  very  important  secretary  of 
Pompey  :  cp.  Index.  We  do  not  know 
the  matter  referred  to. 

ut  de  suis  rebus]  sc.  mecum  communicet. 

2.  haec\  'this  condition  of  public  affairs.' 

Potest"]  '  Possibly  he  is  somewhat 
angry  with  Antony.'  For  iratus  aliquid 
cp.  728.  3,  stomachor  omnia  ;  763.  4 
succensere  aliquid ;  and  Ter.  Andr.  376. 
The  ace.  could  only  be  a  neut.  pronoun 


or  adj.  The  dictionaries  quote  nihi 
poterat  irasci  from  Quintilian  (Declam, 
viii.  8). 

erxeSt  aa-fj.a]      'a    mere    freak,' 
passing  whim.' 

hoc]     Antony. 

#4>ara]  '  what  shocking  things  younj 
Quintus  said  to  me  about  Antony' 
Cicero  is  probably  referring  to  semi 
'  shocking '  remark  of  young  Quintal 
like  that  recorded  in  724.  3  :  a  Caesan 
habuisse  omnia,  nihil  a  patre,  reliqu\ 
sperare  ab  Antonio,  which  would  seen 
quite  inconsistent  with  a  complet 
abandonment  of  the  cause  of  Antony. 

A  Dolabella']     '  My  orders  from  Dola 
bella  (as  his  legatus)  are  just  whatever 
like.     In  other  words,  I  have  no  order 
at  all.' 

septemvir']  one  of  the  Commission  o 
Seven  for  dividing  lands  in  Italy  amon) 
the  soldiers  according  to  the  law  o 
L.  Anton ius,  just  passed. 

dignus]    *  he  certainly  deserves  a  place 
among    such  worthy    colleagues   as    hiaj 
two  brothers  Marcus  and  Lucius,  Dolajl 
bella,  Nucula,  Lento,  and  a  seventh  not 
mentioned:   cp.  Phil.    xi.  13. 

De  Menedemo'}  See  732.  2 ;  734.  J 
Att.  appears  to  have  said  that  M.  had  noil 
been  exec\ited. 


EP.  752  (ATT.  XV.  20). 


347 


752.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xv.  20). 

TUSCULUM  ;    JUNE  17-20  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  J    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  gratiis  Vettieno  actis,  de  Dolabellae  mandatis,  de  legatione  sua,  de  misera  re- 
publicae  condicione,  de  Sex.  Pompeio,  de  profectione  sua  futura,  Bruti  iam  facta,  de 
negotiis  privatis  et  rationibus  nummariis. 

CICERO  ATTICO   SAL. 

1.  Egi  gratias  Vettieno  ;  nihil  enim  potuit  huraanius.  Dola- 
bellae mandata  sint  quaelibet  mihi,  aliquid  vel  quod  Niciae 
nuutiem.  Quis  enim  haec,  ut  scribis,  fanteno  ?  Nunc  dubitare 
quemqnam  prudentem  quin  meus  discessus  desperationis  sit,  non 
legationis?  2.  Quod  ais  extrema  quaedam  iam  homines  de  re 
publica  loqui  et  eos  quidem  viros  bonos,  ego  quo  die  audivi  ilium 
tyrannum  iu  contione  '  clarissimum  virum  '  appellari  subdiffidere 


1.  Vettieno}  A  banker  of  Puteoli,  whom 
Cicero  charges  with  negligence  in  Att.  x. 
6.  3  (384),  and  whom,  in  Att.  x.  11.5  (396), 
he  tells  us  he  addressed  as  Monetalis  or 
'  Business-man '  in  answering  a  letter  in 
which  Vettienus  had  appended  Pro  Cos. 
to  the  name  of  Cicero. 

sint  quaelibet  mihi]  '  let  Dolabella's 
orders  to  rne  be  of  any  kind  at  all,  for 
example,  that  I  should  bring  some 
message  to  Nicias.'  The  order  of  words 
is  peculiar ;  we  should  expect  vel  quod 
aliquid ;  accordingly  Dr.  Reid  suggests 

o  -i 

modo  (m]  for  mihi(m],  '  provided  only  that 
it  is  something.'  Cicero  may  have 
asked  that  Dolabella  should  give  him 
some  order,  and  not  leave  it  wholly  to  his 
own  wish  what  to  do  (751.  2).  As  Nicias 
appears  to  have  been  a  gossip  (604  fin.  ; 
623.  2),  there  is  some  little  humour  in  the 
order  that  he  is  to  be  told  some  news. 
Nicias  was  a  friend  of  Dolabella :  cp. 
Farn.  ix.  10.  2  (537). 

tonfonc]  This  word  is  possibly  the 
porruption  of  a  Greek  expression,  per- 
haps avTcpe?,  'who  will  say  nay'  to 
what  he  is  about  to  remark  ?  For 
other  conjectures  see  Adn.  Grit.  The 
most  generally  accepted  is  Gronovius' 

TTTiWi,  which  ought  to  be  \eirrvve?, 
if  we  are  to  explain  it,  with  Schiitz,  to 
mean,  'who  will  hair-split  about  (will 


look  closely  into)  my  commissions  from 
Dolabella?'  But  we  do  not  think  \CTTTV- 
veiv  could  bear  this  sense,  nor  that  the 
sentiment  would  suit  what  follows. 
Corradus  reads  ante  nos,  understanding 
nuntiabit,  which  seems  to  give  a  jocose 
sense,  '  who  will  tell  Nicias  any  news 
sooner  than  I  ? '  Perhaps  accepit  is  under- 
stood—  'received  such  orders  as  these.' 
Dr.  Reid  approves  of  ante  nos,  but  he 
would  understand passus  est,  'Who  ever 
was  treated  like  this  before  me?'  If 
this  is  the  sense,  we  think  we  should 
read  in  the  previous  clause  sunt  (for  sint) 
quaelibet  mihi,  aliquid^  vel,  and  that  Cic. 
is  reproducing  the  more  or  less  con- 
temptuous message  of  Dolabella,  'Do  just 
what  you  please,  just  something,  say,  tell 
Nicias  some  piece  of  news.' 

dubitare]  *For  the  exclamatory  infini- 
tive cp.  Att.  ii.  6.  2  (33)  esse  locum  turn 
prope  Momam  ubi  mulii  sint  qui  Vatinium 
nunquam  viderint?  Roby,  §  1358,  and 
many  examples  referred  to  in  Index, 
s.  v.'  infinitive  mood. 

desperationis  sit]  A  genitive  like  Off. 
i.  67  acerba  ita  ferre  tit  nihil  a  statu 
naturae  discedas  robusti  animi  est  magnae- 
que  constantiae  Madvig,  §  282. 

2.  contione']  We  do  not  know  in  what 
public  speech  Caesar  was  so  styled.  It 
may  have  been  the  speech  of  Brutus  to 
the  people  in  the  Capitol  (731.  2). 


4348 


EP.  752  (ATT.  XV. 


coepi :  postea  vero  quam  tecum  Lanuvi  vidi  nostros  tantum  spei 
habere  ad  vivendum  quantum  accepissent  ab  Antonio,  desperavi. 
Itaque,  mi  Attice,  fortiter  hoc  velim  accipias,  ut  ego  scribo. 
Genus  illud  iriteritus,  quo  fcausurus  est,  foedum  ducens  et  quasi 
denuntiatum  nobis  ab  Antonio  ex  hac  nassa  exire  constitui,  non 
ad  fugam  sed  ad  spem  mortis  melioris.  Haec  omnis  culpa  Bruti. 
3.  Pompeium  Carteia  receptum  scribis :  iam  igitur  contra  hunc 
exercitum.  Utra  ergo  castra  ?  Media  enim  tollit  Antonius.  Ilia 
infirma,  haec  nefaria.  Properemus  igitur.  Sed  iuva  me  consilio 
Brundisione  an  Puteolis.  Brutus  quidem  subito,  sed  sapienter. 
Ha(Tx<*>  rt.  Quando  enim  ilium  ?  Sed  humana  ferenda.  Tu  ipse 
eum  videre  non  potes.  Di  illi  mortuo,  qui  umquam  Buthrotum 


Lanuvi]  cp.  734.  2.  Tecum  shows  that 
Att.  was  at  the  meeting  at  Lanuvium  : 
cp.  741  init.  note. 

spei  .  .  .  ad]  Boot  compares  spem  ,  .  , 
ad  eius  salutem  exstinguendam,  Mil.  5. 
See  also  Att.  vii.  3.  4  (294)  and  note. 

•\-quo  casurus  est]  We  think  the  least 
unsatisfactorj'  restoration  of  this  corrupt 
passage  is  Popma's  suggested  by  Z,  quo 
causae  cursus  est,  ' that  kind  of  death 
in  the  direction  of  which  the  current  of 
affairs  is  setting,'  namely,  death  in  the 
massacre  which  seemed  likely  to  occur : 
cp.  750.  2.  "With  it  Cicero  compares  the 
mors  melior,  namely,  death  by  the  hand 
of  his  enemies  in  open  battle.  The  un- 
natural character  of  the  expression  quo 
causae  cursus  est  may  be  due  to  his  un- 
willingness to  speak  plainly  of  such  a 
horrid  contingency  as  massacre :  cp.  744 
fin.;  and  the  phrase  si  haec  ita  manant,  used 
above  in  734.  3  in  a  very  similar  passage, 
may  serve  as  a  commentary  on  it.  Mad- 
vig's  overdaring  emendation,  quo  Catulus 
usu.<t  est,  would  point  to  suicide,  of  which 
we  cannot  believe  Cicero  is  thinking  here. 
Dr.  Reid  suggests  quo  ('  whereby')  causa 
casura  est.  Could  it  be  quo  Caesar  caesus 
est,  i.e.  assassination?  This  would  suit 
quasi  denuntiatum  nobis  ab  Antonio. 

ex  hac  nassa]  '  I  have  resolved  to  get 
out  of  this  drag-net  (Rome),  not  with  a 
view  to  escape,  but  with  a  view  to  the 
hope  of  a  nobler  death.'  For  nassa  cp. 
Plaut.  Mil.  581  and  Mayor  on  Juv. 
12.  123. 

culpa  Brutt]  We  think  this  cannot  be 
Decimus,  but  must  be  Marcus  Brutus: 
cp.  745.  2.  If  it  were  Decimus,  that 
prenomen  would  have  been  added,  as  in 
744.  2. 

3.  Carteia']  a  town  in  Hispania  Baetica, 


near  Calpe  (Gibraltar),  now  called  Saint- 
Roch.  M  gives  Carthela.  In  590.  3 
Carteiae  appears  in  M  as  Cartivi,  in  Z  as 
Cartini.  Generally  here  the  alteration 
made  is  Carteiam.  The  ace.  is  natural 
when  se  recipere  =  '  to  betake  oneself  to ': 
but  here  the  meaning  seems  to  be  '  to  be 
received  at  Carteia '  :  and  the  abl.  would 
be  normal:  cp.  Caes.  B.  C.  iii.  103.  3, 
Alexandria  reciperetur :  102.  7  oppido  ac 
portu  recepti  non  erant :  i.  35.  5.  Of  course 
Carteiae  would  be  allowable.,  590.  3. 

exercitutii]  sc.  ventttrum  '  that  accord- 
ingly at  once  an  army  will  come  against 
Antony  ';  or  '  that  presently  he  will  come 
against  this  army  of  Antony  here.'  That 
it  was  supposed*  that  Sextus  Pompeius 
would  carry  the  war  into  Italy  appears 
from  729.  2,  a  passage  which  should  be 
compared  with  this  one :  cp.  also  718.  2  ; 
753  tin. ;  755. 

Utra  ergo  castra  ?]  sc.  sequemur.  Here, 
as  in  other  cases  where  there  is  a  weigh- 
ing different  courses,  ellipse  is  veryi 
prevalent. 

Media  .  .  .  tollit]  '  makes  neutrality 
impossible.' 

an  Puteolis]  sc.  navem  conscendam  in 
Graeciam  profecturus. 

subito]     sc   profecturus  est. 

Udffxv  Tt]  'I  cannot  but  feel  his 
departure  :  for  when  shall  I  see  him 
again  ?  However,  such  is  life.  You 
cannot  see  him  either.  My  curse  on, 
Caesar,  dead  though  he  be,  who  proscribed 
the  land  of  the  Buthrotians,'  and  so  kept 
Atticus  in  Rome  and  rendered  it  impos-  • 
sible  for  him  to  see  his  friend  Brutus. 
Cicero  did  meet  Brutus  in  Nesis  on  July 
8th  (769.  1).  . 

Di  illi  morttio]  sc.  infesti  sint  or  mala 
dent,  or  something  of  the  kind  :  cp.  769.  1 


EP.  752  (ATT.  XV. 


349 


Sed  acta  missa.  Yideamus  quae  agenda  sint.  4.  Ration es  Erotis,. 
etsi  ipsum  nondum  vidi,  tamen  et  ex  litteris  eius  et  ex  eo,  quod 
Tiro  cognovit,  propemodurn  cognitas  habeo.  Yersurain  scribis 
esse  faciendam  mensum  quinque,  id  est,  ad  Kal.  Nov.  HS  cc :  in 
earn  diem  cadere  nummos  qui  a  Quinto  debentur.  Yelim  igitur, 
quoniam  Tiro  negat  tibi  placere  me  eius  rei  causa  Romam  venire, 
si  ea  te  res  nihil  offendet,  videas  unde  nummi  sint,  mihi  feras 
expensum.  Hoc  video  in  praesentia  opus  esse.  Reliqua  dili- 
gentius  ex  hoc  ipso  exquiram,  in  his  de  mercedibus  dotalium 
praediorum,  quae  si  fideliter  Ciceroni  curabuntur,  quamquam 
volo  laxius,  tamen  ei  propemodum  nihil  deerit.  Equidem  video 
mihi  quoque  opus  esse  viaticum.  Sed  ei  ex  praediis  ut  cadet 
ita  solvetur ;  mihi  autem  opus  est  universo.  Equidem,  etsi  mihi 
videtur  iste  qui  umbras  timet  ad  caedem  spectare,  tamen  nisi 
explicata  solutione  non  sum  discessurus.  Sitne  autem  explicata 
necne  tecum  cognoscam.  Haec  putavi  mea  manu  scribenda, 
itaque  feci.  De  Fadio,  ut  scribis,  utique  alii  nemini.  Rescribas 
velim  hodie. 


Di  hercule  istis  :  Att.  xvi.  11.  5  (799) 
Di  istis.  The  ellipse  with  Buthrotum  is 
very  harsh,  but  may  be  excused  by  the 
elliptical  nature  of  the  whole  passage. 
Otherwise  we  should  suggest  to  add 
<proscripsit  tuum.> 

missa]  sc.faciamus  ;  '  let  us  dismiss  the 
past  and  look  to  the  future  ':  cp.  Fam.  ix. 
7.  2  (462)  sed  ridicula  missa.  Or  the 
ellipse  may  be  merely  sint. 

4.  Versuram  mensum  quinquae~\  'afire 
months'  loan';  i.e.  for  five  months.  We 
do  not  know  of  any  other  example  of 
this  genitive  (appaiently  that  of  quality) 
after  versura. 

mihi  feras  expensum"]  f  put  it  down  to 
my  debit  account.' 

ex  hoc  ipso~\  sc.  Erote,  whom  he  had 
not  yet  met. 

dotalium  praediorum~]  This  is  the 
property  to  which  Cicero  has  already 
referred  as  the  flats  (insulae)  on  the 
Aventine  and  the  Argiletum.  They  ori- 
ginally formed  part  of  Terentia's  dower ; 
but  after  her  divorce  Cic.  retained  part  of 
her  dower,  to  be  applied  to  the  main- 
tenance and  education  of  their  son :  see 
568.  2;  749.  1. 

quae  .  .  .  deerit~]  '  which  rents  if 
carefully  collected  will  be  found  to  be 
adequate  for  him,  even  though  my  wish 
is  that  he  should  have  a  more  liberal 
allowance.'  There  does  not  seem  to  be 


any  necessity  to  change  laxius  to  largius, 
lautius,  or  prolixius.  It  is  opposed  to 
anguste  or  arte,  which  can  be  applied  to 
livelihood  or  subsistence :  cp.  Liv.  ii. 
51.  2 ;  xxviii.  24.  6. 

viaticum~]  Both  constructions  are 
allowable  with  opus  est,  either  personal 
or  impersonal  (with  abl.) :  cp.  universo 
in  the  next  sentence.  The  former  is  rare : 
for  some  examples  from  the  letters  cp. 
note  to  Fam.  ii.  6.  4  (177)  Dux  nobis  et 
auctor  opus  est. 

Sed  .  .  .  universo']  '  but  he  can  be 
paid  from  time  to  time  as  the  rents  fall 
due  ;  I  shall  require  a  lump  sum  for  the 
expenses  of  my  journey.' 

ei~]     So  Mai.  for  id  of  M  and  et  of  F. 

qui  umbras  timet]  Antony,  who  had, 
or  professed  to  have,  apprehensions  of  an 
attempt  on  his  life  by  Brutus  and  Cassius  : 
cp.  749.  1  De  consulum  ficto  timore.  For 
the  fears  of  a  massacre  cp.  750.  2  ;  751. 1 
de  armis  nihil  vidi  apertius. 

Jfanc]  apparently  the  whole  letter. 
Ern.  reads  Haec,  supposing  that  §  4  is 
meant.  See  Adn.  Grit. 

De  Fadio'\  see  748.  1 ;  749.  1,  where 
he  tells  Atticus  that  he  had  forbidden  any 
money  to  be  given  to  Antro,  or  indeed 
to  be  given  to  anyone  except  the  aedile 
Fadius,  who  was  to  get  the  moneys  of 
the  Arpinates  which  were  in  his  hands. 


350 


EP.  753  (ATT.  XV.  21). 


753.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (An.  xv.  21). 

TUSCULUM  I    JUNE    21  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  ;     B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  60. 

De  Q.  filio  quid  Q.  pater  sibi  scripserit,  de  re  Cani,  de  aliis  negotiis  privatis    e 
profectione  sua  adventante  Sex.  Pompeio. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 
1.  Narro  tibi,  Q.  pater  exsultat  laetitia.  Scripsit  enim  filiiu 
se  idcirco  profugere  ad  Brutum  voluisse,  quod,  cum  sibi  negotiuni 
daret  Antonius  ut  eum  dictatorem  efficeret,  praesidium  occuparet 
id  recusasset,  recusasse  autem  se,  ne  patris  animum  offenderet : 
eo  sibi  ilium  hostem.  '  Turn  me'  inquit  'collegi  verens  ne  quic 
mihi  ille  iratus  tibi  noceret.  Itaque  eum  placavi.  Et  quidem 
cccc  certa,  reliqua  in  spe.'  Scribit  autem  Statius  ilium  cum 
patre  babitare  velle.  Hoc  vero  mirum,  et  id  gaudet.  Ecquemti 
illo  certiorem  nebulonem  ?  2.  'Eiroxriv  vestram  de  re  Cani  [deli- 
berationis]  probo.  Nihil  eram  suspicatus  de  tabulis,  axtpat 
restitutam  arbitrabar.  Quae  differs,  ut  mecum  coram,  exspectabo 
Tabellarios  quoad  voles  tenebis  :  es  enim  occupatus.  Quoc 
ad  Xenonem,  probe.  Quod  scribo,  cum  absolvero.  Quinto 


1.  dictatorem']  The  whole  of  this  an- 
nouncement of  Quintus  to  his  father — 
that  his  design  of  deserting  to  Brutus 
(751.  2)  arose  from  his  unwillingness  to 
carry  out  the  ambition  of  Antony  by 
proposing  him  as  dictator  if  elected  tribune 
next  year,  and  occupying  in  Antony's 
interest  a  fortified  position  in  the  city — 
seems  to  have  been  a  fabrication,  as  well 
as  the  large  alleged  present  in  money 
from  Antony  on  the  occasion  of  his 
reconciliation.  Boot  acutely  remarks  that 
Mre  should  have  heard  of  the  matter 
in  the  Philippics  if  there  had  been  any 
truth  in  it.  Young  Quintus  was  given 
to  romancing.  Shuckburgh  compares 
605  tin. ;  751.2;  768.2,  suspicor  hunc, 
ut  solet,  alucinari. 

habitare  velle]  He  had  refused  to  live 
with  his  father:  cp.  658.  1. 

gaudet]  Quintus  the  elder  rather  than 
Statius. 

certiorem']  This  can  mean  '  a  more 
thorough  rascal,'  *  one  more  certainly 
a  rascal.'  For  this  use  of  certus  cp. 
certissimus  parricida,  Vat.  35  :  monstrum 
certissimum,  Eosc.  Am.  63.  It  is,  how- 
ever, possible  that  Cicero  wrote  cerri- 
.tiorem.  Indeed,  the  young  man  who 


invented  falsehoods  so  sure  to  be  detecte< 
might  well  be  called  '  crazy  ' ;  and  younj 
Quintus  could  not  have  been  describee 
better  than  as  cerritus  nebulo. 

2.  re  Cani"]  See  661.  2;  vestrairt 
refers  to  Alt.  and  Quintus. 

deliberation's]  This  is  probably  a  glosa 
on  eVox^>  the  genitive  being  used,  ai 
there  might  be  a  '  suspension  '  of  othei 
things  besides  discussion.  Dr.  Reid 
would  wish  to  add  <quae  est>  deliberation 
nis,  comparing  Att.  viii.  12.  8  (345),  ets( 
erat  deliberation's,  '  a  matter  needing  deli- 
beration.' 

a.Kfpa.i<as]      'in  full,'  'without  any 
rebate/     If  the  reference  is  to  Ep.  661,1 
we  may  infer  that  there  was  some  charga 
on  the  dowry  of  Cana,  and  that  for  somffl 
reason  it  was  not  refunded  to  her  in  fulll 
on  her  divorce  from  her  former  husband. 
The    tabulae   would    be    the   document 
which  showed  the  existence  of  the  liei 
on  Cana's  dowry.     We  rather  think  w< 
should    read    de  <dotalibut>   tabulis, 
that  the  word  dotem  may  be  more  easili 
understood  as  (subject  to  restitutam. 

ad  Xenonem]     sc.  scripsisti. 

Quod  scribo]  '  the  work  I  am  nowj 
engaged  on  I  shall  forward  to  you  when! 


JSP.  754,  (FAM.  XVI. 


351 


hcripsisti  te  ad  eum  litteras;  nemo  attulerat.  3.  Tiro  negat  iam 
tibi  placere  Brundisium  et  quidem  dicere  aliquid  de  militibus. 

Lt  ego  iam  destinaram,  Hydruntem  quidem.  Movebant  me  tuae 
juinque  horae.  Hie  autem  quantus  TrXovc !  Sed  videbimus. 

Tullas  a  te  xi.  Kal.  :  quippe,  quid  enim  iam  novi  ?  Cum  primum 
|gitur  poteris,  venies.  Ego  propero,  ne  ante  Sextus,  quern  adven- 
aiunt. 


754.     CICERO  TO  TIRO  (FAM.  xvi.  23). 

TUSCULUM  ;    JUNE  21  (ABOUT)  J   A.  U.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44  J    AET.    CIC.  62. 
Cicero  cum  de  aliis  rebus  turn  de  conservanda  Antonii  amicitia  agit  cum  Tirone. 

CICERO  TIRO  Ml  SAL. 
1.  Tu  vero  confice  professionem,  si  potes  ;  etsi  pecunia  haec  ex 


inished.'      Shuckburgh    thinks    it  may 
*ve  been  the  De  Amicitia. 
euni]     is  Quintus.      Possibly   he  was 
>w  at  Tusculum  with  his  brother. 
3.  placere  Brundisium]     as  a  place  of 
ibarkation  for  Greece,  op.  752.  3. 
de    militibus]     i.e.    that     the    legions 
irhich    were    coming    from     Macedonia 
*ht   cause   him    trouble,    cp.   771.    4. 
Jut    Cicero     had   already   made   up  his 
lind    to    go   to   Brundisium,    or    rather 
[ydruntum    (Otranto),   some    45   miles 
ler  south  :  cp.  Fam.  xvi.  9.  2  (292). 
did  not,  however,    go  by  that  route 
l.  4).      Cicero    regarded   Atticus    as 
lething     of    an     alarmist     (754.     2). 
J'errero  (iii.  75)  says  the  danger  was  from 
legion   called    Alaudae,   which    was 
ider  orders  for  Macedonia  at  this  time, 
[n  November  it  was  on  its  way  to  Rome, 
xvi,  8.  2  (798).      It  probably  never 
3d  to  Macedonia. 

tuae   quinque    horac]     your  (statement 
it  it  was  only  a)  five  hours'  passage.' 
Sic  autem]     '  But  this  journey  (from 
west  coast  of  Italy) — what  an  immense 
[>ne  it  is  ! '     For   hie  Dr.  Reid  compares 
(71.  4    haec  navigatio  ;  Phil.i.  7  Her  illud 
iter  illine. 

Nullas]  sc.  accept,  cp.  641.  1. 
Sextus]     sc.  adveniat,  cp.  752.  3  note. 

As  to  the  date  of  this  letter  Ruete  (p.  25 
tices  that  during  the  summer  of  710  (44) 
know  that  Tiro    was  three  times  in 
ne  :  at  the  end  of  May  (741.  1) ;  from 
I  une  9  to  14  (745.  1  ;  749.  2  ;  750.  1)  ; 
|rom    June    15    to    beginning    of    July 


(750. 1 ;  753.  3 ;  766.  1).  This  letter,  he 
thinks,  was  written  in  the  third  period  : 
cp.  §  2,  Atticus  dopv&oiroie'i  with  753.  3 
of  June  21,  et  quidem  dicere  aliquid  de 
militibus.  Lepta,  too,  is  mentioned  in  a 
letter  of  July  2,  763.  1. 

0.  E.  Schmidt,  on  the  other  hand  (N. 
Jahrb.  cxxix.  1884,  p.337),  thinks  that 
the  projected  letter  to  Antony,  mentioned 
in  §  2,  is  that  which  is  stated  in  741.  1 
of  May  31  to  have  been  already  written. 
It  would  appear  that,  on  May  127,  Cicero 
sent  Tiro  to  Dolabella  at  Rome  (735.  5), 
on   which    occasion   Tiro,    he    supposes, 
saw   Atticus,   who    expressed    alarm    at 
Cicero's  not  having  applied  to  Antony  as 
well  as  to  Dolabella  in  the  matter  of  the 
legatio.   To  Tiro's  letter  of  the  27th,  tell- 
ing of  the  alarm  of  Atticus,  this  letter  is  a 
reply.     Cicero  was  in  Tusculum  at  this 
time.     Tiro  returned  thither  on  the  29th, 
and  brought  news  that  Atticus  would  join 
Cicero  in  a  visit  to  Brutus  and  Cassius  at 
Lanuvium.     This     visit   seems   to  have 
taken   place  on  the    30th.     Tiro's    first 
sojourn  in  Rome  is  accordingly  fixed   to 
May  27-29.      Notwithstanding  the   in- 
genuity of  this  argument  of  Schmidt's,  we 
have  adhered  to  Ruete'sview,  as  we  have 
not  any   confirmatory  evidence    of    the 
supposition  that  Atticus  was  alarmed  on 
Cicero's  behalf  at  the  end  of  May. 

1.  Tu  vero]  '  Yes,  finish  the  matter  of 
the  declaration  of  property.'      Vero,  with 
the  personal  pronoun,  shows  that  this  is 
an   answer  to  a  question  of  Tiro's  :   cp. 
note  to  574.  1  ;  773  init. 

professionem]     Probably  this    was  the 


352 


EP.  754  (FAM.  XVI. 


eo  genere  est  ut  professioue  11011  egeat.  Yerura  tamen.  .  .  Balbi 
ad  me  scripsit  tanta  se  lirifyopa  oppressum  ut  loqui  non  possii 
Antonius  de  lege  '  quod  egerit.'  Liceat  modo  rusticari ! 
Bithynicum  scripsi.  2.  De  Servilio  tu  videris  qui  senectutem  in 


regular  declaration  which  it  was  necessary 
to  make  at  the  census.  Everything  had 
to  he  declared  of  which  the  citizen  had 
full  ownership.  But  the  property  to 
which  Cicero 'alludes  may  not  have  heen 
strictly  his  own  :  it  may,  for  example, 
have  heen  trust- money  for  wards  or  the 
like.  Schmidt  (p.  305)  thinks  that  there 
was  a  professio  in  the  case  of  every  formal 
change  of  property  hy  loan  or  borrowing  — 
a  statement,  presumably,  that  both  parties 
assented  to  the  transfer,  just  as  we  give 
our  signatures  in  the  case  of  transfer  of 
stocks :  and  he  is  of  opinion  that  such  a 
private  (so  to  speak)  professio  is  referred 
to  here.  But  the  passages  he  quotes, 
Att.  xiii.  33.  1  (616),  Liv.  xxxv.  V.  1-5, 
are  not  conclusive  on  the  point.  , 

Verum  tamen]  For  this  aposiopesis, 
cp.  550  ;  602.  1  ;  710.  2  ;  715.  1  ; 
773.  3. 

(KKpopa]  'defluxion':  cp.  vol.  I3, 
p.  86.  It  probably  means  a  defluxion  or 
running  from  the  nose  ;  in  fact,  what  we 
call  a  cold  in  the  head,  a  catarrh.  It  is 
also  applied  to  a  running  of  the  eyes, 
and  we  find  it  in  the  glosses  (iv.  360.  23) 
used  as  an  explanation  of  lippitudo. 

possit]  So  the  MSS.  The  consecution 
is  unusual,  but  allowable,  '  that  he  can- 
not speak '  (the  condition  still  continu- 
ing). "Wes.  reads  posset,  '  that  he  could 
not  speak'  (at  the  time  of  writing),  which 
is,  of  course,  more  natural.  For  the 
former,  cp.  1  Verr.  i.  12,  quam  (Siciliam) 
iste  per  triennium  ita  vexavit  ut  ea  restitui 
in  o,ntiquum  stattim  nullo  modo  possit. 

de  Uge\  Without  Tiro's  letter  we  can- 
not be  sure  what  law  is  here  referred  to. 
Antony  did  a  good  trade  in  promulgating 
laws,  ostensibly  from  Caesar's  memoranda, 
which  granted  immunities  to  certain  states. 
Thus  he  granted  Roman  citizenship  to 
the  Sicilians,  at  which  Cicero  was  very 
indignant  (715.  1).  But  we  think  the 
law  was  probably  the  Lex  agraria  of 
L.  Antonius,  which  was  passed  in  June : 
cp.  Groebe  (De  legibus,  $c.,  anni  710, 
p.  16)  and  748.  1  ;  749.  1.  Schmidt 
(Die  letzten  Kampfe,  p.  708-2)  holding, 
as  he  does,  the  date  of  this  letter  to  be 
May  28,  considers  that  it  was  the  Lex 
Antonia  de  provinciis  consularibus  passed 
on  June  1  or  2.  Orelli  for  leg  em  wishes 


to  read   legionibus  (legg.}  1111  (=  qu 
tuor).    Wesenberg  (E.  A.  58)  thinks 
lege  is  corrupted  from  legg.  (=  legati 
bus),    and   that  the    reference  is  to 
legationes   which    certain    of    the    an 
Caesarians  (and  among  them  Cicero 
self)  were  trying  to  obtain,  or  had  obtain 
at  this  time:  cp.  700.  2  ;  707.2;  741. 
744.  4. 

'  quod  egerit ']  This  is  the  admirab 
restoration  of  Lehmann  (*  Att.,'  p.  19 
We  are  to  understand  some  such  ph 
as  id  actum  habebo,  signifying  non  enrol 
He  compares  Tusc.  iii.  50,  Ego  sum  is 
qui  dicam  me  non  laborare  :  actum  Aaiil 
turmn  quod  egerint :  from  which  passagi 
he  acutely  infers  that  quod  egerit  wal 
often  used  as  a  brief  expression  for  'it 
is  nothing  to  me ':  cp.  Att.  xv.  13.  3 
(794),  Clodium  nihil  arbitror  malitiom 
(sc.  fecisse)  ;  quamqnam — sed  (  quod  tff*l 
rit';  Fam.  xvi.  24.  2  (806),  puto  utrunti 
que  (sc.  Balbum  et  Hirtiuni)  ad  aquas^L 
sed  '  quod  egerint.'  He  also  uses  it  to 
explain  Att.  vi.  6.  4  (276),  which  he  doe* 
by  printing  At  nunc  Caelius  non  dim 
equidem  '  quod  egerit, '  sed  tamen  mulU 
minus  laboro.  He  quotes  other  passage! 
somewhat  similar,  where,  however,  nf 
indifference  is  expressed,  but  ratheB 
entire  confidence :  Att.  ix.  10.  7  (365M 
quod  egeris  id  ffrepKreov  putabo  ;  x 
13.  3  (428),  quicquid  egisses  recte  en 
actum  putarem :  640.  2,  quod  egeris  im 
probabo.  This  restoration  supersedes  hfl 
former  suggestion  (Quaest.  Tull.  p.  92)| 
Antonius  de  lege  <en>  quid  egerit;  aim 
Wesenberg's  quid  egerit  <non  cwroJ 
Dr.  Reid  suggests  quidlibet  egerit. 

Liceat  modo  rusticari']      *  Only  ]et  ml 
have  my  country  holiday.' 

Bith>/nicum~]     cp.  note  to  701. 

2.  De   Servilio']      This   was    Servili 
Isauricus,   who   had  just    (Phil.   ii.    1 
died  at  a  very  advanced  age  (inrepyhp 
Dio  Cass.   xlv.  16.  1).      He  had    be 
consul  in  79,  therefore  must  have 
over  78  years  of  age.     '  You  must  do 
you   think   right   as   regards    emulatin 
Servilius,  you  who  do  not  despise  length^ 
of  days.     (I  have    no    fear    of   deathjB 
although  Atticus,  because   in   past  time] 
he  has  seen  %me  thrown  off  my  balano 
by  false  alarms,  supposes  that  the   saral 


JSP.  755  (ATT.  XV. 


353 


iontemnis.  Etsi  Atticus  noster,  quia  quondam  me  comraoveri 
LKolg  iiitellexit,  idem  semper  putat,  nee  videt  quibus  praesidiis 
Ailosopbiae  saeptussim;  et  hercle,  quod  timid  us  ipse  est,  Oopv- 
irotti.  Ego  tamen  Antoni  inveteratam  sine  ulla  offensione 
unicitiam  retinere  sane  volo  scribamque  ad  eum,  sed  non  ante 
jnam  te  videro.  Nee  tamen  te  avoco  a  syngrapha;  76vv  KV^K. 
Dras  exspecto  Leptam  et  fn  ad  cuius  rutam  puleio  mihi  tui 
iermonis  utendum  est.  Vale. 


755.     CICEEO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xv.  22). 

TUSCULUM  J   JUNE  22  OR  23  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  J    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  exitu  Q.  filii,  de  Pansa,  de  Sex.  Pompeio,  de  Antonio. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Gratulor  nobis  Q.  fiiium  exisse :  molestus  non  erit.     Pansam 
ene  loqui  credo.     Semper  enim  coniunctum  esse  cum  Hirtio  scio. 


the  case  always  (and  that  I  am  afraid 

:  death) :  but  he  does  not  perceive  the 

rong   guards  whereby  I  am  now  pro- 

cted,  even  the  doctrines  of  philosophy ; 

id,  upon  my  word,  because  he.  is  a  bit 

mid  himself  he  is  acting  the  alarmist. 

owever,  I  wish  to  keep  up  friendship 

ith   Antony.'     Cp.  Introductory  note. 

ayser   and  Wes.  wish  to  add  <  at  ego 

ntemno*>  after  contemnis.    But  the  con- 

ast  between  tu  and  me  makes  the  train 

of  ideas  intelligible  without  any  addition. 

I     Antoni   inveteratam    .    .    .    amicitiam~\ 

Though  the  relations  between  Cicero  and 

Antony  had  never  been  very  cordial,  they 

had  not  as  yet  broken  off  what  they  called 

friendship  with  one  another.  Two  months 

previously  Cicero   had  written  a  rather 

effusive  letter  to  him :  see  717. 

lyngrapha]  A  bond  of  Tiro's  own, 
which  he  wished  to  have  paid. 

yovv  /ci/^/urjs]  Cp.  y6vvKvr)/j.r)S  eyyiov, 
Aristot.  Eth.  Nic.  ix.  8.  2;  Theocrit. 
xvi.  18,  aircoTcpoa  1)  y6vv  itvd/u.a.  The 
Latin  proverb  is  tunica  propior  pallio, 
Plant.  Trin.  1154,  and  the  English, 
"Charity  begins  at  home.' 

Leptani]  Cicero  wrote  two  letters  to 
him,  Fam.  vi.  18,  19  (534,  648):  cp. 
763.  1. 

et  n]  Here  it  is  generally  supposed 
that  the  name  of  some  man  is  lost.  We 
think  it  may  stand  for  nostrum,  and  refer 
to  young  Quintus.  He  was  considerably 

VOL.  7. 


in  debt  (681.  1),  and  owed  some  money 
to  Lepta  (763.  1).  Cicero  speaks  of  him 
as  nostrum  in  768.  2  MOTTO* — hoc  est 
enim — huic  nostro  nihil  praebere.  In  the 
Medicean  MS.  of  Ep.  ad  Att.  xv.  7.  1 
(739)  we  find  nostri  represented  by  N. 

ad  cuius  rutam  puleio']  'I  shall  need 
all  the  sweets  of  your  conversation  to 
counteract  the  bitters  of  his  talk':  lit. 
*  and  for  his  rue  I  must  have  the  penny- 
royal of  your  conversation.'  Rue  'even 
for  ruth,'  was  the  proverbially  bitter 
herb,  while  pennyroyal  (0\-f)xa")  had  an 
exceptionally  agreeable  odour:  cp.  Plin. 
H.  N.  xx.  152,  qua  de  causa  dignior  e 
puleio  corona  Varroni  quam  e  rosa  cubi- 
culis  nostris  pronuntiata  est,  nam  et  capitis 
dolores  imposita  dicitur  levare,  quin  et 
olfactu  capita  tueri  contra  frig  or  um  aestus- 
que  iniuriam  et  ab  siti  traditur,  neque 
aestuare  eos  qui  duos  e  puleio  surculos 
impositos  auribus  in  sole  habeant.  The 
word  is  scanned  pulei  in  Mart.  xii.  32, 
19  nee  corona  pulei  ending  a  scazon. 
Mendelssohn  notices  that  St.  Ambrose 
copies  this  expression  in  a  letter  to  Felix 
(Ep.  i.  4,  1  =  Migne,  ii.  889),  JStsi  habitu 
corporis  minus  valebam,  tamen  ubi  sermo- 
nem  unanimi  mihi  pectoris  tui  legi,  non 
mediocrem  sumpsi  ad  convalescendum 
gratiam  quasi  quodam  tui  alloquii  puleio 
refotus. 

exisse"]     sc.  Roma. 


354 


EP.  756  (ATT.  XV.  23). 


Amicissimum  Bruto  et  Cassio  puto,  si  expediet — sed  quando  ill< 
videbit? — Immicum  Antonio?  quando  aut  cur  ?  Uuousque  lude- 
mur  ?    Ego  autem  scripsi  Sextum  adventare,  non  quo  iam  adessetl 
sed  quia  certe  id  ageret  ab  armisque  nullus  disced eret.     Certe,  si 
pergit,  bellum  paratum  est.      Hie  autem  noster  Cytherius  nis 
victorem  neminem  victurum.    Quid  ad  haec  Pansa,?  utrobi  erit,  a 
bellum  erit  ?  quod  videtur  fore.     Sed  et  haec  alia  coram,  hodi 
quidem,  ut  scribis,  aut  eras. 


756. '  CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xv.  23). 

TUSCULUM  ;   JUNE  23  OR  24  J    A.  U.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44  J    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  itinere  suo,  de  Pansa,  de  Silio,  de  Bruto. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Mirifice  torqueor,   sine  dolore  tamen,  sed  permulta  mini  d 

nostro  itinere  in  utramque  partem  occurrunt.    Quousque  ?  inquies 

Quoad  erit  integrum:  erit  autem  usque  dum  ad  navem.    Pans 


quando  illos  videbit  ?"]  The  whole  gist  of 
the  letter  is  that  Pansa  is  insincere  and 
not  to  be  trusted.  (We  may  contrast 
with  this  the  warm  praise  Cicero  gives 
Pansa  in  a  letter  to  Cassius :  cp.  Earn, 
xv.  17.  3  (541)  written  in  January,  45.) 
The  question  when  he  will  meet  Brutus 
and  Cassius  does  not  seem  very  relevant, 
hut  it  would  be  rash  to  introduce  a  con- 
jecture, such  as  that  of  Graeter,  quando 
illi  videbitur  ?  sc.  expedire.  Dr.  Reid 
thinks  illos  videbit  was  introduced  by  a 
copyist  who  wished  to  fill  up  the  ellipse. 
If  the  words  are  retained,  they  will  mean 
'  but  when  will  he  see  them  so  as  to 
express  his  great  friendship  for  them  ?  ' 
Pansa,  and  Hirtius  (cp.  730.  2),  seem  to 
have  been  men  who  wished  to  stand  well 
with  all  -parties,  and  agreed  with  who- 
ever was  conversing  with  them  on  any 
occasion.  This  complaisance  naturally 
created  a  suspicion  of  insincerity.  Cicero 
was  apparently  quoting  the  words  of  Att., 
who  said  Pansa  est  amicissimus  Bruto  et 
Cassio,  to  which  Cicero  replies,  'Yes, 
I  think  so,  if  it  will  be  advantageous  to 
him.'  Att.  had  also  said  inimicus  Antonio. 

Sextum]     Pompeium  :  cp.  753.  5. 

nullus  discederef]  '  won't  budge  an  inch 


from  his  hostile  attitude  ' :  see  I3,  p.  8( 
for  this  use  of  nullus,  of  which  we  hav 
a  good  example  in  Plaut.  Rud.   143, 
qui  vocavit  nullus  venit. 

per  git]     '  goes  on '  (as  he  is  doing). 

Cytherius~]  A  nickname  of  Antony  asth 
lover  of  the  actress  Cytheris.  He  is  pos 
sibly  so  called  in  Att.  x.  10.  5  (395),  whew 
see  note. 

neminem  victurutn]  sc.  dicit.  Victurun 
is  doubtless  from  vivere.  But  did  Cicero  o 
Antony  use  the  word  without  an  inten 
tional  play  on  victurum  from  vincere  ? 

utrobi  erit]  'on  which  side  vrill  h 
be?'  Perhaps  we  should  read  utro  ierit 
for  the  adv.  utro  cp.  Ovid.  Met.  v.  16 
nescit  (tigris)  utro  potius  ruat  et  ruer 
ardet  utroque.  See  Adn.  Grit. 

coram]  cp.  734.  4. 

torqueor"]  '  I  am  on  the  rack,  not  o 
pain,  but  of  uncertainty,  so  many  con 
flicting  views  present  themselves  to  m 
with  regard  to  my  journey,'  :  cp.  752.  3 
753.3. 

Quoad  erit   integrwn]     '  as   long  as 
remains  an  open  question,  and  that  wil 
be  till  I  am  aMhe  ship.'     The  ellipse  i 
futurus   sim  \    and   the    phrase   like   aa 


EPP.  757,  758  {ATT.  XV.  %,  If).  355 

si  tuae  rescripserit,  et  meam  tibi  et  illius  epistulam  mittam.  Silium 
|exspectabam,  cui  virojjLv^a  compositum.  Si  quid  novi.  Ego 
litteras  misi  ad  Brutum,  cuius  do  itinere  etiam  ex  te  velira  si  quid 
ecies  cognoscere. 


757.  CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xv.  24). 

TUSCULUM  ;    JUNK  25  J    A.  U.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44  J    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  litteris  suis  Bruto  non  redditis,  de  libello  de  Silii  causa  coraposito. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Tabellarius,  quern  ad  Brutum  miseram,  ex  itinere  redit  vn 
Kal.  Ei  Servilia  dixit  eo  die  Brutum  H.IS  profectum.  Sane 
dolui  meas  litteras  redditas  non  esse.  Silius  ad  me  non  venerat. 
Causam  composui:  eum  libellum  tibi  misi.  Te  quo  die  exspec- 
tem  velim  scire. 

758.  CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xv.  u). 

TUSCULUM  J   JUNE   26  OR  27  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  J    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  acceptis  a  Dolabella  litteris,  de  Buthrotiis  et  de  sua  rescripta  epistula,  cuius 
exemplum  includitur  in  hanc  epistulam,  turn  de  componendis  libris  suis. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  vi  Kal.  accepi  a  Dolabella  litteras  quarum  exemplum  tibi 
misi,  in  quibus  erat  omnia  se  fecisse  quae  tu  velles.  Statirn  ei 

forum  esse.     For  usque   dum  Boot  com-  Si  quid  novi]  sc.  scribes:    cp.  Att.  x. 

pares  usque  dum  per  me  licuerit,  2  Verr.  i.  12.  3.  (397),  Tu,  guaeso,  si   quid  habebis 

12  ;  usque  dum   inveniretur   Pro  Quinct.  novi  (sc.  scribes).    Dr.  Reid  would  put  a 

67.     We  have  tamdiu  similarly  coupled  comma  at  compositum  :  *  I  have  given  him 

with  dum,  iu  the  sense  of  '  as  long  as '  a  memorandum  to  meet  any  new  turn  of 

in  Off.  ii.  43.  the  case.' 

tuae  rescwpserif\     For  the  omission  of 

epistulae,    see   on    734.   4:    cp.  738.  4:  H.IS]  =  hora prima  semisse  'at  half  an 

735.  5  (litteras  omitted).     Pansa,  in  re-  hour  after  the  first  hour,'  which  at  this 

plying   to   the   letter  of   Atticus,  would  time  of  the  year  would  be  about  5  a.m.  So 

send  his  letter  to  Cicero  to  be  forwarded  Orelli  for  his  of  M.   As  Z  reads  hns,  Boot 

by  the  latter  to  Atticus.  conjectures  HUB  =  hora  secunda  semisse, 

vTr6/j.vr)/uLa]     See  on  760.     The  same  'half  an   hour  after  the   second   hour' 

'  memorandum '    is   called  causa    *  state-  =   about   a   quarter  past   six.      Schiche 

ment     of     the     case,'    and    libellus    'a  conjectures  in  Nesidem. 
pamphlet,'  in  the  next  letter.  Causam']  756  and  760. 

Z2 


356 


EP.  758  (ATT.  XV.  U). 


rescripsi  et  multis  verbis  gratias  egi.     Sed  tamen  ne  miraretur  cui 
idem  iterum  facerem,  hoc  causae  sumpsi  quod  ex  te  ipso  corai 
antea  nihil   potuissem    cognoscere.     Sed  quid  multa?     Littei 
hoc  exemplo  dedi : 

"  CICERO  DOLABELLAE  COS.  SUO. 

2.  Antea  cum  litteris  Attioi  nostri  de  tua  summa  liberalitatel 
summoque  erga  se  beneficio  certior  factus  essem,  cumque  tu  ipse 
etiam  ad  me  scripsisses  te  fecisse  ea  quae  nos  voluissemus,  egi  tibi 
gratias  per  litteras  iis  verbis  ut  intellegeres  nihil  te  mihi  gratiua 
facere  potuisse.     Postea  vero  quam  ipse  Atticus  ad  me  venit  in 
Tusculanum  huius  unius  rei  causa  tibi  ut  apud  me  gratias  ageret, 
cuius  eximiam  quamdam  et  admirabilem  in  causa  Buthrotia  volun- 
tatem  et  singularem  erga  se  amorem  perspexisset,  teneri  non  potui 
quin  tibi  apertius  illud  idem  his  litteris  declararem.    Kx  omnibus 
enim,  mi  Dolabella,  studiis  in  me  et  officiis,  quae  summa  smit, 
hoc  scito  mihi  et  amplissimum  videri  et  gratissimum  esse  quod 
perfeceris  ut  Atticus  intellegeret  quantum  ego  te,  quantum  tu  mej 
amares.     3.  Quod  reliquum  est,  Buthrotiam  et  causam  et  civita- 
tern,  quamquam  a  te  constituta  est — beneficia  autem  nostra  tueri 
solemus — tamen   velim  receptarn  in  fidem  tuam  a  meque  etiam  j 
atque  etiam  tibi  commend atam  auctoritate  et  auxilio  tuo  tectam  j 
velis  esse.     Satis  erit  in  perpetuum  Buthrotiis  praesidi  magnaque- 
cura  et  sollicitudine  Atticura  et  me  liberaris,  si  hoc  honoris  mei^i 
causa  susceperis  ut  eos  semper  a  te  defenses  velis.    Quod  ut  facias- 
te  veheruenter  etiam  atque  etiam  rogo." 

4.  His  litteris  scriptis  me   ad   awra^et^   dedi,   quae  quidem 


1.  idem  iterum  facerem']  cp.   $  2.     'I 
adopted  this  excuse  that  I  was  not  ahle 
to  learn  anything  from  you  at  our  pre- 
vious meeting'  (but  this  special  visit  of 
Att.  showed  Cicero  how  very  grateful  he 
was  to  Dolabella). 

2.  cuius  .  .  .perspexisset^     ('  as  he  had 
perceived  fully  your  signal  and  remark- 
able exertions  in  the  Buthrotian  business, 
and  your  exceptional  regard  for  himself ') : 
the  antecedent  of  cuius  is  tibi. 

3.  beneficia  .  .  .  solemus"]  We  think  that 
this  is  a  general  statement  *  and  one  is 
accustomed  to  continue  his  support  where 
he  has  done  a  kindness.'     A  somewhat 
similar  sentiment  is  found  in  Thucyd.  ii. 


40.  4,  fieficuorepos  Se  6  Spdvas  rfyv 


velim  .  .  .  velis~\  Boot  justly  remarks 
the  carelessness  of  this  repetition.  la 
such  a  letter  in  English  '  kindly  '  and 
'  kindness  '  would  be  apt  to  occur  in  tha 
same  way. 

4.  arvvrd^eis']  ffvvra^is  is  used  of  an> 
entiro  work  (usually  corpus),  but  it  can 
be  called  liber  ;  avyypa/u./ma  and  ffvvray/u.a. 
are  used  of  a  separate  book  or  portion  of 
a  work  (usually  liber).  See  Dr.  Reid's- 
Academica,  p.  31.  The  works  to  which, 
Cicero  refers  are  probably  the  De  Gloria 
and  'HpaK\eiSeiov  (764.2;  782.  6),  but 


EP.  759  (ATT.  XV.  25). 


357 


r  ne  miniata  cerula  tua  pluribus  locis  notandae  sint :  ita  sum 
et  magnis  cogitationibus  impeditus. 


759.     CICEEO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xv.  25). 

TUSCULUM  ;    JUNE  29  ',    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  62. 
De  itinere  suo  varias  senlentias  proponit. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

De  meo  itinere  variae  sententiae  :  multi  eiiim  ad  me.     Sed  tu 
icumbe,  quaeso,  in  earn  curam.    Magna  res  est.    An  probas,  si 
d  Kal.  Ian.  cogitamus  ?     Meus  animus  est  aequus,  sic  tamen  ut 
[si]  nihil  offensionis  sit.    Yelim  etiam  scire,  quo  die  Olympia,  cum 


may  perhaps  be   the  three  books 
Ifficiis. 

miniata  cerula]     The  ancients  used  to 
1  *  3k  little  red  wax  wafers  on  places  where 
jy  deemed  correction  or  revision  neces- 
We  should  say  '  your  red-pencil 
larks  '  :  cp.  Att.  xvi.  11.1  (799)  Cerulas 
rim  tuas  miniatulas  illas  extimescebam. 

os']     l  anxious   and  hampered 
)y  considerations  of  great  moment.'    For 
cp.  note  to  770.  3. 


j  ad  me]  sc.  scripserunt  :  cp.  769.  3  ad  te 
^oras. 

si  ad  Kal.  Ian."]  "We  must  understand 
adesse  ;  or,  perhaps  better  still,  express  it 
before  ad,  where  it  might  have  been  lost  : 
cp.  Phil.  i.  6,  ea  mente  discessi  ut  adessem 
Kal.  Ian.  For  adesse  adcp.  719.  6  ;  Att. 
vii.  20.  2  (318)  aderunt  consules  ad  suas 
Nonas. 

animus  ent  aequus}  '  I  am  in  a  state  of 
indifference,  qualified  only  by  a  desire  to 
avoid  giving  offence  '  by  the  time  chosen 
either  for  my  departure  or  for  my  return. 
In  strictness  either  ut  or  si  is  redundant. 
We  have  bracketed  si.  It  may  have  been 
an  error  for  sed,  which  originally  preceded 
Velim  scire. 

'  Velim  etiam  scire  .  .  .  scires~\  This  is 
virtually  the  reading  of  M,  except  that 
we  read  Velim  for  et  tu  with  Lambinus 
(marg.)  and  Shuckburgh,  and  bracket 
«*,  which  may  be  a  dittography  of  tu. 
Cicero  was  considering  every  point 
connected  with  his  journey  to  Greece. 
If  he  went  there,  he  might  as  well 


see  the  Olympic  games,  as  this  was  an 
Olympic  year,  and  also  attend  the 
Eleusinian  mysteries.  The  former  took 
place  in  July  or  August  (Hecatombaeon), 
the  exact  date  having,  no  doubt,  been 
already  proclaimed  ;  the  latter  about 
September  (Boedromion).  As  to  the  latter 
Cicero  had  already,  perhaps  in  a  letter 
of  the  day  before,  made  inquiries  from 
Atticus.  The  meaning  then  is :  "I 
should  like  to  know  also  (as  well  as 
your  opinion  about  my  returning  by 
Jan.  1)  the  date  ot  the  Olympic  games  : 
as  the  mysteries  (i.e.  the  exact  date  of 
the  mysteries)  of  course  you  know  [for 
Atticus  presumably  knew  all  about 
Attica  and  Athens].  Chance  will  decide 
the  plans  for  my  journey  (i.e.  such  con- 
siderations as  these  dates  will  decide  my 
plans).  Let  us  then  perpend,  not  make 
up  our  minds  (as  to  the  exact  date  of  my 
return :  I  may  return  sooner  than  the  end 
of  December) :  for  travelling  by  sea  in 
winter  is  annoying,  and  that  was  the 
reason  I  asked  you  for  the  date  of  the 
mysteries '  (to  see  if  I  could  attend  them 
and  yet  get  back  before  general  naviga- 
tion ceased  for  the  winter)."  The  sea 
was  said  to  be  '  closed  '  from  Nov.  1 1 
to  March  10:  cp.  Vegetius  v.  9.  We 
cannot  believe  that  olim  piaculum,  the 
reading  of  Bosius,  is  right ;  and,  even  if 
it  were,  the  reference  to  the  very  ancient 
history  of  the  violation  of  the  rights  of 
the  Bona  Dea  by  Clodius  seventeen  years 
before  would  have  little  point.  We  think 
that  Cicero  at  this  time  intended  to  go  to 


358 


EP.  760  (FAM.   VII.  21). 


mysteria  scilicet  [ut]  tu  scires.  Casus  consiliuin  nostri  itiiieriaji 
iudicabit.  Dubitemus  igitur.  Est  enim  hiberna  uavigatio  odiosal 
eoque  ex  te  quaesieram  mysteriorum  diem.  Brutum,  ut  scribit 
visum  iri  a  me  puto.  Ego  liinc  volo  prid.  Kal. 


760.     CICERO  TO  TREBATIUS :  (FAM.  vii.  21). 
JUNE  (LATTER  HALF)  ;  A.  u.  c.  710 ;  B.  c.  44 ;  AET.  cic.  62. 

Cicero  C.  Trebatio  P.  Silii  causam  valde  commendat. 
CICERO  TREBATIO  SAL. 

Sili  causam  te  docui :  is  postea  fuit  apud  me.     Cum  ei  dicereraj 
tibi   videri   sponsionem  illam  nos  sine  periculo  face*e   posse,  si! 


the  Olympic  games,  not  imagining  that 
if  he  attended  them  the  general  public 
would  think  so  badly  of  him  as  it  did. 
Cicero,  on  fuller  consideration,  recog- 
nized that  such  an  action  on  his  part 
would  be  inexcusable  (783.  5).  Even  at 
this  time  he  thought  attending  games  at 
Home  in  this  crisis  of  the  State  was  not 
a  right  proceeding  (763.  1) ;  but  to  do 
so  in  a  foreign  country  might  not  have 
appeared  to  him  so  reprehensible  as  it 
afterwards  did,  when  public  opinion  set 
strongly  against  it.  Possibly  scilicet  should 
be  transferred  to  the  next  sentence,  to 
precede  Casus.  Prof.  Goligher  suggests 
that  perhaps  mysteria  may  be  an  ignorant 
gloss  on  Olympia,  arising  from  mysterio- 
rum, a  few  lines  below.  For  some 
conjectures  see  Adn.  Crit. 
hinc  volo~\  sc.  proficisci. 

Sili  causam~]  The  explanation  of  this 
case  will  require  a  somewhat  lengthy 
treatment.  We  have  received  valuable 
assistance  in  this  note  from  our  friend 
Lord  Chief  Justice  Cherry,  sometime  Reid 
Professor  in  the  University  of  Dublin. 

In  certain  cases  wherein  the  full  forms 
and  ceremonies  of  a  will  were  not  ex- 
ecuted the  praetor  gave  to  the  heir 
named  in  the  will  the  bonortim  possessi- 
onem  secundum  tabulas,  provided  that  the 
essential  formalities  had  been  complied 
with,  e.g.  that  the  will  had  been  sealed 
by  seven  witnesses,  that  the  testator  had 
the  right  of  testation  (testamenti  factio) 
at  the  time  of  death,  that  the  legatees 
were  capable  of  succeeding  at  civil  law, 


&c.  A  woman,  being  in  the  guurdianshi pi 
of  her  agnates,  was  incapable  of  making  al 
will  without  her  guardians'  auctoritas  & 
but  she  could  obtain  powers  of  testamen  J 
tary  bequest  by  ceasing  to  be  a  membew 
of  her  family.  This  could  be  effected  byl 
her  undergoing  a  capitis  deminutio  mini M 
ma,  that  is,  loss  of  her  original  status  aal 
member  of  the  family.  The  process  con-l 
sisted  of  a  fictitious  purchase  of  thai 
woman,  coemptio,  whereby  the  purchaser  J 
with  consent  of  her  agnntic  guardianJ 
acquired  over  her  the  power  known  as 
manus,  but  was  at  the  same  time  bound! 
by  a  compact  to  re-sell  her  to  some  onJ 
whom  she  might  choose  ;  hence  the  pro-1 
cess  was  called  coemptio  Jiduciaria.  T\iM 
person  to  whom  she  was  sold  then  became! 
her  guardian,  and  either  gave  his  auc\ 
toritas  to  the  will  or,  as  frequently! 
happened,  manumitted  the  woman  (Gains  J 
i.  115 a).  This  auctoritas  or  manu- 
mission was  required,  according  to  strict! 
law,  in  order  that  the  woman's  will  should! 
be  legal.  In  this  process  we  can  see  howl 
the  rights  of  the  intestate  heir  were  pro^l 
tected :  for  the  intestate  heir  was  the  1 
woman's  agnatic  guardian,  and  he  wouldj 
be  unlikely  to  agree  to  the  first  step,  viz  j 
the  coemptio,  if  he  were  to  suffer  ultimately! 
by  the  proceeding.  The  agnatic  guardian-  j 
ship  of  women  was  abolished  by  thfrj 
Lex  Claudia,  passed  in  the  reign  of  I 
Claudius  (Gaius,  i.  157,  171  ;  Ulpian, .j 
xi.  8),  but  the  auctoritas  of  the  guardian  i 
was  still  required  to  enable  a  woman  to 
make  a  will,  except  in  certain  cases  (Gaiusf  j 
ii.  113  ;  Ulpian,  xx.  16). 


EP.  760  (FAM.   VII.  21). 


359 


IpONOKUM  TVRPILIAE  POSSESSIONEM    Q.  CAEPIO  PRAETOR  EX  EDICTO 

luo  MI  HI  DEDIT,  negare  aiebat  Servium  tabulas  testament!  esse 
jas  quas  instituisset  is  qui  factionem  testament!  non  habuerit ; 
noc  idem  Ofilium  dicere ;  tecum  se  locutum  negabat  meque 


The  present  case  accordingly  appears  to 

;e  as  follows: — Turpilia  made  a  will  in 

Kavour   of   Siiius   without  having    freed 

Iperself    from    her  family    by    coemptio. 
JThe  Praetor,  Q.  Caepio,  gave  the  bonorum 
wossessionem  secundnm   tabulas  testamenti 
•provisionally  to  Siiius,  by  the  interdict 
quorum  bonorum,  as  it  was  called  [Roby, 
•.ffottifm  Private  Law,  i.  p.  239],  at  the 
I  same    time    probably  directing    him    to 
tenter  into  a  stipulatio  with  the  intestate 
Iheir    (who   disputed   the   will)   in   order 
•that  the  validity  of  the  will  might   be 
•tested.       The     stipulatio     was    an     old 
•form  giving  legal  validity  to  an  agree- 
Iment.     It  consisted  of  a  formal  question 
land   a   formal    answer :     '  Detem  aureos 
\primis  Kalendis  Martiis  dare    spondes  ?  ' 
I*  Spondee?     The  verb  spondere  was  essen- 
Itial ;  it  was  a  long  time  before  such  words 
fas  promitto  or  dabo  were  tolerated  as  sub- 
stitutes. Hence  the  stipulatio  can  be  called 
sponsio,  as  here.     The  form  of  stipulatio 
was  also  used  extensively  in  legal  proceed- 
ings in  order  to  confer  jurisdiction.    If  the 
Praetor  thought  he  had  not  jurisdiction 
to  decide  a  particular  question,  he  made  the 
parties  enter  into  a  stipulatio,  conditional 
upon  the  proposition  in  dispute,  to  pay  a 
.certain    sum,     and     thus    the     question 
I  whether    the   sum   was   due    under   the 
I  stipulatio  really  decided  the  point.     The 
parties  would  thus   be   at  issue,   as  we 
should  say,  and   the  question   could   be 
1  determined  as  an  ordinary  contract.     In 
the   present   case    Siiius   entered   into   a 
stipulatio  with  Turpilia's  intestate  heir  in 
this  form — si  BONORVM  TVKPILIAE  POS- 
SESSIONEM Q.  CAEPIO  PHAETOK  EX  EDICTO 

svo  MIHI  DEDIT  d»re  mihi  spondes  (so 
much  money)  ?  and  the  intestate  heir 
answered  Spondeo.  The  question  at  issue 
then  was — Did  the  edict  of  the  Praetor 
acknowledge  the  validity  of  the  will  of  a 
testatrix  who  had  not  fulfilled  certain  con- 
ditions generally  held  necessary  to  free 
her  from  her  agnatic  guardianship?  In 
other  words,  were  the  formalities  of  co- 
emptio, &c.,  necessary  for  the  acquisition 
of  rights  of  testation  ?  Yes,  said  Servius 
Sulpicius  and  his  pupil  Ofilius,  they  are 
necessary:  No,  apparently  said  Trebatius, 
they  are  unessential  forms,  and  should  be 
disregarded  in  the  equitable  jurisdiction 


of  the  Praetor.  Under  Hadrian  the 
Senate  enacted  that  the  ceremony  of  coemp- 
tio should  not  be  considered  necessary  for 
the  purpose  of  giving  rights  of  testation 
to  a  woman  (Gaius,  i.  115 a);  and  it 
appears  from  this  case  that  an  eminent 
counsel  two  centuries  before  was  of  the 
same  opinion.  Cicero,  however,  agreed 
with  the  views  of  Sulpicius ;  for,  in  his 
Topica,  §  18,  he  says,  Si  ea  mulier  testa- 
mentum  fecit  quae  se  capite  nunquam 
deminuit  non  videtur  ex  edicto  praetoris 
secundum  eas  tabulas  possessio  dari ;  and 
as  the  Topica  was  written  shortly  after 
this  letter,  Cicero  had  most  probably  the 
case  of  Siiius  before  his  mind. 

Q.  Caepio']  This  was  M.  Brutus,  the 
tyrannicide,  who  was  Praetor  urbanus  in 
this  year  44.  He  was  adopted  by  his 
maternal  uncle,  Q.  Servilius  Caepio,  and 
so  not  infrequently,  where  strictness  of 
language  is  required,  is  called  Q.  Caepio 
Brutus:  cp.  Philipp.  x.  25;  Att.  ii.  24. 
2  (51). 

dedit]  There  is  no  need  whatever  to 
alter  si  ...  dedit,  in  which  all  MSB.  are 
agreed,  to  ni  .  .  .  dederit.  The  praetor  had 
provisionally  given  Siiius  the  bonorum 
possessionem. 

Servium]  i.e.  Servius  Sulpicius,  cp. 
vol.  iv,  p.  Ixxvii,^. 

idem  .  .  .  dicere~\  'holds  the  same 
opinion.'  Cicero  jests  on  this  formula: 
cp.  Fam.  vii.  10.  2  (161). 

Ofihum]  He  was  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant of  the  pupils  of  Servius  Sulpiciua. 
Pomponius,inthe  Digest  i.  2.  2.  44,  says, 
7*  (sc.  Ofilius)  fuit  Caesari  familiarissi- 
mus  et  libros  de  iure  civ  Hi  plurimos  et  qui 
omnem  partem  operis  fundarent  reliquit. 
Nam  de  legibus  vicensimae  primus  [F.  D. 
Sanio  suggests  de  legibus  xx  libros]  con- 
scribit :  de  iurisdictione  idem  edic- 
tum  praetor  is  primus  dilig  enter 
composuit,  nam  ante  eum  Servius  duos 
libros  ad  Brutum  perquam  brevissimos  ad 
edictum  subscriptos  reliquit.  Fuit  eodem 
tempore  et  Trebatius,  qui  idem  Cornelii 
Maximi  auditor  fuit:  Aulus  Cascellius 
[cp.  763.4],  Quinti  Muci  auditoris  Volcatii 
auditor  [according  to  the  emendation  of 
Mommsen]  .  .  .  Ex  his  Trebatius  peritior 
Cascellio,  Cascellius  Trebalio  eloquentior 
fuisse  dicitur,  Ofilius  utroque  doctior. 


360 


EP.  761  (FAM.   VII. 


rogavit  ut  se  et  oausam  suam  tibi  commendarera.     Nee  vir  melio* 
mi   Testa,   neo   mihi  amicior   P.   Silio   quisquam  est,   te   tamei] 
excepto  :  gratissimum  mihi  igitur  feceris,  si  ad  eum  ultro  vener 
eique  pollicitus  eris ;  sed,  si  me  amas,  quam  primum  :  hoc  te  veh 
menter  etiam  atque  etiam  rogo. 


761.    CICEEO  TO  TREBATIUS  (FAM.  vn.  22). 

TUSCULUM  (?)  ;   JUNE  (?)  J    A.  U.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  aetione  furti  iurisconsultorum  sententias  afFert  Cicero. 

CICERO  TREBATIO  SAL, 
Inluseras  heri  inter  scyphos  quod  dixeram  controversiam  ess 
possetne  heres,  quod  furtum  antea  factum  esset,  furti  recte  agerel 


Cascellii  scripta  non  exstant  nisi  unus  liber 
bene  dictorum,  Trebatii  complures,  sed 
minus  frequentantur .  This  Ofilius  appears 
also  in  Att.  xiii.  37.  4  (657)  and  probably 
Fam.  xvi.  24.  1  (806). 

pollicitus  eris~\  For  this  absolute  use  of 
polliceri,  cp.  Q.  Fr.  i.  2.  16  (53). 

sed]  *  ay,  and,  if  you  love  me,  do  so 
as  soon  as  possible,'  lit.,  'but  there  is 
something  more,  I  want  you  to  do  it  at 
once. '  This  use  of  sed,  found  occasionally 
in  the  comic  writers  (Plaut.  Rud.  799 ; 
Cas.  692),  is  often  found  in  authors  of 
the  Flavian  period ;  cp.  Mayor  on  Juv. 
iv.  27  ;  v.  147. 

"We  put  this  letter  in  connexion  with 
the  preceding  letter,  as  both  are  addressed 
to  Trebatius  and  treat  of  legal  questions  ; 
but  there  does  not  appear  to  be  any 
evidence  to  fix  the  date  definitely. 

Inluseras  .  .  .  adsentior]  '  You  made 
fun  of  me  yesterday  over  our  cups  because 
I  said  that  it  was  a  disputed  point  whether 
an  heir  could  bring  an  action  for  theft 
committed  before  he  succeeded  to  the 
inheritance.  Accordingly,  though  I  got 
home  somewhat  mellow  and  rather  late, 
yet  I  took  a  note  of  that  section  where 
the  point  is  discussed,  and  am  sending  it 
to  you,  copied  out,  in  order  to  let  you  see 
that  the  opinion,  which  you  say  no  one 
ever  maintained,  has  been  held  by  Sext. 
Aelius,  M'.  Manilius,  and  M.  Brutus 
(who  appear  to  have  held  that  such  an 
action  could  be  brought).  I,  however, 


concur  with  Scaevola  and  Testa  (whl 
held  the  contrary).'  The  question  wouli 
seem  at  first  sight  to  be  settled  by  Paulul 
in  the  Digest,  xlvii.  2.  47,  Si  dominium  r» 
subreptae  quacumque  ratione  mutatum  sit, 
domino  furti  actio  competit,  veluti  herea 
et  bonorwn  possessori,  &c. ;  cp.  also  Paulul 
Sent.  ii.  31.  6.  But  that  is  not  so ;  for  proi 
bably  the  point  of  Trebatius  was  that  an 
action  could  not  be  brought  for  a  then 
committed  while  the  inheritance  wal 
vacant ;  he  did  not  hold  that  an  action 
could  not  be  brought  for  a  theft  comJ 
mitted  while  the  former  owner  was  alivi 
and  had  the  dominium  of  the  commodity 
stolen.  It  was,  as  Mr.  Roby  says  (J2ow«J| 
Private  Law  ii.  213),  a  recognized  prin^ 
ciple  that  hereditariae  rei  furtum  non  fit\ 
He  notices  further  that  the  opinion  oi 
Scaevola  on  the  subject  is  to  be  fbun<j 
in  the  Digest  xlvii.  4.  1.  15,  Scaevola  ail 
possessions  furtum  fieri :  denique  si  nullut 
sit  possessor,  furtum  negat  fieri :  idcircQ 
autem  hereditati  furtum  non  fier\>  qui& 
possessionem  hereditas  non  habet,  quai 
facti  est  et  animi.  Sed  nee  heredis  est 
possessio  antequam  possideat,  quia  here- 
ditas in  eum  id  tantum  transfundit  quod 
est  hereditatis,  non  autem  fuit  possessit 
hereditatis.  Theft  was  concerned  only 
with  possession ;  and  possession  is  not 
obtained  by  the  will  of  the  testator,  but 
by  the  deliberate  act  of  taking  possession 
by  the  heir.  During  the  interval  between 
the  death  of  the  testator  and  the  actual 
taking  possession  by  the  heir  there  wss  no 


EP.  762  (FAM.  XL  29). 


361 


ftaque,  etsi  doraum  bene  potus  seroque  redieram,  taraen  id  caput, 
|ibi  haec  controversia  est,  notavi  et  descriptum  tibi  misi,  ut  scires 
|d,  quod  tu  nemiuem  setisisse  dicebas,  Sex.  Aelium,  M'.  Manilium, 
M.  Brutum  sensisse  :  ego  tamen  Scaevolae  et  Testae  adsentior. 


762.     CICERO  TO  OPPIUS  (FAM.  XL  29). 

ANAGNIA  J    JULY  (BEGINNING)  J    A.  U.  C.  710  J    B.  0.  44; 
AET.  CIC.  62. 

Cicero  profecturus  in  Graeciam  res  suas  Oppio  commendat,  cui  iam  multis  ante 
>eneficiis  obstrictum  se  profitetur. 

CICERO  OPPIO  S.  D. 

1.  Dubitanti  mihi— quod  scit  Atticus  uoster— de  hoc  toto 
eonsilio  profeetionis,  quod  in  utramque  partem  in  mentem  multa 
veniebant,  magnum  pondus  accessit  ad  tollendam  dubitationem 


>ossessor  of  the  estate,  and  so  there  could 

e  no  theft.     Cicero  might  have  used  a 

[[more  explicit  word  than  antea ;   but  he 

taras  writing  to  Trebatius,  who  knew  the 

iquestion  they  had  been  discussing. 

bene  potus']  There  is  no  letter  in  the 
collection  which  is  more  natural  and  more 
spontaneous  than  this  one.  It  shows 
Cicero  in  his  most  genial  mood,  and  that 
r  eloquent  Cicero,'  as  well  as  '  old  Cato,' 
pt  times  grew  mellow  with  wine. 

caput}  often  used  in  Cicero  for  the 
section  or  chapter  of  a  law  :  cp.  2  Verr. 
i.  118  ;  De  Orat.  223  ;  also  of  a  paragraph 
of  a  letter,  Fam.  iii.  8.  2  (222),  prima 
duo  capita  epistulae  tuae  tacita  mihi  quo- 
dam  modo  relinquenda  sunt.  We  do  not 
know  exactly  what  manual  of  law  Cicero 
used.  "  Since  the  beginning  of  the  7th 
century  u.c.  we  find  the  responsa  pruden- 
tum  written  down  and  published  in 
collections,  as,  e.g.,  by  the  son  of  Cato 
Censorius,  by  M.  Junius  Brutus,  and  by 
P.  Mucius  Scaevola,  consul  621  (133), 
while  M'.  Manilius  published  a  collection 
of  formulas.  As  early  as  the  middle  of  the 
fab  century  u.c.,  most  probably  under 
the  influence  of  the  Stoic  philosophy,  the 
Roman  Law  was  reduced  to  a  system  by 
Q,.  Mucius  Scaevola,  pont.  max.,  consul 
359  (95)."— (Teuftel-Schwabe,  §  48). 

notavt]  '  I  made  a  note  of  or 
'abstract  of  :  cp.  Quintil.  i.  proem.  7, 


alterum  pluribus  sane  diebus,  quantum 
notando  consequi  potuerant,  interceptum 
(sc.  librwtf)  boni  iuvenes,  sed  nimium 
amantes  met,  temerario  editionis  honore 
vulgaverant.  Or  it  might  simply  mean 
'  I  marked.' 

Sex.  helium"]  Well  known  from  the 
line  of  Ennius,  Egregie  cordatus  homo  catus 
Aelius  Sextus  :  he  was  consul  in  556  (198) 
and  censor  560  (194) :  cp.  De  Orat.  i.  198, 
212.  M.  Brutus,  father  of  a  M.  Brutus 
who  was  called  Accusator,  was  a  most 
upright  man  and  learned  lawyer  (Brut. 
130) :  cp.  also  Fin.  i.  12. 

Scaevolae"]  Apparently  the  great  Quintus 
Mucius  Scaevola,  pontifex  maximus, 
consul  in  659  (95). 

Testae]  This  is  Trebatius  Testa  him- 
self, to  whom  Cicero  is  writing  the 
letter.  As  far  as  we  know  Testa  is  given 
to  Trebatius  only  by  Cicero,  and  when 
writing  to  Trebatius  himself :  Fam.  vii. 
13.  I  (171),  760,  and  here.  Yet  cp.  note 
to  775.  1. 

For  Oppius  cp.  vol.  iv,  p.  Ixix.  This 
letter  was  written  shortly  after  Cicero's 
meeting  with  Atticus  on  the  28th  or  29th 
of  June  (cp.  §  1). 

1.  profectioniti]  i.e.  his  journey  to 
Greece:  cp.  759.  1. 

magnum  pondus  accessit]  '  came  with 
great  weight.' 


EP.  762  (FAM.  XL  29). 


iudicium  et  consilium  tuum ;    nam  et  scripsisti  aperte  quid  tibi1 
videretur,   et   Atticus  ad  me   sermonem  tuum  pertulit.     Sempei* 
iudicavi  in  te  et  in  capiendo  eonsilio  prudentiam  summam  esse  eWl 
in    dando    fidem,    maximeque    sum    expertus,  cum    initio   civilig! 
belli    per    litteras    te    consuluissem    quid  mihi    faciendum    essel 
censeres,  eundumne  ad  Pompeium  an  mauendum  in  Italia.     Sua-Jl 
sisti  ut  consulerem  dignitati   ineae ;  ex   quo  quid  sentires  intel- 1 
lexi  et  sum  admiratus  fidem  tuam  et  in  eonsilio  dando  religionem, 
quod,  cum  aliud  malle  amicissimum  tuum  putares,  antiquius  tibi 
officium  meum  quarn  illius  voluntas  fuit.    2.  Equidem  et  ante  hod 
tempus  te  dilexi  et  semper  me  a  te  diligi  sensi ;  et  cum  abessem 
atque  in  magnis  periculis  essem,  et  me  absentem  et  meos  praesentisl 
a  te  cultos  et  defensos  esse  memini ;  et  post  meurn  reditum,  quam 
familiariter  mecum    vixeris,  quaeque    ego    de    te  et  senserim  etj 
praedicarim,  omnis  qui  solent  haec  animadvertere  testis  habemus.l 
Gravissimum  vero  iudicium  de  mea  fide  et  de  coustantia  fecisti,  cum 
post  mortem    Caesaris   totum  te  ad  amicitiam  meam  contulistip 
quod  tuum  iudicium  nisi  mea  summa  benevolentia  erga  te  omnij 
busque  meritis  comprobaro,  ipse  me  hominem  non  putabo.     3.  Ti 
mi  Oppi,  conservabis  amorem  tuum — etsi  more  magis  lioc  quidei 
sciibo  quam  quo  te  admonendum  putem — meaque  omnia  tuebere] 
quae  tibi  ne  ignota  essent  Attico    mandavi ;    a  me  autem   cui 
paulum    oti    uacti    erimus,    uberiores    litteras    exspectato. 
operam  ut  valeas  ;  hoc  mihi  gratius  facere  nihil  potes. 


et  in  capiendo  .  .  .  fidem]  '  the  greatest 
wisdom  in  deliberation  and  candour  in 
advising.' 

et  sum  .  .  .  religionem,  quod  .  .  .fuit] 
'  and  I  admired  your  sincerity  and  con  - 
scientiousness  in  giving  advice,  in  that, 
while  you  considered  that  your  dear 
friend  would  prefer  another  course,  you 
regarded  my  duty  as  of  superior  import- 
ance to  his  desire '  :  cp.  Balb.  and  Opp. 
in  Att.  ix.  la.  2  (351),  'et  tibi  fidem  facie  - 
mus  nos  ea  suadere  quae  nobis  videntur 
tuae  dignitati,  non  Caesaris  rationi  esse 
utilissima,  et  hoc  Caesarem  pro  sua  indul- 
gentia  in  suos  probatwum  putamus. 


2.  a  te  cultos  et  defensos  esse']  '  receive 
attention  and  protection  at  your  hands 
"We  have  no  details  as  to  the  services  whicj 
Oppius  rendered  to  Cicero's  family  in  70B 
(47)  ;  but  he  was  amicably  disposed  tfl 
Cicero,  for  we  hear  of  some  conversation^ 
which  Atticus  had  at  that  time  with 
in  Cicero's  interests:  cp.  Att.  xi.  17.  2  I 
(432) ;  18.  2  (434). 

et     senserim     et    praedicarim~]       '  thflj 
opinions  I  held  and  expressed.' 

totum  te  .  .  .  contulisti~\      l  you  niadJI 
yourself  unreservedly  my  friend.' 


EP.  763  (ATT.  XV.  26}.  363 

763.     CICEEO  TO  ATTIOUS  (ATT.  xv.  26). 

ARPINUM  J    JULY  2  J    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  Quinti  negotio,  de  L.  Pisone,  de  Bruti  litteris  sibi  redditis,  de  rations  itineris 
i,  de  M.  Aelio,  de  capite  Tulliano  ut  libere  cum  Cascellio  loquatur,  de  aliis  negotiis, 
Varrone,  de  M.  Ennii  testamento. 

C1CEHO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  De  Quinti  negotio  video  a  te  omnia  facta.  Ille  tamendolet 
ubitans  utrum  morem  gerat  Leptae  an  fidem  infirmet  filio. 
aaudivi  L.  Pisonem  velle  exire  legatura  -^ev^eyjpa^w  senatus  con- 
Ito.  Yelim  scire  quid  sit.  Tabellarius  ille,  quern  tibi  dixeram  a 
e  ad  Brutum  esse  missum,  in  Anagninum  ad  me  venit  ea  nocte 
lae  proxima  ante  Kal.  fuit,  litterasque  ad  me  attulit,  in  quibus 
turn  alienum  summa  sua  prudentia,  idem  illud,  ut  spectem  ludos 
os.  Eescripsi  scilicet  primum  me  iam  profectum,  ut  integrum 
n  sit :  deinde  aroTrwraroi/  esse  me,  qui  Bomam  omuiiio  post  haec 
ma  non  accesserim  neque  id  tarn  periculi  mei  causa  fecerim 
am  dignitatis,  subito  ad  ludos  venire.  Tali  enim  tempore  ludos 

L.  Ille  tamendolet]  '  Quintus  is  distress-  for  Arpinum   on   June   30.     He   would 

himself  with  the  question  whether  he  naturally    stay  that   night   at    Anagnia, 

1  oblige  Lepta  (by  paying  him)  or  spoil  where  he  had  a  villa:  cp.  Att.  xii.  1.  1 

son's  credit.'  Quintus  junior  had  given  (505).    In  56,  when  stopping  at  Anagnia, 

creditor,  Lepta,  a  draft  on  his  father.  he  stayed  with  T.  Titius  :  cp.  Q.  Fr.  ii. 

ung  Quintus  was  considerably  in  debt  5.  4  (106). 

>ut  this  time  :  cp.  681.  1  ;   769.  6  :  cp.  ludos  suos]  The  ludi  Apollinares  which, 

e  to  754.  2  fin.  as  Praetor  urbanus,  he  was  bound  to  hold. 

tnaudivi]     This  verb  indicates  that  the  Owing  to  his  absence  they  were  given  in 

oour  is  a  vague  one,  or  that  the  person  his  name   by   L.    Antonius,   the   money 

o  uses  it  is  not  sure  that  he  has  taken  it  being  mainly  supplied  by  Atticus.     For 

right :  cp.  769.  2.  this   request  of  Brutus  to  Cicero,  and  for 

/eu5e77pct(py]  ;  bogus.'    For  forged  these  games  of  Brutus,  cp.  Plut.  Brut.  21. 

rees  of  the  senate  cp.   Fam.  ix.  15.  4  integrum']      '  so  that  it  is   not  in   my 

1);    xii.  29.  2  (831);    De  Domo  50;  power '  to  comply  with  his  request. 

1.40;  Phil.  v.  12;  xii.  12;  Plutarch  arovwrarov]    '  highly  inconsistent,' 

o   Min.   17.      Many   such  were   now  '  a  very  odd  paradox.' 

ig  issued  (723.  1).     The  rumour  was  post  haec  arma]  'after  this  government 

bably  untrue;    for   Piso  was  in   the  by  arms.'     Cicero  uses  this  term,  because 

ate  on  August  1st,  and  was  the  only  Antony  returned  to  Rome  towards  the  end 

enator  who   took    up    a   firm    attitude  of  May  from  his   visit  to    South   Italy, 

[gainst  Antony  (Phil.  i.  10).     He  is  the  bringing    with    him    many   of    Caesar's 

i'j.  Piso  who  was  attacked  so  virulently  veterans  ;  cp.  728.  2. 

>y  Cicero  in  the  In  Pisonem.  neque  id  .  .  .  quam  dignitatis']  •  and  this 

dixeram']     cp.  756  fin.  to  ensure  not  so  much  my  safety  as  my 

in  Anagninum']      Cicero  left  Tusculum  dignity.' 


364 


EP.  763  (ATT.  XV. 


facere  illi  honestum  est  cui  necesse  est :  spectare  mihi  ut  non  estj 
necesse  sic  ne  honestum  quidem  est.     Equidem  illos  celebrari  et 
esse  quam  gratissimos  mirabiliter  cupio,  idque  ita  futurum  esse 
confido,  et  tecum  ago  ut  iam  ab  ipsa  commissione  ad  me  quem 
ad  modum  accipiantur  hi  ludi,  deinde  omnia  reliquorum  ludorunj 
in  dies  singulos  persequare.     Sed  de  ludis  hactenus.     2.  Beliqual 
pars  epistulae  est  ilia  quidem  in  utramque  partem,  sed  tamen  non| 
nullos  interdum  iacit  igniculos  virilis  :    quod  quale  tibi  videretiuj| 
ut  posses  interpretari,  misi  ad  to  exemplum  epistulae.   Quamqiu 
mihi  tabellarius  noster  dixerat  tibi  quoque  se  attulisse  litteras 
Bruto  easque  ad  te  e  Tusculano  esse  delatas.     3.  Ego  itinera 
composueram  ut  Nonis  Quinctilibus  Puteolis  essem.     Valde  einml 
festino,    ita    tamen   ut    quantum   homo  possit   quam    cautissime 
navigem.      4.  M.  Aelium  cura  liberabis :  is  me  paucos  pedes  in 
extremo    fundo,    et    eos  quidem   subterraneos,   servitutis  putasse 
aliquid  habituros  :    id   me  iam   nolle   neque  mihi  ^mcquarn  esse 
tanti,  sed,  ut  mihi  dicebas,  quam  lenissime,  potius  ut  cura  liberej 
tur  quam   ut    me  suscensere  aliquid    suspicetur.      Item    de    illo 


ab  ipsa  comm.~\  '  from  the  moment  they 
are  started':  cp.  commissione  Graecorum, 
770.  1. 

quem  ad  modum  .  .  .  persequare}  '  send 
me  an  account  of  how  they  are  received, 
and  all  details  of  the  remaining  games 
day  by  day.' 

reliquorum  ludorttm]  Besides  the  Ludi 
Apollinares  (from  July  6  to  13),  there 
were  also  in  the  latter  part  of  July  the 
Ludi  Victoriae  Caesar  is. 

2.  in  utramque  partem~\  '  weighing  the 
case  on  both  sides.'     The  phrase  is  com- 
mon: cp.  756  ;   762.  1  ;  De  Orat.  iii.  107. 
Acad.  i.  46  (with  disseri  expressed).    This 
seems  better  than  to  take  it  '  leans  now 
to  me,  now  to  the  other  side,'  i.e.  is  both 
despondent  and  hopeful. 

igniculos  virilis]  'sparks  of  manly 
courage.' 

interpretari']     cp.  765. 

3.  quantum   homo  possit]      'as  far   as 
human  prudence  permits.' 

4.  M.  Aelium']    See  Adn.  Grit.  Madvig 
corrected  the  apud  tale  quidoi  M  to  putasse 
aliquid  (understanding  dicif),  not  to  putat 
aliquid,  the  conjecture  generally  accepted. 
Nolle  and  esse  depend  on  die  taken  out  of 
cura   liberabis.     The  meaning   will  then 
be  : — '  Will  you  kindly  relieve  Aelius  of 
all  anxiety?      He  (says)    that   I   have 


formed  the  opinion  that  a  few  feet  on  thj 
border  of  his  property  (adjoining  mine)^ 
and  those  below  the  surface  (perhaps  foj 
draining  the  property  of  Aelius),  will  be 
subject  to  an  easement  (and  so  would  pal 
some  rent  to  Cicero).  Tell  him  I  don'l 
want  to  enforce  it,  and  would  not  pr 
the  matter  for  the  world  (lit.  nothin 
would  be  worth  it,  i.e.  worth  otfendinj 
him).  But  your  tone,  as  you  suggested 
yourself,  should  be  most  conciliatory! 
intended  to  relieve  him  from  all  anxiety 
and  not  convey  the  slightest  suggestion  01 
any  soreness  on  my  part.'  With  thl 
reading  putat  aliquid  (there  being  a  semii 
colon  at  subterraneos)  we  could  extract  a; 
somewhat  similar  meaning  by  changing 
me  to  enim.  It  would  then  be  Aelius  tc 
whom  it  had  occurred  that  the  tax  would 
be  payable  to  Cicero.  Lambinus  says  Z 
has  specus  for  pedes  :  and  M  has  spe,  so 
that  specus  may  be  right.  Schiche  makes  a 
good  suggestion  M.  Aelium  cura  liberabit 
NE  paucos  specus  in  extremo  fundo  et  eot 
quidem  subterraneos  servitutis  PUTn 
aliquid  habituros. 

iam]  The  MSS  have  iamiam,  but  WesJ 
E.  A.  p.  141,  shows  that  iamiam  is  onlii 
used  by  Cicero  of  the  near  future,  whereai 
nolle  shows  fhat  the  reference  is  to  the 
present. 


EP.  763  (ATT.  XV. 


capite  libere  cum  Cascellio  loquere.  Parva  res  est,  sed 
11  bene  attendisti,  nimis  callide  agebatur.  Ego  autera,  si  raihi 
uposuisset  aliquid,  quod  paene  fecit  msi  tua  malitia  adfuisset, 
nimo  iniquo  tulissem.  Itaque,  utut  erit,  rera  impediri  raalo. 
>ctavam  partem  f  tulii  luminarum  medium  ad  strane  meinineris 
ui  Caerellia  videris  f  mancipio  dare  ad  earn  summam  quae  sub 
raecone  fuit  maxima :  id  opinor  esse  CCCLXXX.  5.  Novi  si  quid 
rit  atque  etiam  si  quid  prospicies  quod  f uturum  putes,  scribas  ad 
quam  saepissime  velim.  Yarroui,  quern  ad  modum  tibi  man- 
avi,  memineris  excusare  tarditatem  litterarum  mearum.  Mundus 
te  cum  M.  Ennio  quid  egerit  de  testamento — curiosus  sum  enim 
-facias  me  velim  certiorem.  Ex  Arpinati  vi.  Non. 


Tulliano  capite']  '  the  money  owed  by 
ullius':  cp.  768. 1.  Possibly  this  is  not 
ullius  Montanus  (599.  1):  for  Cicero 
meially  speaks  of  him  as  Montanus,  not 
ullius. 

loquere']  future ;  «  you  will  kindly  speak 
eely,'  libere,  not  quam  lenissime,  as  he 

to  speak  to  Aelius.  Cascellius  was  the 
ninent  lawyer  :  cp.  note  to  760. 

tu  bene]  The  insertion  of  ut,  which 
ight  have  fallen  out  before  tu,  would 
ake  the  sentence  run  more  smoothly  ;  or 

ad  ut  for  tu. 

paene  fecit]  =  fecisset. 

nisi  tua  malitia  adfuisset]  «  but  for  the 
d  of  your  shrewdness ' ;  cp.  the  very 
milar  passage,  635.  4. 

Octavam  .  .  .  maxima']  We  have  given 
ie  corrupt  reading  in  the  text.  There 
re  three  suggestions  perhaps  worthy  of 
?ing  recorded :  (1)  Octavam  partem  sustuli 
iminari'ttm  aedium  Asturae.  Memineris 
im  Caerelliam  videris  mancipio  dare 
3oot),  '  I  have  removed  (blocked  up)  one- 
ghth  of  the  windows  in  my  house  at 
stura.  Remember  when  you  see  Caerellia 

make  over  to  her  the  property  at  the 
rice  which  was  the  highest  bid  at  the 
ublic  sale.'  (2)  Octavam  partem  tolli 
iminarium  in  aedibus  ad  Streniae  memin- 
"is.  Quod  Caerelliae  videris  mancipio 
ire  (Corradus),  '  Eememberto  have  one- 
ghth  of  the  windows  removed  (built  up) 


in  my  house  near  the  temple  of  Strenia. 
See  that  this  property  is  made  over  to 
Caerellia  at  the  price,'  &c.  Corradus, 
however,  approves  of  the  last  clause  only 
if  we  can  find  codices  which  have  quod 
for  cui.  Wesenberg  suggests  for  the 
latter  words  quod  a  Caerellia  iuberis 
mancupio  dare  ad  earn  summam  quae  sub 
praeconefuit  maxima  ;  id  opinor  esse,  &c., 
comparing  (E.  A.  p.  141)  635.  3  for  this 
corruption.  (3)  Octavam  partem  Tulliana- 
rum  Aedium  ad  Streniae  memineris  deberi 
Caerelliae ;  videris,  &c.  (Shuckburgh), 
'  Remember  that  an  eighth  share  of  the 
Tullian  Building  near  the  temple  of 
Strenia  is  due  to  Caerellia  :  see  that  it  is 
conveyed  to  her  at  the  highest  price  bid 
at  the  auction.'  He  supposes  Tullianae 
Aedes  refers  to  some  block  of  buildings 
so  called.  The  shrine  of  Strenia  (cp. 
Roscher,  Lexikon  iii.  227.  She  was  the 
goddess  quie  faceret  strenuum)  seems  to 
have  been  close  to  where  the  Colosseum 
afterwards  was.  Varro  L.  L.  v.  47,  says 
hinc  [Carinis]  oritur  caput  sacrae  viae  ab 
Streniae  sacello  quae  pertinet  in  arcem  : 
cp.  Fest.  293  a.  1  (ed.  Miiller).  That 
Cicero  owed  money  to  Caerellia  appears 
from  598  fin.  Possibly  caveri  *  are  secured 
to,'  would  more  probably  have  passed 
into  cui  than  deberi.  This  emendation 
of  Shuckburgh  seems  the  best  that  has 
yet  been  made. 


366 


JSP.  7<%  (ATT.  XV.  27). 


764.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xv.  27). 
ARPINUM;  JULY  3  ;  A.  u.  c.  710  ;  B.  c.  44  ;  AET.  cic.  62. 

De  litteris  ad  Sestium  datis,  de  discessu  a  se  Attici,  de  litterarum  inter 
commercio  obtinendo,  de  libro  suo  *  De  Gloria,'  turn  summatim  respondet  ad  sinj 
Attici  litteramm  capita,  de  adventu  Quinti  filii. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Gaudeo  id  te  mini  suadere  quod  ego   mea   sponte  pri< 
feceram.     Nam  cum  ad  te  vi  Nonas  darem,  eidem  tabellario  de< 
^tiarn  ad  Sestium,  scriptas  iraw  ^tAooro/oywe.     Hie  autem,  qu< 
Puteolos  persequitur,  humane  :  quod  queritur,  iniuste.     Non  eni 
ego  tarn  ilium  exspectare,  dum  de  Cosano  rediret,  debui  quam  ill 
aut  non   ire  ante    quam  me  vidisset  aut  citius   reverti.     Seiebai 
enim  me  celeriter  velle  proficisci  seseque  ad  me  in  Tusculanunc 
scripserat  esse  venturum.     2.  Te,  ut  a  me  discesseris,  lacrimassej 
moleste  ferebam.     Quod  si  me  praesente  fecisses,  consilium  totiuij 
itineris  fortasse  mutassem.     Sed  illud  praeclare,  quod  te  consolatfi 
est  spes  brevi  temp  ore  congrediendi,  quae  quidem  exspectatio  me 
maxime  sustentat.     Meae  tibi    litterae  non  deerunt.     De  Brutfl 
scribam  ad  te  omnia.     Librum  tibi  celeriter  mittam  *  De  Gloria! 
Excudam    aliquid  'HpaKXtiSeiov,    quod    lateat  in  tbesauris  tuil 


nunc  sequimur,  eodem  nos  Furiae  forti 
persequentur.     For  the  reading  see  Adn  I 
Grit.  Boot  (Obs.  Grit.  61,  62)  prefers  prM 
sequitur,    and   translates  '  volebat   comif 
tari,'  but  he  adopts  persequitur  in  his  h 
edition. 

dum~\     So  M filler  for  cum. 

2.  ut  a  me  discesseris]     Att.  seems 
have  made  one  of  his  brief  visits 
618.  1)  to  Tusculum  at  the  end  of  Jui 
just  before  Cic.  left. 

De  Bruto\     Cic.  would  meet  him 
Naples. 

Excudam~\     '  I  will  hammer  out  s< 
thing  in  the  style  of  Heraclides  of  Pont 
(cp.  631.  4)  to  be  stowed  away  in  yc 
special   sanctum.'     In    thesauris   tuis 
believed  by  some  scholars  to  refer  to  soi 
especially  choice  collection  of  books, 
which  only  special  friends  of  Atticus  hi 
access;   hen^e,  lateat.  But  no  doubt, 
Dr.  Reid  says,  it  means  that  Att.  is 


1.  id~\  probably  to  make  the  same 
reply  to  Brutus  as  Cic.  had  himself  made, 
cp.  763.  1,  2. 

IT  aw  <$n\offTopy<as~\  '  in  very  affec- 
tionate strains' :  cp.  749.  1,  2. 

Hie  autem~\  'It  is  very  kind  of  him 
to  pursue  me  even  as  far  as  Puteoli,  but 
he  has  no  right  to  complain  of  my  not 
awaiting  his  return  from  Cosa.'  Cicero 
was  on  his  way  to  Puteoli,  wbich  he 
reached  on  July  7th.  There  Sestius 
meant  to  pick  him  up.  "Wesenberg  cor- 
rected prosequitur,  which  could  only  mean 
'  accompanies,'  to  the  reading  in  the  text. 
Persequi  generally  means  to  follow  with 
hostile  intent ;  possibly  here  it  is  used 
semi-jocularly,  as  we  might  use  '  pursue.' 
Cic.  was  perhaps  not  very  anxious  for 
his  company.  Dr.  Reid,  however,  wishes 
to  read  sequitur,  *  is  making  for,'  com- 
paring 629.  1  cum  flumina  et  soliludines 
sequeremw,  Att.  x.  18.  2  (404)  Formias 


EP.  765  (ATT.  XV.  28).  367 

S.  De  Planco  memini.  Attica  iure  queritur.  Quod  me  de 
Mcchide,  de  statuarura  coronis  certiorem  fecisti,  valde  gratum, 
iec  quidquam  posthac  non  modo  tantum  sed  ne  tantalum  quidem 
hpaeterieris.  Et  de  Herode  et  Metio  meminero  et  de  omnibus 
uae  te  velle  suspicabor  modo.  0  turpem  sororis  tuae  filium  ! 
i/um  haec  scriberem,  adventabat  avry  j3ouAvo-ct  cenantibus  nobis. 


765.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Air.  xv.  28). 
ARPINUM;  JULY  3  ;  A.  u.  c.  710';  B.C.  44;  AET.  cic.  62. 

De  litteris  sibi  in  Puteolanum  mittendis,  de  Attica. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

Ego,  ut  ad  te  pridie  scripseram,  Nonis  constitueram  venire 
i  Puteolanum.  Ibi  igitur  cotidie  tuas  litteras  exspectabo,  et 
laxime  de  ludis,  de  quibus  etiam  ad  Brutum  tibi  scribendum  est, 
lius  epistulae  quam  interpretari  ipse  vix  poteram  exemplum 
ridie  tibi  miseram.  Atticae  meae  velim  me  ita  excuses  ut 
run  em  culpam  in  te  transferas  et  ei  tamen  coufirmes  me  immu- 
itum  amorem  meum  mecum  abstulisse. 

*ep  it  locked  up  in  his  safe,  and  not          Metio}     Possibly  the  M.  Metius  men- 

iblish  it:    cp.  custodies  (772.  6);    and  tioned  by  Caesar,  B.  G.  i.  49.  4  ;  53.8. 

2.  4,  5  for  unauthorized  publication  of  There  is  a  coin  extant  of  this  man  :  but 
cero's  works.  his  name  is  spelled  Mettius. 

3.  De  Planco]  Gnaeus  Plane  us  was  the          meminero]     '  1  shall  remember.'     Boot 
mmissioner  who  was  appointed  to  deal      cautions  against  ever  ascribing  to  memin- 
ith  the  Buthrotian  claim  of  exemption,       isse  the  meaning  'to  mention.' 

id  to  whom  Ep.  767  is  addressed.  turpem]     We    do     not  know  whether 

Attica]     See  on  Ep.  765.  young  Quintus  had  been  committing  any 

Sacchidg]     An  actress  who,  as  well  as  more  recent  enormity  than  that  related  in 

e  garlands  for  the  statues,  was  required  753. 

r  the  games  which  Brutus  was  about  to  avry    floi/Aucrei]     'at    the     fa'    o' 

ve.     Ziehen  (1th.  Mus.  (1896)  p.  593)  the  gloaming.'     "We  gladly  accept  Boot's 

ads  Bacchi,  and  thinks  the  crowning  of  avrrj  for  autem,  and  his  remark  that  Greek 

statue  of  Bacchus  may  have  had  some  words  written  in  Roman  characters   are 

litical  significance  of  which  we   have  often    a    source   of    corruption    in    the 

>  details.  letters.     For  /3ou\u<re<,  cp.  Horn.  Od.  ix. 

non  modo}    '  not  only  so  important,  but  58  fiov\vrov8e  '  towards  evening  '  (when 

>wever  unimportant.'  the  oxen  are  unyoked). 
Herode]     This  may  possibly  be  young 

cero's  tutor  at  Athens  (726.  4  ;  746)  :  interpretari']     cp.  763.  3. 

;ticus  may  have  wished  some  message  miseram']     cp.  763.  2. 

be  given  him  (cp.  773.  2).     But  it  is  Atticae  meae]     We  have  no  means  of 

so  possible    that   he  was  Atticus'  agent  surmising  what  was  the  act  or  omission 

entioned  in  Att.  vi.  1.  25  (252).  on  Cicero's  part,  of  which  he  says  in  the 


368  EPP.  766,  767  (ATT.  XVI.  16,  16 a). 


766.    CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Axx.  xvi.  ie). 

ARPINUM  J    BETWEEN   JULY  3    AND    6  J    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  J 
AET.  CIC.    62. 

De  Planco.    Adiunctum  est  exemplum  epistulaeM.  Ciceronis  ad  Plancum  scriptae. 

CICERO  SUO  SAL.  DIG.  ATTICO. 

1.  lucundissimas  tuas  legi  litteras.  Ad  Plancum  scrips!,  mis 
habes  exemplum.  Cum  Tirone  quid  sit  locutus  cognoscam  e 
ipso.  2.  Cum  sore-re  ages  attentius,  si  te  occupatione  ista  relax 
aris. 


767.     CICERO  TO  GNAEUS  PLANCUS  (ATT.  xvi. 

ARPINUM  ;    BETWEEN   JULY    3    AND    6  J    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.    44  J 
AET.  CIC.  62. 

M.    Cicero   Gnaeum  Plancum  rogat  ut    secundum  senatus  consultum  et  lege 
decretum  Caesaris  de  Buthrotiis  libenter,  prolixe,  celeriter  exsequatur. 

M.  CICERO  CN.  PLANCO  PRAET.  DESIG.  SAL. 

3.  Attici  nostri  te  valde  studiosum  esse  cognovi,  mei  vero  it 
cupidum  ut  mehercule  paucos  aeque  observantis  atque  amantis  m 

last  letter  that   little  Attica  had  a  good  one:  me  intimo  totam  amore  earn  meet* 

right  to  complain.    Probably  Cicero  went  abstulisse,   '  that    I    have     carried    awa; 

away  without  saying  good-bye  to  her,  as  every  bit  of  her  with  me  in  my  heart 

Dr.  Reid  suggests.     Cicero  begs  Atticus  hearts.' 
to  take  all  the  blame  on  himself,  and  to 

assure  her  that  he  carries  away  with  him  2.   Cum  sorore]     '  you    will  be   betted 

on  his  iourney  an  unaltered  affection  for  able  to  devote  yourself  to  the  affairs  o:J 

her.     We  have  given  in  the    text  the  your  sister,' i.e.  Pomponia,  who  had  bed! 

reading  of  Wesenberg.     For  the  corrupt  recently  divorced  from  Quintus. 

reading  of  M,  confirmem  me  minuo  tutam  occupatione  ista~\    the  long  and  careful 

amore    meo    mecum    attulisse,    Victorius  attention  which  Atticus  was  devoting  t(j 

would  read  coiifirmes    me   minime  totum  the  claim  of  the  Buthrotians  of  which  w» 

amorem  eo  mecum  atlulisse,  f  assure    her  have  heard  so  often,   and  which   is  se  I 

that  I  have  not  carried  away  with  me  to  forth  in  the  next  letter. 
Puteoli  all  my  love,'  but  have  left  behind 

a  large  share  for  her.  The  latter  certainly  CN.  PLANCO~\  The  MSS  give  L.  Plane* 

is  a  more  pointed  message,  and  we  are  But  Lucius  Plancus  was  in  Gaul.     Thj 

not  sure  that  it  is  not  a  better  reading  Plancus  who  was  acting  in  Epirus  wa( 

than  that  given  in  the  text.     Gronovius  Gnaeus  Plaaeus,  brother  of  Lucius.     H< 

would  make  the  message  a  very  strong  was  praetor  designate  for  43.     During 


EP.  767  (ATT.  XVI.  16 a).  369 

habere  existimem.  Ad  paternas  enim  magnas  et  veteres  et  iustas 
necessitudines  magnam  attulit  accessionem  tua  voluntas  erga  me 
ueaque  erga  te  par  atque  mutua.  4.  Buthrotia  tibi  causa  ignota 
ion  est :  egi  enim  saepe  de  ea  re  tibique  totam  rem  demon- 
travi,  quae  est  acta  hoc  modo.  Ut  primum  Buthrotium  agrum* 
>roscriptum  vidimus,  commotus  Atticus  libellum  composuit.  Eum 
tnihi  dedit  ut  darem  Caesari;  eram  enim  cenaturus  apud  eum 
lie-  die.  Eum  libellum  Caesari  dedi :  probavit  causam,  rescripsit 
Aitico  aequa  eum  postulare  :  admonuit  tamen  ut  pecuniam  reli- 
[uam  Buthrotii  ad  diem  solvereut.  5.  Atticus,  qui  civitatem 
onservatam  cuperet,  pecuniam  numeravit  de  suo.  Quod  cum 
asset  factum,  adiimus  ad  Caesarem,  verba  fecimus  pro  Buthrotiis, 
iberalissimum  decretum  abstulimus,  quod  est  obsignatum  ab 
implissimis  viris.  Quae  cum  essent  acta,  mirari  equidem  sole- 
jam  pati  Caesarem  convenire  eos  qui  agrum  Butbrotium  concupis- 
sent,  neque  solum  pati  sed  etiam  ei  negotio  te  praeficere.  Itaque 
et  ego  cum  illo  locutus  sum  et  saepius  quidem,  ut  etiam  accusarer 
ib  eo  quod  parum  constantiae  suae  confiderem,  et  M.  Messallae 
et  ipsi  Attico  dixit  ut  sine  cura  essent,  aperteque  ostendebat  se 
)raesentium  animos — erat  enim  popularis,  ut  noras — offendere 
Dolle  :  cum  autem  mare  transissent,  curaturum  se  ut  in  alium 
agrum  deducerentur.  6.  Haec  illo  vivo.  Post  interitum  autem 
Jaesaris,  ut  primum  ex  senatus  consulto  causas  consules  cognos- 
cere  instituerunt,  haec  quae  supra  scripsi  ad  eos  delata  sunt. 

that  year,  by  permission  of  the  Senate,  cenaturus]    Note  the  friendly  relations 

le  went  and  served  under  his  brother  in  of  Caesar  and  Cicero. 
Gaul,  but  fell  ill  and  returned  to  Rome  :  pecuniam  reliquam]  '  the  balance  due,' 

cp.  Fam.  x.  21a  (862).  *  the  arrears' ;  they  had  already  paid  part 

3.  Ad  paternas  .  .  .  mutua']  l  the  close,  of  the  requisition. 

.ong- standing,  and  well-merited  connex-  5.  qui  .  .  .  cuperet]  '  in  his  eagerness '; 

ons  which  subsisted  between  our  fathers  qui  cupiebat  would  mean  merely  '  who  was 

aave  received  a  signal  addition  in  your  eager.' 

kindly     feelings    towards    me    and    my  abstulimus']     '  got  from  him  ' :  cp.  Att. 

reciprocation  of  them  towards  yourself.'  xvi.  11.  3  (799). 

4.  proscription]     It  is  here  stated  that  amplissimis  viris]     Cicero  was  among 
the  reason  why  Buthrotumwas  in  danger  them  :  cp.  "78.  11. 

of  confiscation  was  that  it  had  not  paid  convenire]  l  to  hold  meetings  for  the 
up  its  taxes,  but  it  is  not  specified  what  purpose  of  setting  forth  their  claims  to 
taxes.  When  confiscated  it  was  to  have  the  property  of  the  Buthrotians,  which 
b'een  divided  among  certain  settlers,  who  they  believed  ought  to  have  been  trans- 
appear  (65)  to  have  felt  aggrieved  by  f erred  to  them.  For  convenire  cp.  Att. 
Caesar's  exemption  of  the  land  from  ix.  11.  4  (367)  quorum  creditors  convenire 
division  when  Atticus  paid  up  the  taxes  dicuntur. 

e>  ei  negotio]  The  commission  for  investi- 

libellum]     <  a    petition '   setting    forth  gating  the  whole   claim  of  the  Buthro- 

the  case  of  the  Buthrotians.  tians 

9  A 

trrii        v  «  •**• 


370 


JEP.  768  (ATT.  XV.  00). 


Probaverunt   causam   sine  ulla  dubitatione   seque  ad  te  litteral 
daturos  esse  dixerunt.  Ego  autem,  mi  Plance,  etsi  non  dubita 
quin  et  senatus  consultum  et  lex  et  consulum  decretum  ac  litte 
apud  te  plurimum  auctoritatis  haberent  teque  ipsius  Attici  ca 
velle  intellexeram,  tamen   hoc  pro    coniunctione  et  benevolent! 
nostra   mihi    sumpsi  ut   id    a   te    peterem    quod   tua  singula 
humanitas  suavissimique  mores  a  te  essent  impetraturi.    Id  aute: 
est  ut  hoc  quod  te  tua  sponte  facturum  esse  certo  scio  honori 
nostri  causa  libenter,  prolixe,  celeriter  facias.     7.  Mihi  nemo  est 
amicior  nee  iucundior  nee  carior  Attico,  cuius  antea  res  soluni 
f  amiliaris  agebatur  eaque  magna,  nunc  accessit  etiam  existimatio| 
ut  quod  consecutus    est    magna   et    industria    et   gratia  et  vivd 
Caesare  et  mortuo  id  te  adiuvante  obtineat.    Quod  si  a  te  erij 
impetratum,  sic  veliru  existimes,  me  de  tua  liberalitate  ita  interpret 
taturum  ut  tuo  summo   benefioio    me    adfectum    iudicem.     Egi 
quae  te  velle  quaeque  ad  te  pertiuere  arbitrabor  studiose  diligeu-< 
terque  curabo.    Da  operam  ut  valeas. 


768.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xv.  29). 

FORMIAE  ;    JULY    6  J    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  Bruti  epistula,  de  M.  Aelio,  de  Tulliano  aliisque  de  capitibus  litterarum  Attic|j 
summatim  respondet,  turn  de  Q,.  filio,  de  Planco  a  Buthrotiis  eiecto. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Bruti  ad  te  epistulam   misi.     Di  boni,  quanta 
Cognosces   cum    legeris.     De    celebratione    ludorum    Bruti    tibi 


6.  et  lex]  It  was  not  only  a  decree  of 
the  Senate,  but  a  statute  passed  by  the 
people,  which  gave  the  consuls  the  power 
to  examine  all  the  acts  of  Caesar.  This  law 
was  not  passed  until  June  2nd  (778.  11). 
The  decree  of  the  Senate — which  gave 
Antony,  with  some  distinguished  senators 
as  a  council,  authority  to  investigate  certain 
prospective  arrangements  and  enactments 
determined  upon  by  Caesar — was  passed 
in  the  latter  half  of  March  (777. 8;  778. 11). 
The  decree  of  the  Senate  ne  qua  tabula 
post  Idus  Martias  ullius  decreti  Caesaris 
ant  bmejici  figeretw  (Phil.  i.  3)  was 
superseded  by  this  decree,  which,  while 
giving  the  investigation  to  a  committee, 
removed  the  limit  of  the  Ides  of  March, 
and  left  it  to  the  discretion  of  the  com- 
mittee to  decide  what  were  to  be  regarded 


as  octet  Caesaris  :  cp.  723.  1  and  2.  Thfl 
decretum  consulum  seems  to  have  been  al 
recent  rescript  of  the  consuls,  and  to  bej 
referred  to  in  758. 1  omnia  se  (Dolabellamjj 
fecisse  quae  tu  velles.  Caesar  had  previouslji 
given  a  similar  decretum  (§  6). 

libenter,  prolize,  celeriter\  '  in  a  cordialjjj 
ample,  and  expeditious  manner.' 

7.  res  f  amiliaris"]  Atticus  had  made  an 
advance  to  Caesar  on  behalf  of  the  Buthj 
rotians,  for  which  he  could  not  hope  to  be 
recouped  by  them  unless  the  efforts  mad< 
in  their  favour  should  prove  successful,  j 

me  de  tua  liberalitate~\  '  I  shall  look  on 
your  courtesy  as  an  act  of  the  greatest 
kindness  to  myself.' 

1.  o/tT/x «"*'«]  'helplessness.'  There! 
does  not  seem  to  be  a  Latin  word  exactly! 


EP.  768  (ATT.  XV. 


371 


•dsentior.  Ad  M.  Aelium  nullus  tu  quidem  domum,  sed  sicubi 
nciderit.  De  Tulliano  semisse,  M.  Axianum  adhibebis,  ut  scribis. 
luod  cum  Cosauo  egisti,  optime.  Quod  11011  solum  mea  verum 
>tiam  tua  eadem  expedis,  gratum.  Legationem  probari  meam 
^audeo.  Quod  promittis  di  faxint !  Quid  eniru  mihi  meis 
ucundius  ?  Sed  istam  quam  tu  excipis  metuo.  Brutum  cum 
ion  veil  ero,  perscribam  omnia.  De  Planco  et  Decimo  sane  velim  : 
>extum  scutum  abicere  nolebam.  De  Mundo  si  quid  scies. 


orresponding  to  dju^xavta.  Brutus  was 
ot  the  man  for  vigorous  action,  however 
luch  for  a  moment  he  might  throw  out 
>arks  of  manly  vigour  (non  nullos  inter- 
um  iacit  igniculos  virilis  763.  2). 
M.  Aelium']  763.  4. 

nullus  tu  quidem]  (  don't  you  go  to  see 
im — not  a  foot;   but  if  he  meets  you 
lave   a   talk  with   him).'      Understand 
me  word  like  loqueris.    For  nullus  with 
prohibition  cp.  Plaut.  Trin.  606,  At  tu 
)/  nullus  creduas.     See  on  I3,  p.  80, 
nd  705.  1. 

Tulliano   semisse]    the   sum  spoken   of 

)ove,  763.  2,  as  Tullianum  caput.     He 

ere  refers  to  '  half  of '  that  sum,  which  is 

be  devoted  to  some  purpose  known  to 

;ticus. 

Axianum']     The   name   occurs   in   in- 
riptions  (e.g.  C.I.L.  x.  8059.  192).    We 
nnot    alter    to    Axium,     and    under- 
and  Cicero's  friend  (see  Index),  for  his 
enomen  was  Quintus.    Corradus  thinks 
e  should  read  Maximum,  i.e.  Egnatius 
aximus  (647  ;  662.  1). 
Cosano]  'the  man  from  Cosa.'   Possibly 
stius  is  referred  to  (cp.  764.  1),  as  is 
ggested  by  Schiitz.     M  has  Coziano. 
tua  eadem  expedis]     Thus  we  venture 
restore  tua  me  expedis  of  M.     Eadem, 
,    opera,   means    '  at   the   same   time.' 
aiter,    Boot,   Miiller,   and   Gurlitt  read 
a  <causa>  me  expedis ;  Koch  tua  <re>, 
e  reference  being  to  monetary  help. 
Legationem~\  '  lieutenantship,'  i.e.accep- 
ice    of    the    appointment.      For    this 
pointmentcp.  744.  4. 
Quod  promittis}    Probably   some   kind 
urance  such  as  that  all  his  friends  will 
look  after  his  interests  while  he  is  away, 
Lnd  will  be   delighted  to   see  him   and 
welcome  him  when  he  returns.    "We  can- 
lot  help  thinking  that  meis  is  abl.  after 
jhe  comparative,  not.dative.  Cicero  would 
nclude  Att.  in  meis. 

istam  quam  tu  excipis~\     '  Attica  whom 
fou  mention  as  an  exception.'    This  is  a 


jocular  reference  to  the  little  quarrel  that 
Attica  was  having  with  Cicero  for  his  not 
having  bid  her  good-bye :  cp.  765  fin.  It 
ended  by  Attica  making  an  apology,  not 
requiring  one  (769.  6).  This  is  the  usual 
interpretation.  Or  perhaps  it  may  refer 
to  a  promise  that  Atticus  would  meet 
Cicero  in  Greece  (cp.  770.  4 ;  772.  6)  if 
Attica's  health  permitted.  Corradus 
thinks  that  possibly  Servilia  is  alluded 
to ;  but  that  is  most  unlikely.  We  con- 
fess to  feeling  that  istam  may  possibly 
be  Terentia.  Terentia's  dower  had  not 
been  repaid  yet  (752.  4),  and  there  was 
still  some  of  it  due  in  July  (775.  3),  and 
even  in  December,  Att.  xvi.  15.  5  (807). 
Atticus  may  have  said  that  he  would 
gladly  look  after  all  Cicero's  friends  and 
affairs,  except  Terentia,  who  was  rather 
a  formidable  woman  of  business  (556.  1). 
Atticus  may  have  been  willing  to  pay 
off  Terentia,  at  least  Cicero  asks  him  to 
do  so  (775.  3) :  but  he  may  have  said  he 
would  not  have  a  meeting  with  her. 

De  Planco  et  Decimo  sane  velim!  This 
points  to  some  negotiations  with  Plancus 
and  Decimus  on  the  part  of  conservatives, 
who  were  considering  if  it  would  not  be 
possible  to  secure  forces  both  in  East  and 
West  to  oppose  Antony  :  cp.  Ferrero  iii. 
77.  78. 

scutum  abicere~\  '  I  am  sorry  Sextus 
Pompeius  is  throwing  away  his  shield,' 
that  is,  is  determined  to  give  up  the 
combat.  For  abicere  scutum  of  a  cowardly 
soldier  cp.  Tusc.  ii.  54  ;  De  Orat.  ii.  294*; 
also  Tac.  Germ.  6  scutum  reliquisse  prae- 
cipuum  Jlagitium,  and  the  Greek  fityaairis. 
The  senatorial  party  expected  that  Sext. 
Pompeius  would  continue  the  war :  cp. 
755.  Appian  (B.C.  iii.  4)  has  an  extra- 
ordinary story  that  in  April  Antony  had, 
to  please  the  Senate,  proposed  that  Sext. 
Pompeius  should  be  recalled,  compensated 
for  the  loss  of  his  father's  property,  and 
made  admiral  of  the  fleet.  There  can 
have  been  no  truth  in  that  story. 

2  A  2 


372 


EP.  768  (ATT.  XV. 


2.  Rescripsi  ad  omnia  tua  :  mmcnostra  accipe.  Quintus  filius  usqui 
Puteolos — mirus  oivis,  ut  tu  Favonium  fAsinium  dicas — et  quidei 
duas  ob  causas  et  ut  sit  mecum  et  [ut]  (rnrtiaacrOai  vult  cum  Brui 
et  Cassio.   Sed  tu  quid  ais  ?   Scio  enim  te  farailiarem  esse  Othonui 
Ait  hie  sibi  luliam  ferre  :  constitutum  enim  esse  discidium.  Qi 
sivit  ex  me  pater  qualis  esset  fama.     Dixi  nihil  sane  me  audisj 
nesciebam  enim  cur  quaereret — nisi  de  ore  et  patre.     Sed  quoi 
inquam  ?     At    ille,   filium  velle.     Turn    ego,  etsi 


2.  Quintus  .  .  .  Puteolos]  Supply  some 
verb  of  motion,  as  persequetur,  or  me 
comitabitur.  '  Young  Quintus  is  going  to 
come  with  me  all  the  way  to  Puteoli.' 

mirus']  'marvellous.'  This  word  (minis) 
is  very  rarely  applied  to  men.  See  note 
on  Att.  iii.  18.  2  (76):  op.  Apul.  Met. 
v.  1. 

Favonium  Asinium]     M  has  Favonius. 
Favonius  was  well  known  to  Cicero  as  a 
staunch  republican.     Asinius  Pollio  had 
espoused  the  cause  of  Caesar,  and  was 
now    governing    Spain    as     propraetor. 
It  is  possible,    then,   that    Cicero   here 
calls  young  Quintus  a  Favonius-Asinius, 
as  being  on  both  sides,  or  now  on  one 
and   now  on  the  other.     But  one  can- 
not help  feeling  that  Cicero  would  have 
at  least  chosen   more  typical  names  to 
express  such  a  sentiment,  and  \vould  more 
probably  have    devised    some    ingenious 
Latin  equivalent   of   'Mr.  Facing-both- 
ways.'    The  words  could  hardly  mean, 
'  so  that  you   might  dub   him  either  a 
Favonius  or  an  Asinius.'  In  769.  6  young 
Quintus  says  he  will  be  as  staunch   a 
constitutionalist  as   Cato.     For  Cato  is 
the  typical  conservative  :  cp.  Att.  i.  14.  6 
(20);    Fam.  viii.  17.  2  (408).     Dr.  Reid 
suggests    Favoni    simium,    '  the    ape   of 
Favonius,'  just  as    Favonius   has   been 
called   '  the    ape    of    Cato.'     He  quotes 
Pliny  Ep.  i.  5.  2,  where  Regulus  called 
Arulenus    Rusticus     Stoicorum    simiam. 
But  that  is  a  term  of  contempt :  the  con- 
text here  demands  a  term  of  praise  used 
in  an  ironical  sense.     Could  it  possibly 
be    a    comic    superlative    Favoniissimum 
'a  super- Favonius';  or  Favonianissimum, 
'  a  super -Favonian  '  ?     For  such  a  comic 
formation   cp.   Plaut.  Poen.   991,  nullus 
Poenus  Poenior  ;   cp.  for  comic  superla- 
tives, ipsissimus,  Trin.  988  ;  geminissimus, 
Pers.  830  ;   patrue  mi  patruissime  Poen. 
1197;    oculissime   Cure.  121.     We  have 
Plautissimi  versus  in  Gell.  iii.  3,  4,  but 
with  no  comic  significance. 


et  ut  sit  mecum']  Probably  sit  is  whai 
<nr  of  M  stands  for  :  see  Adn.  Grit.  TlH 
next  ut  should  be  bracketed  as  having 
arisen  from  the  ut  before  mecum. 
construction  alters  slightly,  for  whicH 
Dr.  Reid  compares  Verr.  v.  112  in 
homine  tantum  animi  fuit  non  solum  ut\ 
istum  libere  laederet  .  .  .  verum  morM 
proposita  .  .  .  defensionem  causae  suatl 
scripsit,  l  for  two  reasons,  both  to  be 
with  me,  and  he  wishes  to  bury  thef 
hatchet  with  Brutus  and  Cassius. 

luliam]  The  margin  of  Lambinus'  ed.  I 
gives  Tutiam,  as  Tutia  appears  in  772.  M 
But  the  name  Tutia  does  not  appear  to 
occur  elsewhere.  Nothing  is  known  of] 
her,  or,  indeed,  of  Julia  either. 

ferre]  sc.  condicionem :  cp.  Plaut.  TrinM 
488,  Mil.  592 ;  like  pur  'propose 
riage).  The  usage  without  the  accusative 
would  seem  to  be  colloquial.  We  can] 
quote  no  parallel.  Perhaps  conditioned 
was  lost  by  parablepsy  owing  to  eonm 
stitututn  following,  as  0.  E.  Schmidl 
(Rh.  Mus.  liii.  230)  suggests. 

de  ore  et   patre]    '  her  looks   and 
father.'     We   know   nothing    about  h( 
father;    but  that  is  no  reason  why  wel 
should  change  the  text.     On  account  of 
e£5eAuTT(fyt7/j',  it  has  been  proposed  to  read 
here  de  ore  putri  (or  taetro)  or  de  ore  et\ 
paedore.  But  the  lady  may  have  been  onl  J 
ill-favoured  :  for  Cicero  had  something  of  I 
an  eye  for  women's  looks :  cp.  Att.  xii.  11 
(502)  Alteram  vero  illam  .  .  .  puto, 
Nihil  vidifoedius. 
filium  velle]  sc.  eum  ducere. 
etsi   ^5e\vrr6/j.riv]    '  though  I  wt 
disgusted,  I  said  I   believed  the  repon 
were  not  true.'   The  reading  is  uncertaii 
Bosius  says   Z  reads  putare  me   ilia, 
reading  found  also  in  v.c.,  and  perhaps 
is  best  to  acquiesce  in  that :  '  I  said  I  di< 
not  ^  believe  in  those  stories.'     Profes 
Goligher  wishes  to  read  probra  ilia  fc 
pubabulla,    which    expresses    the 
meaning,      only     more      dogmatically, 


EP.  769  (ATT.  XVI.  1).  373 

Lamen  negavi  putare  me  ilia  esse  vera :  (TKOTTOC — hoc  est  enim — 
fame  nostro  nihil  praebere.  Ilia  autem  ou  Trapa  roOVo.  Ego  taraen 
j.uspicor  hunc,  ut  solet,  alucinari.  Sed  velim  quaeras — facile 
jiutem  potes — et  me  certiorem. 

3.  Obsecro  te,  quid  est  hoc  ?  Signata  iam  epistula  Formiani 
bui  apud  me  cenabant  Plancum  se  aiebant  hunc  Buthrotium  pridie 
huam  hoc  scribebam,  id  est  in  Nonas,  vidisse  '  demissum  sine 
phaleris,'  servulos  autem  dicere  eum  et  agripetas  eiectos  a 
puthrotiis.  Macte  !  Sed,  amabo  te,  prescribe  mihi  totum  negotium. 

769.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xvi.  i). 

)N  THE  WAY  TO  BRUTUS  FROM  PUTEOLI  J  JULY  8  ',  A.  U.  C.  710  ;  B.  C.  44  ; 

AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  itinere  suo  et  Attici  litteris,  de  agripetis  Buthroti  concisis,  de  Planco,  de 
>rofectione  sua,  de  Ventidio,  de  Sex.  Pompeio,  de  Pansa,  de  rationibus  Ciceronis  et  re 
amiliari  sua,  de  Q.  filio,  de  Attica  et  Pilia. 

CICERO  ATT1CO  SAL. 

1.  Nonis  Quinctilibus  veni  in  Puteolanum.  Postridie  iens  ad 
[Brutum  in  Nesidem  haec  scripsi.  Sed  eo  die  quo  veneram 

Malaspina's  codices  have  negavi  putavi  of  a  different  (higher)  rank.    The  reading 
ilia ;    but  M  has  negavi  pubabulla,  from  and   explanation  of  Gronovius    ou   irapa 
which  Ellis  very  ingeniously  conjectured  rovrc?,  'she  will  not  be  with  him  long,'  as 
negavi  probabilia  :    '  I  said   probabilities  they  are  sure  to  fall  out,  seem  very  far- 
were  not  certainties.'    Gurlitt  (Philologus  fetched,  and,  indeed,  almost  impossible. 
1900,  p.  103)  suggests  putari  ilia.     The          hunc  .  .  .  alucinari']     'I  expect  young 
passage,      however,     is     one     of     great  Quintus  is  romancing  as  usual.'     For  the 
obscurity,  and  cannot  be  regarded  as  yet  romancing  of  young  Quintus  cp.  753.  1 
settled.     For   the   decidedly  remarkable,  note, 
but    in    our    opinion     untenable,    view          certiorem]     sc.  facias. 
which  Gurlitt  entertains   of  the  passage  3.  Plancum]     Gnaeum :  cp.  767  init. 
generally,  we  must  be  content  to  refer  to          demissum  sine  phakris]     *  with  down- 
tiis  long  discussion  (op.  cit.  96-106) ;  but  cast  looks   and    decorations   lost.'     This 
his  suggestion  that  hoc  is  a  dittography  looks  like  a  part  of  a  verse.    The  rumour 
of  the  last  three  letters  of  2KOnOC  may  is  again  referred  to  in  769.  2;    771.  3; 
well  be  right.  772.1. 

(TKOTT^s]    '  My  brother's  aim — for  this          agripetas]     'the    land-grabbers'    (qui 

is  what  it  comes  to — is  to  avoid  having  to  agrum,  Buthrotium  concupissent  767.  5), 

make  an  allowance  to  his  son  (which  he  called  agrarii  778.  11,  a  term  now  less 

hopes  to  do  by  promoting  the  marriage)  ;  aptly  applied  to  tenants  who  are  willing 

but  my  lady  will  not  be  put  off  by  this.'  to  pay  rent  for  land  which  others  desire 

£So   Casaubon.)       For   (TKOTTOS    compare  to  occupy  rent-free.     Macte  is  '  bravo,' 

Att.   ii.    18.   1   (45);    viii.   11.  2    (342).  '  well  done.' 
There  is  no  Latin  word  which  expresses 

*  aim '  so  well  as  this  Greek  word.  Quintus  1.  iens]     for  this  participle  of  eo  cp. 

was    unwilling  to   give   his    son   money  Att.   iv.   9.  2   (122).     We  should  prefer 

(724.    3).      Possibly    we    should     read  exiens :   cp.   731.   1;  738.  2:    Att.  xvi. 

TOVTOV,    and  the  words  may  mean  'but  13a  fin.  (802). 
she  is  not  comparable  with  him,'  i.e.  is          Nesidem~\    a  little  island  off  the  coast 


374 


EP.  769  (ATT.  XVI.  1). 


cenanti  Eros  tuas  litteras.  Itane  ?  NONIS  IULIIS  ?  Di  herc 
istis !  Sed  stomachari  totum  diem  licet.  Quidquamne  turpiiB 
quam  Bruto  IULIIS?  Nihil  vidi.  Redeo  ad  meum  igitur  git 
twjuev  ;  2.  Sed  quid  est,  quaeso,  quod  agripetas  Buthroti  concisos 
audio?  quid  autem  Plan cus  tarn  cursim — ita  euim  inaudiebam— I 
diem  et  noctem?  Sane  cupio  scire  quid  sit.  3.  Meam  profeol 
tionem  laudari  gaudeo:  videndum  est  ut  mansio  laudetur.  Dymaeos 
agro  pulsos  mare  infestum  habere  nil  mirum.  'Ev  6juo7rXo(i 
Bruti  videtur  aliquid  praesidi  esse  sed,  opinor,  minuta  navigial 
Sed  iam  sciam  et  ad  te  eras.  4.  De  Ventidio,  waviKov  puto.  De 


of  Naples,  where  Lucullus  had  a  villa 
in  which  Brutus  was  now  sojourning. 
It  is  now  called  Nisida.  Shuckburgh 
thinks  the  villa  may  have  heen  Servilia's, 
and  be  part  of  the  Neapolitan  estate  of 
Pontius  which  she  now  owned  (728.  3). 

litteras']  sc.  attulit  or  reddidit  :  cp. 
Fam.  xii.  30.  1  (899)  nemo  ad  te  meas 
litteras  ? 

Nonis  luliis]  Antony  and  his  party  in 
announcing  the  games  which  were  to  be 
given  under  the  name  of  Brutus,  though 
he  did  not  himself  intend  to  be  present, 
used  the  expression  Nonis  luliis  instead 
of  Quinclilibus.  This  is  resented  by  Cicero 
as  an  insult  to  the  tyrannicides.  That  a 
month  should  be  called  after  Julius  implied 
that  he  was  a  god  like  Janus  or  Mars. 

Di  .  .  .  istis}     sc.  male  faciant. 

Quidquamne]  '  Could  there  be  a  greater 
insult  for  Brutus  than  "  July  "  ?  ' 

Nihil  vidi]  sc.  turpius.  We  agree  with 
Boot  and  Dr.  Reid  (Hermathena,  xii 
(1903)  237)  that  these  words  should 
follow  IULIIS.  In  the  MSS.  they  follow 


Eedeo~\  *  So  I  can  only  repeat  my  old 
question  quousque  tandem  ?  '  Cicero  uses 
IT'  iwuev  ;  '  are  we  still  to  permit  them 
to  insult  us  ?  '  We  should,  probably,  in 
a  like  case,  use  Cicero's  own  words  in 
the  beginning  of  the  first  Catilinarian 
oration.  But  the  emendation  of  Dr.  Reid 
?T',  fou€j>  '  on,  away,'  a  quotation  perhaps 
from  a  poet,  is  attractive.  Cicero  was 
actually  on  his  journey  from  Italy  ;  and 
he  had  not  been  saying  (at  least  in 
the  letters  we  have),  "  How  long  are  we 
to  endure  this  ?  '  For  the  position  of 
igitur  cp.  2  Verr.  i.  81  huic  homini  par- 
cetis  igitur,  indices  f  Plaut.  Epid.  499 
Quid  tibi  negotist  meae  domi  igitur  $ 
Lamb,  says  the  reading  of  Z  is 


(which  is  also  in  the  margin  of  M)  ;  bid 
we  cannot  translate  it  by  '  eamus  '  witj 
Corradus.  Lamb,  prefers  de<afj.ev :  whicW 
Turnebus  suggests,  as  well  as  an  alternal 
tive  a.Trici>/j.€v. 

2.  agripetas']     768.  3;  771.  3. 

quid  .  .  .  nocfem?]  sc.  Her  fecit,  as  often  a 
cp.  771.  1  in  Nesida.  «  What  is  thei 
meaning  of  Plancus  at  this  high  speed— i 
for  such  is  the  rumour  I  heard  (763.  1)— 1 
day  and  night? ' 

3.  profectionem   laudari~\    cp.    772.  4  ; 
775.  2. 

mansio"]  '  my  stay  there,'  i.e.  in  Greecel 
Cicero  may  have  anticipated  the  criticism* 
which  were  actually  made  later:  783.  5 
vituperationem  me  existimari  ad  OlympiaM 
Or  it  may  be  '  my  staying  at  home  '  wheJ 
I  return  to  Italy. 

3.  Dymaeos~\    pirates    whom    Pompejl 
had  settled  near  Dyme  in  Achaia.     TheJ 
were  now  dispossessed  of  their  holdings  an<l 
had  returned  to  their  former  mode  of  lifej 
For  infestum  habere  see  on  Att.  ix.  19.  3 
(377). 

'Ev  6noTr\oic(.  £ruti~]  'in  havin« 
Brutus  as  my  fellow-traveller'  (77U.  3).  j 

4.  De  Ventidio"]     <  I  think  the  rumouJ 
about  V.  is  a  canard.'     It  was  reporter 
that  Ventidius  Bassus  was  about  to  join 
Antony,  as  he  actually  did  after  the  MutiJ 
nensian  war.    0.  E.  Schmidt  (PhilologusM 
1892,  p.  202)  thinks  that  the  story  tol<l 
by    Appian,     Bell.    Civ.    iii.    66,    thai 
Ventidius  did  actually  march  on  Rome  in 
43,  probably  arose  from  rumours  to  thai 
effect    current    the    year     before,    and! 
alluded  to  in  this  passage  :  cp.  Cicero'd 
letter  to  Pansa  in   Nonius  92.   18,  .noA 
Ventidianis  rumoribus   calfacimur.     But 
the  rumour,  a,s  Cicero  says,  was  a  merej 
canard,  and  no  allusion  to  it  is  made  in 
the  Philippics. 


EP.  769  (ATT.  XVL  1). 


375 


•Sexto  pro  certo  habebatur  fad  arma.     Quod  si  verum  est,  sine 

Ipello  civili  video  serviendum.     Quid  ergo  ?  ad  Kal.  Ian.  in  Pansa 

ppes  ?  Aflpoc  TroAuc  in  vino  et  in  somno  istorum.  5.  De  ccx,  optime  ; 

Ipiceronis   rationes    explicentur.     Ovius  enim   recens :    is  multa, 

fcuae  vellem :    in  iis  ne   hoc   quidem  malum,  [fin   mandatis  si 

|aabunde,t]  HS  LXXII  satis  esse,  adfatim  prorsus,  sed  Xenonem 

)erexigue  et  yA^x/owc  praebere  [id  est  minutatim].     Quod  plus 

)ermutasti  quam  ad  fructum  insularum,  id  ille  annus  habeat  in 

juem   itineris   sumptus   accessit.     Hinc   ex   Kal.  April,  ad   HS 

LXXX  accommodetur.     Nunc   enim   insulae  tantum.     Videndum 

enim  est  quid,  cum  Romae  erit.     Non  enim  puto  socrum  illam 

;erendam.     Pindaro   de  Cumano  negaram.     6.    Nunc  cuius  rei 

3ausa  tabellarium  miserim  accipe.     U.  filius  mibi  pollicetur  se 


t  ad  arma]  This  must  be  wrong,  as 
he  context  shows  that  exactly  the  opposite 
meaning  is  required.  It  would  be  un- 
scientific, however,  to  read  ab  armis,  or 
iaud  ad  arma.  Something  more  can  be  said 
or  abicere  arma  :  cp.  768.  2  ;  Att.  x.  8.  4 
392)  ;  for  if  icere  was  lost,  ab  would  pro- 
>ably  have  been  changed  to  ad.  The  false 
reading  might  owe  its  existence  to  some 
lifficult  word  which  was  misunderstood 
>y  the  copyists.  "We  suggest  ad  larem, 
for  which  see  771.  2;  'it  is  regarded  as 
certain  that  Sex.  Pompeius  is  going  "to 
the  hall  of  his  fathers"':  cp.  Phil, 
i.  75,  also  Dio  Cass.  xlv.  10.  6,  Kal 
'&  AeirtSos]  eiTfiffev  avrbv  es  6fio\oytav 
•AfletV  fTrl  rep  TO.  Trarpya  KojjLi<rao~6ai. 
That  whole  chapter  about  Sextus  Pom- 
jeius  is  worth  reading.  Shuckburgh 
suggested  dare  manus.  Perhaps  dearmari. 
Aripos  TroAus]  'They  haven't  the 
shadow  of  a  serious  notion  among  them, 
these  drowsy  drinkers';  see  on  Att.  ix. 
18.  2  (376).  The  reference  is  to  Hirtius 
and  Pansa,  the  consuls  elect.  For  \ypos 
vo\vs  cp.  728.  4  Aijpos  iro\vs.  Nemo  est 
Istorum  qui  otium  non  timeat. 

5.  recens']  '  a  fresh  arrival*  from 
Athens. 

perexigue]  ( in  very  niggardly  and 
stingy  fashion.'  This  passage  is  usually 
regarded  as  presenting  in  the  words  en- 
closed within  square  brackets  examples 
of  glosses  which  have  found  their  way 
into  the  text,  in  mandatis  being  a  gloss  on 
in  iis,  sat  abunde  (so  Man.  for  si  habunde) 
on  adfatim,  and  id  est  minutatim  on 
y\i<rxpf0s.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that 
the  latter  is  a  gloss.  Dr.  Reid,  however 


(p.  259),  thinks  that  in  mandatis  is  sound, 
but  should  follow  quae  vellem.  Young 
Cicero,  apparently,  gave  Ovius  a  good 
many  commissions  which  pleased  his 
father,  perhaps  to  send  him  books  or 
something  of  the  kind  :  cp.  786.  8.  That 
passage  makes  Dr.  Reid's  proposal  very 
probable.  Among  the  messages  sent  by 
young  Cicero  was  also  one  that  his  allow- 
ance was  sufficient,  but  that  a  hint  might 
be  given  to  Xeno  to  supply  him  with 
somewhat  larger  sums  at  each  time. 

Quod  plus  permutasti]  '  you  say  you  have 
sent  a  bill  of  exchange  for  a  sum  exceeding 
the  rent  of  the  flats  (assigned  to  the  main- 
tenance of  young  Marcus  :  cp.  749.  1). 
Well,  let  the  balance  over  and  above  the 
rent  be  charged  to  the  year  in  which  fell  the 
expenses  of  the  journey.  Then,  from  the 
1st  of  April  on,  his  expenses  must  be  kept 
within  the  80,000  sesterces  (about  £800) — 
the  rent  of  the  flats.  Then  we  must  make 
a  new  arrangement  when  he  returns  to 
Rome.  I  do  not  think  he  could  endure 
that  woman  as  a  mother-in-law.'  Cicero 
was  contemplating  some  rich  alliance  for 
his  son,  but  he  regards  the  lady's  mother 
as  an  insuperable  obstacle.  Since,  then, 
his  son  is  not  about  to  be  supported  by  a 
rich  wife,  Cicero  says  that  some  arrange- 
ment must  be  made  for  hi&  maintenance 
when  he  comes  to  live  in  Rome. 

quid]     sc.facturus  sit. 

de  Cumano]  Pindarus  seems  to  have 
been  the  agent  for  someone  who  wished 
to  purchase  Cicero's  property  at  Cumae, 
which,  however,  Cicero  was  not  disposed 
to  sell. 

6.  se  Catonem]     sc.  fore,  'that  he  will 


376 


EP.  770  (ATT.  XVI.  5). 


Catonem.     Egit  autem  et  pater  et  filius  ut  tibi  sponderem,  se 
ita  ut  turn  crederes  cum  ipse  cognosses.     Huic  ego  litteras  ipsiu 
arbitratu  dabo.     Eae  te  ne  moverint.     Has  scripsi  in  earn  parteD 
ne  me  motum  putares.     Di  faxiut  ut  faciat  ea  quae  promittit 
Commune  enim  gaudium.     Sed  ego  .  .  .  nihil  dico  amplius. 
hinc  vi  Idus.     Ait  enim  attributionem  in  Idus,  se  autem  urgeri' 
acriter.     Tu  ex  meis  litteris  quo  modo  respondeas   moderabere. 
Plura,  cum  et  Brutum  videro  et  Erotem  remittam.     Attioae  meae 
excusationem    accipio    eamque    amo    plurimum,    cui    et    Piliae 
salutem. 


770.     CICERO  TO   ATTICUS  (ATT.  xvi.  5). 

PUTEOLI  J    JULY   9  J    A.  U.  C.  710  ;     B.  C.  44  J    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  Bruto  eiusque  ludis,  de  Q.  filio,  de  o^oirXola,  cum  Bruto  vix  f  utura,  de  Nepot< 
de  epistulis  suis  edendis. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Tuas   iam  litteras  Brutus   exspectabat :    cui   quidem   egoi 
[non]  novum  attuleram  de  *  Tereo '  Acci.     Ille  '  Brutum'  putabati 


be  a  very  Cato' :  cp.  768.  2.  Caelius  in 
Fam.  viii.  17.  2  (408)  also  seems  to  imply 
that  he  will  show  himself  a  perfect  Cato : 
see  note  there. 

tibi  spnnderem~]  '  The  father  and  son 
beg  me  to  guarantee  the  son's  good  con- 
duct, asking  you,  however,  to  believe 
only  when  you  have  had  experience 
yourself  of  his  reform  (cp.  770.  2).  I  am 
giving  him  a  letter  just  such  as  he  wants. 
Don't  mind  what  I  say  in  it.  This  letter 
is  to  prevent  your  thinking  that  I  am 
really  impressed  by  any  reformation  in 
the  lad.'  The  letter  referred  to  is  pos- 
sibly the  one  that  follows.  It  must  be 
allowed  that  Cicero's  action  in  this  matter 
conflicts  with  modern  notions  of  the 
character  of  a  gentleman. 

Is  hinc]    sc.  proficiscetur:  cp.  727.  5. 

attributionem  in  Idus]  Attributio  might 
be  taken  either  actively  or  passively.  In 
the  former  case  it  would  mean  that  he 
had  assigned  to  his  creditors  debts  due  to 
him  on  the  Ides ;  in  the  latter,  that  on 
the  Ides  certain  debts  would  be  assigned 
to  him,  which  he  might  transfer  to  his 
creditors.  The  latter  seems  the  more 


probable:    cp.  606.  1  ;    635.4;    773.  5 J 
Fam.  xvi.  24.   1   (806) ;  Att.  xv.  13a.  5 
795).     In  the   former   case  it  would  be 
'  He  says  he  has  made  an  assignment  of 
debts  for  the  Ides.'     In  the  latter,  '  He 
says  that  an  assignment  of  debts  due  to 
him  is  to  be  made  to  him  on  the  Ides.1! 
For  the   debts  of  young    Quintus,    cp. 
681.  1  ;  763.  1. 
Atticae  .  .  .  accipio']  cp.  note  to  768. 1.1 

1.  {non]  novum]  The  striking  out  of 
the  non  here  is  quite  justifiable,  as  it 
may  have  been  a  mere  dittography  of  thel 
first  syllable  of  novum.  However,  it  is 
not  absolutely  necessary  to  omit  the  word,] 
for  Brutus  may  have  written,  and  tolcfl 
Cicero  that  he  had  already  learned  whala 
Cicero  had  written  to  him,  that  it  waJ 
the  Tereus  of  Accius,  and  not  the  firutns, ] 
which  had  been  acted  at  the  games.  But] 
the  omission  of  non  is  to  be  preferred.] 
Brutus  had  first  imagined  that  it  was  the] 
Brutus,  not  the  Tereus  of  Accius,  which 
was  played.  For  the  ludi  Graeci,  seej 
Fam.  vii.  1.  3  (127). 


EP.  770  (ATT.  XVI.  5).  377 

ed  tamen  rumoris  nescio  quid  adflaverat  commissioiie  Graecorum 
•equentiam  non  fuisse,  quod  quidem  me  minime  fefellit.  Scis 
dm  quid  ego  de  Graecis  ludis  existimem.  2.  Nunc  audi  quod 
luris  est  quam  omnia.  Quintus  fuit  raecum  dies  corapluris,  et, 
ego  cuperem,  ille  vel  pluris  fuisset,  sed,  quantum  fuit,  incredi- 
ile  est  quam  me  in  omni  genere  delectarit,  in  eoque  maxime  in 
no  minime  satis  faciebat.  Sic  enim  commutatus  est  tot  us  et 
jriptis  meis  quibusdam  quae  in  manibus  habebam  et  adsiduitate 
rationis  et  praeceptis,  ut  tali  animo  in  rem  publicam  quali  nos 
olumus  futurus  sit.  Hoc  cum  rnihi  non  modo  confirmasset 
ad  etiam  persuasisset,  egit  mecum  accurate  muliis  verbis  tibi  ut 
)onderem  se  dignum  et  te  et  nobis  futurum,  neque  se  postulare 
b  statim  crederes,  sed,  cum  ipse  perspexisses,  turn  ut  se  amares. 
,uod  nisi  fidem  mihi  fecisset  iudicassemque  hoc  quod  dico  firmum 
ore,  non  fecissem  id  quod  dicturus  sum.  Duxi  enim  mecum 
lulescentem  ad  Brutum.  Sic  ei  probatum  est  quod  ad  te  scribo 
t  ipsi  crediderit,  me  sponsorem  accipere  noluerit  eumque  laudans 
micissirne  mentionem  tui  fecerit,  complexus  osculatusque  dimi- 
erit.  Quam  ob  rem  etsi  magis  est  quod  gratuler  tibi  quam  quod 
>  rogem,  tameu  etiam  rogo  ut,  si  quae  minus  antea  propter 
ifirmitatem  aetatis  constanter  ab  eo  fieri  videbantur,  ea  iudices 
lum  abiecisse  mihique  credas  multuni  adlaturam  vel  plurimum 
otius  ad  illius  iudicium  confirmandum  auctoritatem  tuam. 
.  Bruto  cum  saepe  iniecissem  de  ojuoTrAot'p  non  perinde  atque 
go  putaram  adripere  visus  est.  Existimabam  /-tmw/oore/ooi;  esse, 

rumoris  nescio  quid  adflaverat]     <  there  in    manibus    habebam]      possibly    the 

ad  been  a  report  in  the  air  that  there  De  Officiis. 

as  no  great  attendance  at  the  exhibi-  adsiduitate    orationis]     '  by    my   con- 
on  of  the  Greek  plays.'     For  adflaverat,  stantly  talking  to  him '  (Shuckburgh). 
p.  aura  rumoris,  Mur.  35  ;  famae perla-  conjirmaxset]    '  after  not  only  solemnly 
tur  aura,  Verg.  Aen.  vii.  646.  promising  reform,  birt  even  convincing 

quod  .  .  .fefellit}    «  which  was  exactly  me  that  it  was  sincere.'  ^ 

hat  I  expected.'     For  fallere  =  '  to  run  perspexisses]     «  tested  it    :  cp.  769 .  6 . 

ounter  to  one's  expectation,'    cp.  Orat.  me  sponsorem]     cp.  Cicero  s  pledge  tor 

25,  quern,  quaeso,  nostrum  fefellit  ita  vos  the  loyalty  of  Octavian  Phil.  v.  50,  51 : 

ssefacturos?  ad  Brut.  i.  18.  3  (915). 

2.  Quintus]  qu.  add/.  (=jftlius).  3.  iniecissem]     'suggested. 

quantum  fiiit]  Quamdiu  would  be  more  b^ov\oia]     769.     3:    771.    4 

sual,  but  quantum  may  very  well  stand  for  being  his  compagnonde  voyage, 

uantum  temporis  in  a  letter.  '  As  much  as  adripere]  « to  catch  at  it    :  cp.  D 

e  was  with  me.'    Dr.  Reid  suggests quot.  ii.  89  quod  iste  adripuit  et  «*«  sese  fac- 

minime  satis  faciebat]     'in  which   he  turum  conjirmavit  :  Ter.  Eun.  5/0  sum- 

-as    (formerly)  least   satisfactory,'   pro-  monuit  me  .  .  .  servus  quod  ego  adrtput. 

ably  his   relations  with    the   Caesarian  ptrtwpArtpov]    'm  a  state  of  some 

arty,  and  his  hostility  to  Cicero.  anxiety,'   'wavering   between   hope  and 


378 


EP.  770  (ATT.  XVI.  5). 


et  hercule  erat  et  maxime  de  ludis.  At  mihi,  cum  ad  villa 
redissem,  On.  Lucceius,  qui  multum  utitur  Bruto,  narravit  ill 
valde  morari,  non  tergiversantem  sed  exspectantem  si  qui  for 
casus.  Itaque  dubito  an  Yenusiam  tendam  et  ibi  exspectem  de 
legionibus :  si  aberunt,  ut  quidam  arbitrautur,  Hydruntem :  I 
neutrum  erit  aafaXie,  eodem  revertar.  *  *  locari  me  putasl 
Moriar  si  quisquam  me  tenet  praeter  te.  Etenim  t  circumspica 
sed  ante  quam  erubesco  f  4.  0  dies  in  auspiciis  Lepidi  lepide 


fear':  cp.  758. 4,  and  Polybius  viii.  22.  8  : 
xxiii.  9.  11. 

non  tergiversantem']  '  not  from  vacil- 
lation.' For  the  delay  of  Brutus  cp. 
771.  4. 

de  legionibus]  the  legions  which  were 
expected  to  come  from  Macedonia  to 
Italy,  and  which  he  wished  to  avoid 
meeting  :  cp.  753.  2. 

neutrum]     The  alternatives  seem  to  he 

(1)  going  across  by  land  through  Brun- 
disium  to  Hydruns,in  which  journey  there 
might  be  danger  from  Antony's  legions  ; 

(2)  going   by  long  sea   from   Naples   to 
Greece,  in  which  there  would  he  danger 
from  pirates  (cp.  772.  4).    '  If  both  prove 
too  dangerous  (says  Cicero),  I  shall  return 
to  where  you  are  (eodem)  ' :  or  perhaps  we 
should  read  domum.  But  another  view  is 
possible.     Cicero    is    thinking  of   going 
overland  to  the  east  coast.     He  would  go 
to  Venusia  first :  if  there  was  no  danger 
from   the   legions   there,   he    would   see 
about  pushing  on   to    Hydruns.     If  the 
legions  are  down  in  that  region,  he  will 
return  to  where  he  now  is  (Puteoli). 

locari  me  put  as]  There  is  no  joke : 
something  must  have  been  lost.  Dr.  Reid 
draws  attention  to  the  fact  that  after 
revertar  in  M  follows  Att.  xii.  3  (468),  a 
letter  which  is  of  a  similarly  effusive 
tone  to  what  has  probably  been  extruded 
here.  "  In  some  ancestral  codex."  he  says 
(Hermath.  xii.  (1903)  p.  267),  **  a  reader 
noted  in  the  margin  a  reference  to  that 
letter,  because  the  language  held  there 
about  Attic  us  is  very  similar.  The  note 
was  by  some  successor  misunderstood  as 
a  direction  to  insert  the  whole  letter. 
The  process  of  insertion  caused  the  loss 
of  other  matter,  perhaps  of  a  whole 
page." 

f  ante]  We  have  no  suggestion  to 
make  here ;  antequam  is  in  2  :  ante 
in  A.  The  reading  of  2  looks  as  if  it 
were  right,  but  it  baffles  interpretation. 
Why  should  Cicero  say  that  he  blushes  to 


tell  Atticus  '  face  to  face '  that  he  is  th< 
sole  tie  that  binds  him  to  Italy.  He  has 
often  made  use  of  expressions  equalll  I 
emphatic.  And  why  should  he  ask  Atticui| 
to  look  round  ?  Is  it  to  see  whether  hel 
has  any  rival  in  the  regard  of  Cicero  ?  Ill 
is  better  to  own  ourselves  at  a  loss  thaw 
to  accept  such  suggestions.  Prof.  Golighei| 
thinks  that  ante  conceals  avSav  in  the! 
sense  of  '  speaking  out,'  '  telling  forth,U 
and  that  the  passage  means  '  You  alonil 
would  keep  me  in  Italy.  For  just  look! 
around  (at  my  other  acquaintances,! 
Brutus,  Cassius,  Hirtius,  Pansa  and  the! 
rest).  But  I  blush  to  speak  out  aboiiB 
them  (i.e.  to  describe  them).'  The  woifl 
avS'dv  would  naturally  mean  '  to  nameJI 
4  to  tell  forth,'  but  the  sense  of  describfl 
may,  perhaps,  be  defended  by  Aescmj 
Prom.  948  ovffrivas  KOfjure'ts  ydpovs  «w8oj 
frvuye  :  and  we  should  certainly  wish  for 
an  accusative  in  one  or  other  of  the 
clauses.  Besides  Cicero  had  not  shrunl 
from  criticizing  his  political  frienffl 
pretty  vigorously  (quanta  a./u.ijxav'La>  7681 
1 :  \ripos  TTO\VS,  769.  4)  :  and  avSav  wouli 
not  naturally  have  passed  into  ante,  bill 
into  the  equally  familiar  audire,  Thej 
corruption  would  need  to  have  been  am 
old  one  to  admit  of  the  still  furthel 
corruption  in  2  caused  by  the  addition 
of  quam. 

4.  0  dies  in  auspiciis  Lepidt]  ThB 
passage  is  to  be  considered  along  with 
Att.  xvi.  11.8  (799)  De  Lepidianis  ferim 
Balbus  ad  me  usque  ad  iii.  K«l.  sc.  of 
December.  The  reference  is  held  to  be 
to  the  inauguration  ceremony  of  Lepidun 
who  had  succeeded  in  getting  himself 
appointed  Pontifex  Maximus  in  place  ol 
Caesar.  This  suited  fairly  well  with  thi 
time  at  which  Cicero  proposed  to  returnl 
He  certainly  intended  -to  be  home  beforl 
January  1st  (cp.  759),  and  probably  beforl 
the  winter  closing  of  general  navigation 
on  November  11  (Veget.  v.  9) :  cp.  75i 
est  enim  hiberna  navigatio  odiosa.  Lepiduf 


EP.  770  (ATT.  XVI.  5}. 


379 


Uescriptos  et  apte  ad  consilium  reditus  nostri !  Magna  powrj  ad 
[>roficiscendum  in  tuis  litteris.  Atque  utinam  te  illic !  Sed  ut 
uonducere  putabis.  5.  Nepotis  epistulam  exspecto.  Cupidus  ille 
tneorum  ?  qui  ea  quibus  maxime  yavptu  legenda  non  putet  ? 
pt  ais  juer'  tijuvjuova.  Tu  vero  a/uLv/mw  :  ille  quidem  aju/3/ooroe. 
Mearum  epistularum  nulla  est  owayuyri,  sed  habet  Tiro  instar 
leptuaginta.  Et  quidem  sunt  a  te  quaedam  sumendae :  eas  ego 
bportet  perspiciam,  corrigam  ;  turn  denique  edentur. 


liay  have  arranged  for  this  by  stating 
lhat  he  would  take  the  auspices  on  that 
lay ;  for  announcements  that  auspices 
pould  be  taken  on  a  certain  day  were 
[ometimes  made,  cp.  Phil.  ii.  81.  It  is 
lossible  that  we  should  omit  in  before 
l«*/nms,  supposing  that  it  got  out  of 
llace,  and  that  it  should  precede  tuis 
litteris.  Malaspina's  addition  of  lepide 
leems  required  by  the  exclamatory  form 
If  the  sentence.  Cicero  elsewhere  plays 
f»n  the  name  :  cp.  Att.  vi.  1.  25  (252), 
|  What  a  nice  arrangement  of  days  has 
fceen  made  for  the  auspices  (inauguration) 
If  our  nice  friend  (Lepidus),  and  how 
prell  it  suits  my  plans  for  return.' 
I  /So  71-77]  'momentum.' 

Atque  utinam  te  illic\  sc.  videam,  i.e.  in 
Breece,  cp.  772.  6,  from  which  passage 
t  appears  that  Atticus  proposed  wintering 
a  Epirus. 

5.  meorwri]  A  passage,  first  pointed 
o  (we  believe)  by  Popma,  seems  to  prove 
hat  the  philosophical  works  of  Cicero  are 
ere  referred  to.  The  passage  is  a  letter 
rom  Cornelius  Nepos  to  Cicero,  quoted 
y  Lactantius,  Inst.  Div.  iii.  15.  10,  in 
irhich  Nepos  speaks  slightingly  of  philo- 
ophers.  The  passage,  it  is  true,  is 
irected  against  philosophers  whose  lives 
elie  their  theories,  but  broadly  it  justifies 
he  allegation  that  Nepos  thought  very 
ittle  of  philosophical  works  of  which 
Jicero  says  '  dont  je  me  pique  beau- 
oup.' 

legenda}  As  M  has  a  legenda,  0.  E. 
chrnidt  wishes  to  read  omnino  legenda. 

Et  ais  per*  anvpov a~\  The  reference 
mst  be  to  some  passage  in  the  letter  of 
Ltticus,  of  which  we  can  only  conjecture 
le  import.  The  allusion  is  evidently  to 
lomer,  II.  xvii.  280,  where  Ajax  is  said 
o  come  next,  /ACT'  anvpova,  nrjAeiWo.  If 


Atticus  had  said  that  Nepos  as  a  historian 
came  next  to  Cicero,  as  Ajax  came  next 
to  Achilles,  Cicero  would  be  well  justified 
in  replying,  « No,  you  are  the  Achilles,  I 
am  only  the  Ajax.  Nepos  stands  above 
us  both  like  one  of  the  Homeric  deities.' 
Atticus  had  done  some  historical  work : 
Cicero  had  hardly  gone  beyond  the 
planning  of  some  such  form  of  literary 
effort.  It  is  not  likely  that  Cicero  would 
refer  to  Nepos  at  all  except  as  an 
historian. 

ffwayuyfi"]     '  corpus.' 

instar]  '  to  the  extent  of,'  *  to  the 
amount  of,'  'fully.'  The  word  is  first  used 
by  Cic.  (Verr.  v.  44),  and  literally  means 
'  weight '  (cp.  Lindsay  Latin  Language, 
p.  205).  Then  it  is  used  as  '  the  equi- 
valent of  :  cp.  Tusc.  i.  40  terrain  ad 
universi  caeli  complexum  quasi  puncti 
instar  obtinere  :  Orat.  222.  With  our 
passage  we  may  compare  Varro  R.  R.  i. 
1.  10  in  volumina  .  .  .  adiecit  non  paucn 
et  de  Magone  dempsit  instar  librorum 
VIII.  It  is  found  in  Att.  x.  4.  1  (382) 
voluminis  instar  '  as  big  as  a  volume.' 
See  Index  for  other  examples  from 
Cicero's  Correspondence. 

septuaginta']  What  were  these  seventy 
epistles?  Gurlitt  holds  that  they  were 
the  recommendatory  letters  in  Fam  xiii. 
We  have  advanced  objections  to  this 
view  in  vol.  I3,  p.  69.  We  think  that 
they  were  a  collection  of  the  choicest 
flowers  of  his  correspondence,  and  that  the 
collection  was  not  published  by  Cicero 
owing  to  the  many  distractions  and 
troubles  of  the  remainder  of  his  life. 
Could  LXX  =  librorum  viginti  ?  If  Cicero 
intended  to  publish  his  whole  available 
correspondence,  it  would  certainly  have 
run  to  at  least  twenty  books.  But  the 
ordinary  view  is  better. 


380 


EP.  771  (ATT.  XVI.  4). 


771.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT,  xvi.  4). 

PUTEOLI  ;    JULY  10  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  Bruti  ludis,  de  Sex.  Pompeio,  de  Buthrotiis,  de  itinere  Brundisino  suo  et 
cum  Bruto. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  Ita  ut  heri  tibi  narravi,  vel  fortasse  hodie — Quint  us  enini 
altero  die  se  aiebat — in  Nesida  vm  Idus.  Ibi  Brutus.  Quanj 
ille  doluit  de  NONIS  ZULUS  !  Mirifice  est  conturbatus.  ItaqueJ 
sese  scripturum  aiebat  ut  venationem  earn  quae  postridie  ludol 
Apollinaris  futura  est  proscriberent  in  in  IDUS  QUINCTILIS.  ZjibJ 
intervenit  Zs  Philonem  Pompei  libertum  et  Hilarum  suund 
libertum  venisse  a  Sexto  cum  litteris  ad  consules  sive  quo  alii 
nomine  sunt.  Earum  exemplum  nobis  legit,  si  quid  videreturl 
Pauca  wapa  Al£tv,  ceteroqui  et  satis  graviter  et  non  contumaciteii 
Tautum  addi  placuit,  quod  erat  coss.  solum,  ut  esset  PRAETTJ 
TRIBE.  PLEB.  SENATUi,  lie  illi  non  proferrent  eas  quae  ad  ipsol 
missae  essent.  2.  Sextum  autem  nuntiant  cum  una  solum  legion! 
fuisse  Karthagine,  eique  eo  ipso  die  quo  oppidum  Baream  cepissel 


1.  heri  .  .  .  vel  fortasse  hodie]  This  is  a 
good  explanation  of  the  use  of  epistolary 
tenses  in  the  letters,  which  brings  about 
such  anomalies  as  the  connexion  of  nunc 
with  past  tenses  as  in  nunc  parabam,  erat 
nunc  (773.  6) ;  but  nowhere  is  there  a  more 
remarkable  form  of  expression  than  here 
where  he  says  '  in  my  letter  of  yesterday, 
or  perhaps  of  to-day,  for  Q.  (to  whom  he 
had  entrusted  the  letter)  said  he  would 
take  only  two  days  to  reach  you,'  thus 
describing  the  date  of  the  letter,  not  by 
the  day  on  which  it  was  written  (which 
of  course  Cicero  knew),  but  by  the  day 
on  which  it  would  be  received  by  Atticus 
(which  he  could  only  conjecture).  It 
was  a  rapid  journey  if  a  letter  reached 
Pompeii  from  Rome  tertio  die  (726.  1). 
As  Cicero  thinks  that  Quintus  will  not  be 
able  to  complete  the  journey  from  Puteoli 
to  Rome  altero  die,  but  only  tertio  die,  he 
adds  vel  fortasse  hodie. 

NoNIS  IULIIS]     cp.  769.  1. 

venationem]  the  fighting  with  wild 
beasts,  which  was  to  be  announced  for 
the  4th  of  '  Quinctilis,'  not  of  '  July.' 

Libo~\     *  Libo  came  in  ' ;  Libo  was  the 


father-in-law  of  Sextus  Pompeius  and 
the  brother  of  Scribonia  who  was  afterl 
wards  wife  of  Octavian :  cp.  note  to  FamI 
vii.  4  (503). 

Sexto]     sc.  Pompeio. 

sive  quo  alio  nomine  sunt~\  '  or  whateved 
they  are  to  be  called '  as  designated  onl J 
by  Caesar,  not  by  the  free  voice  of  thi 
people :  cp.  712.  2,  where  he  calls  thl 
same  Hirtius  and  Pansa  quasi  designati 
consules ;  and  magistrates,  si  quidem  ilm 
magistratus  707.  2.  Hofmann  give! 
several  examples  of  this  qualitative  ablaf" 
tive,  especially  in  the  letters ;  e.g.  FamJ 
vi.  4.  4  (540),  quanta  fuerim  dolore. 

si  quid  videretur]  '  to  see  if  anything 
would  strike  us';  cp.  Fam.  xi.  19.1 
(875),  Ad  senatum  quas  litter  as  misw 
velim  prius  perlegas  et  si  qua  tibi  videm 
buntur  commutes. 

trap  a.  Ae|iv]  'a  few  solecisms  ill 
language.' 

2.  Bareani]  a  town  in  Spain,  S.W.  of 
Carthago  Nova.  This  is  the  conjecture  ol 
Boot  for  Boream,  there  being  no  town  ofl 
that  name. 


EP.  771  (ATT.  XVI.  4). 


381 


mntiatum  esse  de  Caesare;  capto  oppido,  miram  laetitiam  com- 
nutationemque  animorum  concursumque  undique,  sed  ilium  ad 
ex  legiones  quas  in  ulteriore  reliquisset  revertisse.  Ad  ipsum 
utem  Libonem  scripsit  nihil  esse  nisi  ad  larem  suum  liceret, 
umma  postulatorum,  ut  omnes  exercitus  dimittantur  qui  ubique 
int.  Haec  fere  de  Sexto.  3.  De  Buthrotiis  undique  quaerens 
lihil  reperiebam.  Alii  coucisos  agripetas,  alii  Plan  cum  acceptis 
ummis  relictis  illis  aufugisse.  Itaque  non  video  sciturum  me 
uid  eius  sit  ni  statim  aliquid  litterarum.  4.  Iter  illud  Brundi- 
ium  de  quo  dubitabam  sublatum  videtur.  Legiones  enim  adven- 
are  dicuntur.  Haee  auteni  navigatio  liabet  quasdam  suspiciones 
ericuli.  Itaque  constituebam  uti  6juo7rXotg.  Paratiorem  enim 
ffendi  Brutum  quam  audiebam.  Nam  et  ipse  et  Domitius  bona 
lane  habet  dicrota,  suntque  navigia  praeterea  luculenta  Sesti,. 
Suciliani,  ceterorum.  Nam  Cassi  classem,  quae  plane  bella  est^ 
ion  numero  ultra  fretum.  Illud  est  mihi  submolestum,  quod 
>arum  Brutus  properare  videtur.  Primum  confectorum  ludorum 


concursumque  undique]  cp.  Hor.  Sat.  i. 

fin.,  Undique  concursus  :  sic  me  aervavit 
dpollo. 

in  ulteriore]     so.  Hispania. 

nihil  esse  nisi]  '  it  was  a  sine  qua  non,' 
s  we  should  say. 

ad  larem  suum]  sc.  reverti.  The 
Itimatum  of  Pompey  was  that  he  was 
o  be  restored  to  his  own  family  mansion, 
arhich  had  been  confiscated  by  Caesar 
nd  appropriated  by  Antony  :  cp.  note 
-o  769.  4,  and  Dio  Cass.  xlv.  9  tin. 

Summa  postulatorum]  '  the  gist  of  his 
emands.' 

3.  agripetas]     cp.  768.  3. 

acceptis  nummis  relictis  illis]  'having 
eceived  the  money  and  leaving  them 
lone.'  There  was  nothing  in  the  story, 
p.  772.  1.  Hofmann  compares  for  the 
econd  abl.  abs.  being  the  result  of  the 
rst  exaudito  clamore  perturbatis  ordini- 
us  :  Caes.  Bell.  Gall.  ii.  11.  5,  consumptis 
elis  gladiis  destrictis,  Bell.  Civ.  i.  46.  1. 

quid  eius  sit]  '  what  truth  there  is  in 
be  matter ' :  cp.  quid  eius  sit,  Verr.  v. 
4  ;  Plaut.  Aul.  802  ibo  intro  ut  quid 
\uius  verum  sit  sciam.  Also  such  expres- 
ions  as  quid  eius  facer  e  potueris,  Fam.  iii. 
.  3  (183),  and  cp.  Roby  §  1297. 

4.  Iter  illud  Brundisium~\     There  is  no 
iced  to  alter  with  Pius  to  Brundisinum, 
p.  Phil.  v.  22  :  iter  Alexandream  Phil.  ii. 
L8,   quoted    by   Dr.    Reid.    In   Varro's 


Menippean  Satires  (ed.  Riesc,  p.  199)  we 
have  Luna  Adriam  itiner  longum,  *  long 
journey  from  Luna  to  the  Adriatic.' 

sublatum]     '  put  aside.' 

Haec  navigatio]  '  to  sail  from  here,' 
from  Puteoli :  cp.  753.  3  Ate  ir\ovs. 

6fj.oir\oia]  cp.  770.  3.  The  dat.  of 
Greek  words  is  used  for  the  ablative :  cp. 
783.  3,  quid  iam  opus  est  trxoAty  ? 

et  ipse  et]  "We  have  inserted  the  second 
et  with  Hofmann.  There  would  be  no 
meaning  in  ipse  Domitius  unless  through 
some  antithesis,  as  between  Domitius  and 
his  attendants :  ipse  is  Brutus.  For 
Domitius,  see  vol.  iv.  Ix-lxii. 

dicrota]  '  biremes,'  cp.  Att.  v.  11.  4 
(200). 

fiuciliani]     cp.  749.  2. 

non  numero]  '  I  do  not  count  on  them 
beyond  the  fretum  Siculum* ;  lit. '  I  do  not 
count  (among  the  things  likely  to  render 
me  assistance)  the  fleet  of  Cassius,'  for 
Cassius'  destination  was  Syria,  and  he 
would  accordingly  strike  away  south-east 
from  the  Straits.  We  think  Cassius  was 
not  going  to  take  up  the  corn-commis- 
sionership  in  Sicily  (cp.  744.  1).  For 
numero  see  Madv.  on  Fin.  iv.  45,  at  quid- 
quam,  nisi  quod  honestum  sit,  numeretur,. 
who  says  that  numeretur  =  tyitpivfTai, 
and  the  exact  nature  of  the  importance  of 
the  thing  which  is  'counted'  is  to  be 
judged  from  the  context. 


382 


EP.  772  (ATT.  XVI.  2). 


nuntios  exspectat :  deinde,  quantum  intellego,  tarde  est  navig, 
turus,  consistens  in  locis  pluribus.  Tamen  arbitror  esse  comm< 
dius  tarde  navigare  quam  omnino  uon  navigare,  et  si,  cui 
processerimus,  exploratiora  videbuntur,  etesiis  utemur. 


772.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (Arr.  xvi.  2). 

PUTEOLI ;    JULY  11  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  J     B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  62. 

De  Buthrotiis,  de  Erote  remisso  et  Hortensio,  de  Publilio  et  reliquis  negotiis  suis 
ab  Attico  Romae  sustinendis,  de  Bruto,  de  profectione  sua,  de  Sestio,  de  Cassio,  di 
Tutia,  de  Aebutio,  de  Planco  et  Oppio,  de  Attici  hiematione  in  Epiro,  dein  de  libra 
'  De  Gloria.' 

CICERO  ATTICO   SAL. 

1.  vi   Idus   duas   epistulas   accepi,    unam    a   meo   tabellaric 
alteram  a  Bruti.    De  Buthrotiis  longe  alia  fama  in  his  locis  f  ueral 
sed  cum  aliis  multis  hoc  ferendum.     Erotem  remisi  citius  quai 
constitueram,  ut  esset  qui  Hortensio  etf  quia  efquibus  quidem  ail 
se  Idibus  constituisse.     Horteusius  vero  irapudenter:  nihil  eninl 
debetur  ei  nisi   ex  tertia  pensione,   quae  est  Kal.  Sext.,  ex  qua4 
pensione  ipsa  maior  pars  est  ei  soluta  aliquanto  ante  diem.     Sed' 
haec  Eros  videbit   Idibus.     De   Publilio    autem,   quod  perscribl 
oportet    moram    non    puto    esse    faciendam.     Sed    cum    videaJ 
quantum  de  iure  nostro  decesserimus,  qui  de  residuis  cccc  HS. 
cc  praesentia   solverimus,  reliqua  rescribamus,  loqui  cum  eo, 


exploratiora]  *  things  shall  seem  more 
secure,'  '  more  assured':  cp.  772.  4. 

etesiis]  the  summer  north-west  or  north 
winds:  cp.  Fam.  ii.  15.  5  (273). 

1.  ft  -\quia  «f  quibus~]  We  have  given 
the  corrupt  reading  in  the  text.  Of  the 
conjectures  (for  which  see  Adn.  Grit.)  the 
simplest  is  that  of  Junius  ut  esset  qui 
Hortensio  (sc.  solveret)  et  coheredibus,  qui- 
bus  quidem  ait  se  Idibus  constituisse,  as 
may  be  inferred  from  the  allusion  to  the 
transaction  in  775.  3.  Cicero  had  pur- 
chased from  his  co-heirs,  under  the  will 
of  Cluvius,  their  share  of  the  property. 
He  had  paid  two  of  the  three  instalments, 
and  a  part  of  the  third,  which  Hortensius 
(or  Hordeonius)  now  coolly  demands  be- 
fore it  is  due.  Hortensius  is  probably  an 
error  for  Hordeonius^  who  was  one  of  the 


co-heirs,  and  so  might  naturally  be  acting! 
for  the  rest :  cp.  note  to  663.  3.  But  it 
is  of  course  possible  that  Hortensius  waJ 
another  co-heir. 

perscribi]  <  I  think  there  ought  to  be 
no  delay  about  the  draft  that  shoulci 
be  given  him '  for  Publilia's  dowry :  cpl 
775.  3. 

quantum  .  .  .  decesserimus']  f  how  fan 
we  were  from  pressing  our  rights.' 

reliqua    rescribamus~\     '  are    giving     a 
cheque  in  repayment  of  the  balance ' : 
Ter.   Phorm.   922,   illud   mihi  argenti 
rursuin  tube  rescribi,  Phormio :  Hor.  Sat, 
ii.  3.  76   dictantis  quod  tu  nunquam  re- 
scribere   possis.      Cicero    is    giving    thi 
cheque,  but  thinks  that  PubHlius  ough 
not  to  demand  immediate  payment  coni 
sidering  all  th'e  circumstances. 


EP.  772  (ATT.  XVI.  2).  383 

Ibi  videbitur,  poteris,  eum  commodum  nostrum  exspectare  debere, 
um  tanta  sit  a  nobis  iaotura  facta  iuris.  2.  Sed  amabo  te,  mi 
kjttice — videsne  quam  blande  ? — orania  nostra,  quoad  eris  Eomae, 
|ta  gerito,  regito,  gubernato  ut  nihil  a  me  exspectes.  Q,uamquam 
pirn  reliqua  satis  apta  sunt  ad  solvendum,  tamen  fit  saepe  ut  ii 
•ui  debent  non  respondeaiit  ad  tempus.  Si  quid  eius  modi  acci- 
dent, ne  quid  tibi  sit  fama  mea  potius.  Non  modo  versura 
[erum  etiam  venditione,  si  itares  coget,  nos  vindicabis.  3.  Bruto 
luae  litterae  gratae  erant.  Fui  enim  apud  ilium  multas  horas  in 
Keside,  cum  paullo  ante  tuas  litteras  accepissem.  Delectari  milii 
fereo  videbatur  et  habere  maiorem  Acoio  quam  Antonio  gratiam. 
llihi  autem  quo  laetiora  sunt,  eo  plus  stomachi  et  molestiae  est 
fcopulum  Homanum  manus  suas  non  in  defendenda  re  publica  sed 
n  plaudendo  consumere.  Mihi  quidem  videntur  istorum  animi 
niceiidi  etiam  ad  repraesentandam  improbitatem  suam.  Sed 
lamen  '  dum  modo  doleant  aliquid,  doleant  quidlibet.'  4.  Con- 
lilium  meum  quod  ais  cotidie  magis  laudari  non  moleste  fero, 
|xspectabamque  si  quid  de  eo  ad  me  scriberes.  Ego  enim  in 
|arios  sermones  incidebam.  Quin  etiam  idcirco  trahebam  ut 
uam  diutissime  integrum  esset.  Sed  quoniam  furcilla  extrudi- 

2.  quam  blande}     f  you  see  how  I  am  otherwise  nisi  forte  Accio  turn  plaudi  et 

oaxing  you.'  sexagesiino  post  anno  palmam   dari,   non 

ita  .  .  .  exspectes]  (  manage,  direct,  and  Bruto  putabatis. 

uide  all  my  concerns,  but  do  not  expect  repraesentandam']    '  it  seems  to  me  the 

ny  money  from  me.'  party  of  Antony  are  being  worked  up  to 

reliqua . .  .  solvendum]  cp.  what  he  says  give  an    immediate    instalment  of  their 

75.   3   bella  reliqua  reliqui.     Dr.    Reid  wicked  policy.' 

nggests  ampla  for  apta.                                .  dum  modo  .  .    .    quidlibet]    « provided 

nos  vindicabis]     «  sustain  my   credit ' :  they  show  any  compunction,  let  it  be  as 

t.  «  free  me  '  (from  debt).  it  may  '  (i.e.  as  little  as  they  please),  '  let 

J.  Delectari  .  . .  gratiam]    f  He  seemed  but  their  shame  be  ne'er  so  small,  if  only 

be  delighted  at  (the  success  of  the)  shame  they  feel  at  all.'     This  is  said  by  a 

Tereus'  (cp.  770.  1),  and  to  thank  Accius  father    when    his    son    shows    signs    of 

ither  than  Antonius  (for  the  success).'  remorse.     It  is  averse  of  Afranius,  and 

le  considered  that  the  applause  evoked  is  quoted  inTusc.  iv.  45  and  55. 

ras  rather  due  to  the  literary  excellence  of  4.  Consilium  meum]  see  769.  3  ;  775.2. 

le  play  (of  which  Accius  was  the  author)  Ego  enim  .  .  .  incidebam]     '  For  I  have 

mn  to  the  trouble  taken  by  C.  Antonius  casually  heard  many  different  opinions  on 

le  praetor  in  getting  up  the  production  the  subject.' 

f  the  play      All   the   authorities   (Cic.  trahebam]   Supply  apparently  negottum 

5hil.  i.  36  ;  Pint.  Brut.  21 ;  Appian  B.C.  '  I  am  protracting  the  business  (i.e.  my 

ii    24)    say    that    much    expense    was  departure),  so  that  it  may  be  left  an  open 

avished  on  these  games.     Some  applause  question  as  long  as  possible    :  cp.  756. 

eems  to  have  been  given  for  Brutus,  and  furcilla     extrudimur]         pitch-forked 

ries  raised  (Appian  says  by  a  hired  crowd)  out':  cp.  Hor.  Ep.  i.    10.  24,  Naturam 

hat  Brutus  should  be  recalled  to  Rome:  expellas  furca     tamen     usque     recurn 

mt  the  prevailing  sentiment  was  against  Catull.  105.  2,  Musae  furcilhs  pmecipttem 

hat  course      Cicero  (1.  c.)  of  course  says  eiciunt :  Aristoph.  Pax  637  Sucpois 


384 


EP.  772  (ATT.  XVI. 


mur,  Bnmdisium  cogito.     Facilior  enim  et  exploratior  devil 
legionum  fore  videtur  quara  piratarum,  qui  apparere   dicunti 
Sestius    vi  Idus   exspectabatur,   sed   non   venerat,    quod    sciai 
Cassius  cum  classicula  sua  venerat.     Ego,  cum  eum  vidissem, 
Idus  in  Pompeianum  cogitabam,  inde  Aeculanum.     Nosti  reliqu 
5.  De  lulia  ita   putaram.     De   Aebutio   non  credo,  nee   tann 
euro  plus  quam  tu.     Planco  et  Oppio  scrips!  equidem,   quoniai 
rogaras  :  sed,  si  tibi  videbitur,  ne  necesse  habueris  reddere — cui 
enim  tua  causa  fecerint  omnia,  vereor  ne  rueas  litteras  supervall 
caneas  arbitrentur — Oppio  quidem  utique,  quern  tibi  amicissimuJ 
cognovi.     Yerum  ut  voles.     6.  Tu,  quoniam  scribis  hiematuruJ 
te  in  Epiro,  feceris  mihi  gratum  si  ante  eo  veneris  quam  mihi 
Italiam  te  auctore  veniendum  est.     Litteras  ad  me  quam  saepii 
sime :  si  de  rebus  minus  necessariis,  aliquem  nactus  :  sin  autei 
erit   quid   maius,  domo    mittito.      'HpaKXaSaov,   si  Brundisiui 
salvi ,  adoriemur.     *  De  Gloria  '  misi  tibi.     Custodies  igitur, 
soles,  sed  notentur  eclogarii  quos  Salvius  bonos  auditores  nact  J 
in  convivio  dumtaxat  legat.     Mihi  valde  placent :  mallem  tibi 
Etiam  atque  etiam  vale. 


•7-V  6e6v.  It  is  not  very  easy  to  see  what 
great  force  was  coercing  Cicero  to  leave 
Italy.  In  771  fin.,  however,  he  seems  to 
think  it  more  desirable  to  go  than  stay. 

devitatio]  '  the  avoidance  of  the  legions 
from  Macedonia  will  be  easier  and  surer 
than  the  avoidance  of  the  pirates,'  the 
Dymaei,  as  he  calls  them  in  Ep.  769  :  cp. 
also  770.  3. 

classicula']  '  his  flotilla  '  one  of  the 
O7ro|  elpri/jLevov  diminutives  so  frequent 
in  the  letters. 

Aeculanutn]  always  Aeclanum  in  in- 
scriptions. A  town  on  the  Appian  Way, 
about  fifteen  miles  south-east  of  Bene- 
ventum.  Cicero  would  come  to  it  on  his 
way  to  Brundisium. 

religua']  '  the  rest  of  my  route,'  the 
other  places  at  which  I  must  stop  on  my 
way  to  Brundisium. 

5.  De  lulia']  cp.  note  to  768.  2.  As  the 
allusion  seems  to  be  to  the  same  person, 
we  must  alter  Tutia  of  the  MSB  to  lulia. 
Schmidt  conjectures  tuta  via.  We  do  not 
remember  to  have  met  Tutius  or  Tutia  as 
a  person's  name  anywhere. 

Aebutio]  not  otherwise  known  :  see 
Adn.  Crit. 

rogaras]     The  letters    were    probably 


about  the  Buthrotian  business :  cp.  76m 
777,  780. 

6.  in  Epiro~]   cp.  note  to  770.  4 :  773.  I 

in  Italiam  te   auctore~\    that   is  befo« 

Jan.  1 :  cp.  783.  2,  profectionis  meae  am 

probator  fuisti  dummodo  Kal.  Tan.  Romm 

essem. 

domo]     '  send  some  one  from  your  owl 
establishment  with  a  letter.' 

tHpait\fi8fiov]  see  on  734.  3;  764.  • 
si  Brundisium  salvi]  sc.  venerimum 
cp.  for  ellipse  749.  2,  Ego,  si  Tiro  ad  fll 
(sc.  venerit),  cogito  in  Tusculanum  (sc.  irdm 
notentur  eclogarii~\  The  usual  view  if 
that  this  word  means  '  selected  passages  '1 
but  it  would  naturally  mean  '  excerptors J 
4  Let  the  select  passages  be  marked  to  bl 
read  by  your  Salvius,  and  only  at  a  part jl 
and  before  a  fit  audience,'  cp.  773.  1. 
Holding  that  eclogarii  were  '  excerptorJ 
not  '  excerpted  passages,'  it  was  suggested! 
by  Turnebus  that  we  should  read  voceM 
tur.  Mr.  Clark  (Philologus,  1901,  ppl 
209  ff.)  approves  of  this,  and  would  real 
quaeso  for  quas,  for  Z  reads  quas  according 
to  Turnebus,  not  quos.  He  says  '  vuH 
quidem  Cicero  librum  de  gloria  custodirffl 
sed  loca  floi  entiora  quo  avidius  hominel 
ipsum  librum  poscant,  coram  notariil 


EP.  773  (ATT.  XVI.  3). 


385 


773.     CICERO  TO  ATTIOUS  (ATT.  xvi.  3). 
LEAVING  POMPEII;  JULY  17;  A.  u.  c.  710;  B.C.  44;  AET.  cic.  62. 

De  Antonio   ab   Attico  convento  Tiburi,  de  libro   '  De   Senectute  '  suo  et  alio 
per  Erotem  misso,  de  Cicerone  suo,  de  Xenone,  de  Herode,  de  Q.  filio, 


|tum  de  discessu  suo,  de  rationibus  auis  et  re  familiari,  de  Bruto,  de  Cassio,  de  Hiera 
et  Blesamio,  de  Attica  et  Pilia. 

1.  Tu  vero  sapienter  —  nunc  demum  enim  rescribo  iis  litteris, 
quas  milii  misisti  convento  Antonio  Tiburi  —  sapienter  igitur  quod 
man  us  dedisti  quodque  etiam  ultro  gratias  egisti.  Certe  enim,  ut 
scribis,  deseremur  ocius  a  re  publica  quam  a  re  familiari.  Quod 
vero  scribis  te  magis  et  magis  delectare  *  0  Tite,  si  quid/  auges 
mihi  scribendi  alacritatem.  Quod  Erotem  non  sine  munusculo  te 
exspectare  dicis,  gaudeo  non  fefellisse  earn  rem  opinionem  tuam, 


recitari  iubet.'  We  are  not  quite  sure 
how  Mr.  Clark  would  punctuate  the 
sentence.  He  notices  that  Turnebus  in 
his  Adversaria  xxiii.  29,  rejects  vocentur. 
Dr.  Eeid  thinks  we  should  read  eK\oyal 
quas,  the  corruption  beginning  by  quas 
being  assimilated  to  the  gender  of  bonos. 
The  natural  word  to  expect  is  certainly 
eclogae  or  fK\oyal :  but  then  -what  about 
rii  ?  It  occurred  to  us  that  perhaps  we 
should  read  eclogae  or  exhoyal  duo  [ii.] 
qua*,  '  You  will  keep  the  book  from 
publication,  but  I  would  have  you  notice 
the  two  selected  passages  for  Salvius  to 
read.  They  please  me  much.  I  would 
prefer  that  they  pleased  you.'  "We  then 
get  a  definite  nominative  for  placent. 
Cicero  may  have  indicated  the  two  pas- 
sjes  with  which  he  was  specially 
pleased.  In  Alt.  xvi.  11.  1  (799)  he 
calls  this  kind  of  elegant  extracts  &v6rj, 
but  we  do  not  think  that  in  that  passage 
he  is  referring  to  the  De  Gloria. 

1.  Tu  vero}  Here  Cicero  himself  points 
to  the  fact  that  vero  introduces  an  answer 
$o  a  question  in  the  letter  of  one's  corre- 
spondent. 

igitur}  resumes  as  often,  after  a  pa- 
renthesis. 

manus  dedisti}  'you  acted  wisely  in 
giving  in,  and  even  thanking  him.' 
Schiitz  supposes  that  L.  Antonius  had 
met  Atticus  at  the  Tiburtine  villa  of 

VOL.  V. 


Metellus  Scipio,  and  had  assured  him 
that  should  any  confiscation  of  the 
country  about  Tusculum  be  made,  the 
property  of  Cicero  would  be  safe.  Cicero 
approves  of  the  conduct  of  Atticus  in  not 
attempting  to  dissuade  him  from  the  de- 
sign of  dividing  these  lands,  but  gratefully 
accepting  his  clemency  towards  Cicero. 
See  745.  2.  But  we  think  it  more  pro- 
hable  that  the  other  commentators  are 
right  in  supposing  that  the  matter  was  one 
connected  with  the  Buthrotian  business. 

deseremur}  '  we  shall  part  company 
with  our  state  before  we  are  stripped  of 
our  fortunes.'  It  is  strange  how  often 
deseror  goes  with  inanimate  objects  in 
Cicero,  with  the  preposition  a  supplied: 
cf.  deseror  a  ceteris  oblectationibus  volup- 
tatum,  Att.  iv.  10,  1  (121)  ;  a  inente, 
Att.  iii.  15.  2  (73) ;  illi  quorum  eminet 
nudacia  a  consiliis  malitiae  deseruntur, 
Cluent.  183.  Also  Accius  Trag.  594 
(Ribbeck)  a  fortuna  opibusque  omnibus 
desertum. 

delectare}  We  have  accepted  Wesen- 
berg's  correction  of  deleetari  of  the  MSS  ; 
'  0  Tite,  si  quid  ego,'  the  first  words  of  the 
De  Senectute,  by  which  he  often  refers  to 
that  treatise,  may  be  used  as  the  subject 
or  us  the  object  of  the  verb,  but  cannot 
stand  in  any  other  relation  to  it,  e.g. 
cannot  take  the  place  of  the  ablative,  for 
which  it  would  have  to  stand  if  we  read 
delectari. 

2  B 


386 


EP.  773  (ATT.  XVI. 


sed  tamen  idem  <rui>rayjua  misi  ad  te  retractatius  et  quidem  a/o^l-M 
TUTTOV  ipsum  crebris  locis  inculcatum  et  refectum.     Hunc  tu  trail 
latum  in  macrocollum  lege  arcane  convivis  tuis,  sed,  si  me  amas,| 
hilaris  et  bene  acceptis,  ne  in  me  stomachum  erumpant  cum  sinti 
tibi  irati.     2.  De  Cicerone  velim  ita  sit  ut  audimus.     De  Xenone> 
coram  cognoscam,  quamquam  nihil  ab  eo  arbitror  neque  indili- 
genter  neque  illiberaliter.     De  Herode  faciam  ut  maudas,  et  ea< 
quae  scribis  ex  Saufeio  et  e  Xenone  cognoscam.     3.  De  Q.  filio, 
gaudeo  tibi  meas  litteras  prius  a  tabellario   meo  quam  ab  ipso 
redditas,  quamquam  te  nihil  fefellisset.     Yerum  tamen  .  .  .  Sed 
exspecto  quid  ille  tecum,  quid  tu  vicissim,  uec  dubito  quin  suo* 
more  uterque.     Sed  eas  litteras  Curium  inihi  spero  redditururn, 
qui  quidem,  etsi  per  se  est  amabilis  a  meque  diligitur,  tamen  i 
accedet  magnus  cumulus  oommendationis  tuae.     4.  Litteris  tuisi 
satis  responsum  est  :  nunc  audi  quod,  etsi  intellego  scribi  necesse^ 
non  esse,  scribo  tamen.     Multa  me  mo  vent  in  discessu,  in  primisi 
mehercule  quod  diiungor  a  te :  movet  etiam  navigationis  labor1 


idem  crvvTay/jia  .  .  .  retractatius]  ( the 
same  brochure  more  fully  revised.'  It 
was  the  De  Gloria  772.  6. 

inculcatum]  (  with  interlineations  and 
touched  up.'  On  this  use  of  the  word 
here  see  a  note  of  Dr.  Reid's  on  Orat.  50 
in  Sir  J.  Sandys'  edition.  Professor 
Palmer  thought  the  word  means  that  faint 
letters  in  the  archetype  were  blackened 
and  deepened  by  a  fresh  application  of 
the  pen.  But  see  Att.  iii.  23.  2  (83), 
referred  to  by  Dr.  Reid. 

Hunc]  It  is  possible  that  we  should 
read  Hoc,  as  apxervirov  is  elsewhere 
neuter.  But  we  can  regard  it  as  an  adj. 
with  libellum  understood. 

tralatum  in  macrocollum]  '  copied  on 
large  paper'  :  cp.  642.  3  note. 

arcano']  a  rare  adverb :  butcp.  Plaut. 
Trin.  518,  556  :  Caes.  B.  C.  i.  19.  2.  It 
means  'privately,'  r.ot  at  a  regular  large 
assemblage  such  as  an  acroasis  (cp.  749. 2). 

hilaris]  This  adjective  is  of  the  second, 
as  well  as  of  the  third,  declension.  For 
the  sentiment  cp.  772  fin. 

erumpant]  '  discharge  ' :  cp.  Caes.  B.C. 
iii.  8.  3  (iractindiam) :  Liv.  xxxvi.  7.  13 
(tram) :  Ter.  Eun.  500  (gaudium).  For 
another  allusion  to  the  parsimony  of 
Atticus  see  Att.  vi.  1.  13  (252),  where 
Cicero  takes  him  to  task  for  serving  up  a 
cheap  vegetable  dinner  on  expensive 
plate,  asking  what  M'ould  be  the  fare 


provided  if  the  dinner-service  were  of 
earthenware.  Nepos  (Att.  13)  says  that) 
the  amount  allowed  by  Atticus  for  house-} 
hold  expenses  was,  to  his  own  certain] 
knowledge,  only  3000  sesterces  per 
month,  or  about  £30  of  our  money. 

2.  De  Xenone']     We  read  in  769.  5  thati 
Xeno  doled  out  the  allowance  of  young] 
Cicero   very  sparingly.     To  Herodes,   a 
teacher  of  young  Cicero,  and  Saufeius,  j 
an  Epicurean  philosopher,  we  have  often  ] 
had  allusions  in  these  letters. 

3.  quamquam  te  nihil  fefellisset]    '  al- 
though you  would  not  have  been  misled,'  j 
cp.  769.  6. 

Verum  tamen  . .  .  ]     cp.  note  to  710.  2.J 
Curium"]     Mnnius  Curius,  the  banker  of  j 
Patrae:    cp.   Att.   vii.    2.    3   (293)    and 
Index. 

accedet  magnus  cumulus']  '  there  will  be 
added  the  great  crowning  merit  of  your  ] 
recommendation  ' ;     commendationis   tuae  I 
is  the  gen.  epexegeticus,  ' in  the  shape  of 
(consisting    of)    your    recommendation,'  j 
like  merces  gloriae,  '  reward  in  the  shape  i 
of   glory  ' ;    vox  voluptatis,    '  that  M'ord  j 
pleasure  ' ;     numerus    trecentorum,    '  the  ] 
number   300'    (Madv.    286).     Cf.    vera\ 
laude  probitalis,  'real  glory,'  which  con-  j 
sists  in  uprightness,  Att.  i.  17.  5  (23);  i 
aliis  virtutibus  continentiae  gravitatis  iits- 
titiae  Jidei,  'the  other  virtues,  namely, 
temperance,'    &c.     Mur.    23  :    mercedem 


EP.  773  (ATT.  XVI. 


387 


alienus  non  ab  aetate  solum  nostra  veruni  etiam  a  dignitate  tem- 
pusque  discessus  subabsurdum.  Eelinquimus  enim  pacem  ut  ad 
pellum  revertamur,  quodque  temporis  in  praediolis  nostris  et  belle 
kedificatis  et  satis  amoenis  consumi  potuit  in  peregrin atione  con- 
iumimus.  Consolantur  baec :  aut  proderiraus  aliquid  Ciceroni 
;iut  quantum  profici  possit  iudicabimus.  Deinde  tu  iam,  ut  spero 
Lt  ut  promittis,  aderis.  Quod  quidem  si  acciderit,  omnia  nobis 
brunt  meliora.  5.  Maxirne  autem  me  angit  ratio  reliquorum 
Ineorum  :  quae  quamquam  explicata  sunt,  tamen  quod  et  Dola- 
bellae  nomen  in  iis  est  et  in  attributione  mihi  nomina  ignota 
bonturbor,  nee  me  ulla  res  magis  angit  ex  omnibus.  Itaque  non 
nihi  videor  errasse,  quod  ad  Balbum  scripsi  apertius  ut,  si  quid 
lale  accidisset  ut  non  concurrerent  nomina,  subveniret,  meque 
:ibi  etiam  mandasse  ut,  si  quid  eius  modi  accidisset,  cum  eo  com- 
puuicares  :  quod  facies,  si  tibi  videbitur,  eoque  magis,  si  proficis- 
peris  in  Epirum.  6.  Haec  ego  conscendens  e  Pompeiano  tribus 
ptuaiiolis  decemscalmis.  Brutus  erat  in  Neside  etiam  nunc, 
Neapoli  Cassius.  Ecquid  amas  Deiotarum  et  non  amas  Hieram  ? 


loriae,   '  the  reward  (which  consists)  of 
lory,'  Tusc.  i.  34. 

4.  in  praediolis  .  .  .  satis  amoenis]    *  in 
ny  lodges,  with  their  pretty  buildings  and 
ucturesque   surroundings '  :    cp.   775.    2 
cellos  Italiae  villulas  metis. 

quantum  profici  possit]  sc.  ab  eo,  '  the 
iinount  of  progress  he  is  capable  of 
aaking.' 

5.  quod    et   Dolabellae    .    .    .    ignotd] 
because    in    my  account    to    credit    is 
)olabella's  debt  (i.e.  for  Tullia's  dowry), 
,nd  in  the  assignment  of  debts  to  me  (by 
>ther    creditors    presumably)    there    are 
lames  which  I  do  not  know,  I  am  sore 
roubled.'     JEx  is  inserted  by  Boot,  and 
sillier   ex  or    in  is    requisite   to    make 
he   passage    intelligible    at   all.     In  is 
nore     frequently    omitted    by    copyists 
ban  ex.     Dr.  Reid  would  alter  to  attri- 
mta,    perhaps    rightly  ;    but    we    have 
ilready    met    attributio    (769.   6).     The 
)aying   of  a   debt  to   one's   creditor  by 
naking  over  to  him  a  debt  owed  to  one- 
.elf  would  be  satisfactory  in  proportion  to 
he  facility  of  collecting  the  debt.    If  one 
mew  nothing  about  the  person  of  whom 
>ne  thus  became  the  creditor,  one  could 
lot  feel  very  sure  of  being  able  to  realize 
:he  money. 

non  concurrerent  nomina']   *  if  it  should 


so  happen  that  the  payments  should  not 
come  up  to  time,'  that  the  payments 
should  not  be  made  at  the  required  time, 
so  as  to  synchronize  with  the  day  for 
paying  my  own  debts. 

in  Epirum]  Att.  was  thinking  of  going 
to  Greece  :  cp.  772.  6  ;  775.  2  (note). 

6.  actuariolis  decemscalmis}  *  ten -oared 
(lit.  ten-thowled)  row-boats.'  The  word 
actuariola  only  occurs  in  Epp.  ad  Att. 
x.  11.  4  (396),  here,  and  775.  1.  The 
other  word  (decemscalmis)  occurs  only 
here. 

erat  etiam  nunc]  Erat  is  an  epistolary 
imperfect  standing  fora  present,  and  so  can 
take  with  it  a  word  like  nunc,  signifying 
present  time.  We  have  already  had  many 
examples  of  this  usage  :  cp.  Att.  xvi.  4.1 
(771). 

Ecquid  .  .  .  Hieram  ?]  *  Can  you  have 
any  love  Deiotarus  without  also  loving 
Hieras?'  This  is  an  ironical  way  of 
saying  '  you  must  be  glad  you  were 
not  troubled  by  Deiotarus'  affairs  and 
agents.'  Hieras  and  Blesamius  were 
agents  of  Deiotarus  (mentioned  also  in 
the  speech  fro  Rege  Deiotaro,  §  41), 
who  bought  Armenia  for  their  master 
from  Antony  through  the  intermedia- 
tion of  his  wife  Fulvia  for  a  large  sum 
of  money  (Phil.  ii.  95).  This  Hieras 

2  B  2 


388 


EP.  774  (FAM.   VII. 


Qui,  ut  Blesamius  venit  ad  me,  cum  ei  praescriptum  esset  ne  quil 
sine  Sexti  nostri  sententia  ageret,  neque  ad  ilium  neque  ad  quensl 
quam  nostrum  rettulit.  Atticam  nostram  cupio  absentem  suaviara 
ita  mihi  dulcis  salus  visa  est  per  te  missa  ab  ilia.  Eeferes  igitui 
et  plurimam  itemque  Piliae  dicas  velim. 


774.     CICEEO  TO  TKEBATIUS  (FAM.  vn.  20). 
VELIA  ;  JULY  20 ;    A.  u.  c.  710  ;  w.  c.  44 ;  AET.  cic.  62. 

Cicero  Veliensium  in  Trebatium  amorem   declarat  eumque  hortatur  ne  puterna 
possessiones  Velienses  vendat. 

CICERO  T11EBAT10  SAL. 
1.  Amabilior  mihi  Velia  i'uit  quod  te  ab  ea  sensi  amari :  sec 
quid  ego  dicam  te  quern  quis  uon  aniat  ?  Eufio,  medius  fidius 
tuus  ita  desiderabatur  ut  si  esset  unus  e  nobis.  Sed  te  ego  noi 
repreheudo  qui  ilium  ad  aedificationem  tuam  traduxeris  :  quam 
quam  enim  Velia  uon  est  vilior  quam  Lupercal,  tamen  istuc  mal< 
quam  haec  omnia.  Tu,  si  me  audies  quern  soles,  has  paternal 
possessiones  tenebis — nescio  quid  enim  Yelienses  verebantur— 
neque  Haletem,  nobilem  amnem,  relinques  nee  Papirianam  domun 


had  been  ordered  to  do  nothing  without 
consulting  Sextus  Peducaeus  (he  is  the 
Sextus  here  referred  to,  not  Sextus 
Pompeius),  just  as  Blesamius  was  ordered 
to  consult  Cicero ;  but  he  never  held 
any  communication  with  Peducaeus  or 
any  of  Cicero's  friends.  We  prefer  to 
take  ut  =  quomodo,  rather  than  as  mean- 
ing '  when.'  Dr.  Reid  suggests  qui 
<non>,  ut  Blesamius,  venit  ad  me.  Cum 


1.  Rtifio}  a  common  name  for  a  slave  : 
cp.  Milo  60.  In  C.I.L.  vi.  16120,  we 
find  a  C.  Trebatius  Rufio,  who  was 
probably  this  man,  Trebatius  having 
manumitted  him.  It  seems  possible  from 
this  Inscription  and  Gruter,  727.  1,  that 
he  and  Vibius  Macer  were  architects. 

aedificationem  tuam}  This  refers  to 
some  house  which  Trebatius  was  building 
at  Home,  with  the  intention,  apparently, 
of  giving  up  his  sea-side  residence  at 
Velia.  Yelia  was  about  twenty  miles  south 
of  Paestum. 


Velia  .  .  .  vilior}  *  Velia  is  as  valu 
able  as  the  Lupercal '  (Shuckburgh). 

istuc}  '  there  where  you  are  '  at  Rome— 
towards  which  Cicero's  heart  was  alwayi 
turning. 

Haletem}  In  783.  5  theiuss  give  Heletem 
(It  was  also  the  name  of  a  river  nea 
Colophon.  The  supposed  connexion  be 
tween  the  name  of  that  river  and  Veliit  ii 
found  in  Strabo  vi.  252,  but  the  passage 
is  an  interpolation.)  There  is  no  nee<i 
to  consider  nobilem  amnem  '  a  fine  river 
to  be  ironical.  The  river  does  not  appeal 
to  have  been  contemptible  (783.  5)*,  and 
irony  would  be  out  of  place  here,  as 
Cicero  seems  to  be  quite  serious  in 
advising  Trebatius  not  to  give  up  his 
property  at  Velia. 

1'apirianam  domum}  Some  member  oi 
the  gens  Papiria  appears  to  have  once 
owned  a  mansion  at  Velia  of  which  Tre- 
batius had  possession  at  this  time. 
Haukh,  in  Pauly  (vi.  2078),  writing  a 
life  of  Trebatius,  wishes  to  read  pater- 
nam  for  I'apirianam  :  cp.  paiernas  posses- 


EP.  774  (FAN.   VII. 


389 


jeseres  :  quamquam  ilia  quidem  habet  lotum,  a  quo  etiam  adve- 
Jae  teneri  solent ;  quern  tamen  si  excideris,  multum  prospexeris. 
ft.  Sed  in  primis  opportunum  videtur,  his  praesertim  temporibus, 
babere  perfugium,  primum  eorum  urbem  quibus  carus  sis,  deinde 
Iuam  domum  tuosque  agros,  eaque  remoto,  salubri,  amoeno  loco ; 
Idque  etiam  mea  interesse,  mi  Trebati,  arbitror.  Sed  valebis 
[neaque  negotia  videbis  meque  dis  iuvantibus  ante  brumam  ex- 
Ipectabis.  3.  Ego  a  Sex.  Fadio,  Niconis  discipulo,  librum  abstuli 

view  obstructed  (cp.  prospectuque  718.  1). 
M.  Prechac  (p.  279)  seems  to  take 
quamquam  =  *  besides,'  which  seems 
improbable.  The  passage  about  the  lotus 
is  of  a  somewhat  jocular  nature :  the 
serious  reasons  follow  in  §  2. 

lotum]  This  would  appear  to  have 
been  a  show  lotus  which  tourists  came  to 
see,  though,  indeed,  says  Cicero,  if  you 
cut  it  down  you  would  have  a  much 
better  view.  The  word  lotus  is  usually 
feminine,  but  it  is  masculine  in  Mart. 
viii.  51.  14,  though  there  in  the  sense 
of  « a  pipe.'  The  names  of  trees  are 
frequently  of  common  gender :  cp.  Neue- 
Wagener  i3,  911-913.  Dr.  Reid  suggests 
that  we  should  read  \u>rbv  in  Greek,  as 
it  is  masculine.  M.  Prechac,  with  admir- 
able erudition  (p.  277),  attributes  the 
gender  to  a  Greek  reminiscence  ;  and  notes 
that  where  Pliny  translates  (H.  N.  xiii. 
105)  Theophrastus  (Hist.  Plant,  iv.  3.  1) 
he  makes  lotus  masculine.  Lamb,  reads 
lucum,  which  may  be  defended  by  lutum 
of  H  ;  but  lucus  is  said  by  Servius  to  be 
a  sacred  grove  ;  and,  if  this  is  so,  Cicero 
would  not  have  lightly  advised  an  act  of 
profanation,  such  as  cutting  down  would 
be.  Mere  pruning  (eollueare:  cp.  Uto 
R  11  139)  would  be  allowable,  but  not 
felling  (excidere}.  On  the  splendour  of 
the  lotus  and  the  high  value  set  by  the 
Romans  on  having  it  in  private  estates, 
see  Plin.  H.  N.  xvii.  5. 

multum  prospexeris']  The  ancients 
always  paid  great  attention  to  obtaining 
it  good  view  from  their  mansions,  dis- 
regarding  other  considerations,  even  the 
appearance  of  the  exterior ;  cp.  Menvale, 
Hist.  viii.  121  ff.,  especially  p  125. 


Hones,  above;  776.  1,  urbe  amantissima 
»i ;  and  Topic.  5,  quoted  by  us  on  that 
bassage.  He  also  wishes  to  read  Testam 
for  Talnam  in  775.  1  :  but  as  the  name 
Phalna  occurs  in  604.  4,  it  is  best  to  retain 
It.  This  luventius  Thalna  was  probably 
different  person  from  the  corrupt  judge 
n  the  trial  of  Clodius  :  Alt.  i.  16.  6  (22). 
11.  Prechac  (Classical  Quarterly,  1913, 
>p.  273  tf.)  strongly  supports  the  view 
hat  Cicero  stayed  at  the  house  of 
'rebatius  during  this  visit  to  Velia ;  and  he 
would  read  Teitamior  Thalnam  in  775. 1. 
Ee  supposes  that  Petrarch,  not  knowing 
he  name  Testa,  which  Cicero  applies  to 
Trebatius  in  Fam.  vii.  13.  1  (171)  ;  760, 
'61,  altered  it  in  his  Veronensisto  Talna, 
a  name  beginning  with  T  and  ending 
with  A,  which  had  already  occurred  in 
the  Epp.  ad  Att.  and  in  Livy.  We 
cannot  but  feel  doubts  as  to  whether 
Petrarch  read  his  MS.  with  such  care,  or 
would  alter  one  of  the  many  unfamiliar 
names  he  must  have  met  with  in  his  MS. 
[f  Cicero  had  stayed  at  the  house  of 
Trebatius,  he  would,  we  think,  in  some 
way,  have  expressed  gratitude  not  only 
to  Trebatius  himself,  but  to  his  servants, 
who  had  treated  him  so  hospitably,  and 
whose  kindness  Cicero  notices  when 
writing  to  Atticus  (nee  potni,  illo  absente 
praesertim,  liberalius  775.  1). 

ilia]  This  has  been  generally  held  to 
refer  to  the  new  building  of  Trebatius  at 
Rome,  and  marks  the  antithesis  to  has. 
But  M.  Prechac  (p.  279)  thinks  that  the 
lotus  was  at  Velia,  and  that  ilia  is  not  in 
antithesis  to  Iws,  an<l  so  has  no  reference 
to  the  building  of  Trebatius  at  Rome, 
but  simply  strengthens  quidem.  This, 
we  think,  is  the  right  view  ;  but  then  we 
must  suppose  Cicero  to  mean  that  the 
lotus  was"  a  nuisance  on  account  of  the 
number  of  visitors,  as  well  as  natives, 
who  came  to  see  it.  Cicero  disliked 
having  his  privacy  disturbed  (ab  arbitrm 
liber  a  747),  as  well  as  having  a  wide 


.         .  . 

Corradus  sees  something  of  a  play  on 
these  words,  '  you  will  look  afar,  i.e. 
be  prudent  in  your  interests,  as  well  as 
obtain  a  wider  prospect. 

2    mea  interesse']      Cicero,   with   some 
geniality,  puts  in  a  word  for  himself. 

3.  Niconis]     cp.  Celsus  v.  18.  26. 


390 


EP.  775  (ATT.  XVI.  6). 


l  7roAu0ayuK-.    O  medicum  suavem  meque  docilem  acjl 
hanc  disciplinam  !     Sed  Bassus  noster  me  de  hoc  libro  celavit ;  te| 
quidem  non  videtur.    Yentus  increbrescit.    Cura  ut  valeas     xi] 
Kal.  Sextil.  Velia. 


775.     CICERO  TO  ATTICUS  (ATT.  xvi.  6). 
VIBO  ;  JULY  25  ;  A.  u  c.  710  ;   B.  c.  44  ;   AKT.  cic.  62. 

De  itinere  suo  Vibonem  ad  Siccam  et  cursu  suo  maritime  in  Graeciam  future,  qi 
num  opportune  suscipiatur  dubitat,  de  nominibus  suis  ab  Attico  expediendis  ex* 
vendis,  de  prooemio  libri  '  De  Gloria,'  de  Pilia  et  Attica. 

CICEEO  ATTICO  SAL. 
1.  Ego  adhuc— perveni  enim  Vibonem  ad  Siccam— magii| 
commode  quam  strenue  navigavi :  remis  enim  magnam  partem. 
prodromi  nulli.  Illud  satis  opportune:  duo  sinus  fuerunt  quo* 
tramitti  oporteret,  Paestanus  et  Vibonensis :  utrumque  pedibua 
aequis  tramisimus.  Veni  igitur  ad  Siccam  octavo  die  e  Pompeiano, 
cum  unum  diem  Yeliae  constitissem  :  ubi  quidem  fui  sane  libenten 
apud  Talnam  nostrum,  nee  potui  accipi,  illo  absente  praesertim,, 
liberalius.  ix  Kal.  igitur  ad  Siccam.  Ibi  tamquam  domi 
meae  scilicet,  Itaque  obduxi  posterum  diem.  Sed  putabam,, 


meque  docilem  .  .  .  disciplinam']  '  and 
how  ready  I  am  to  follow  his  treatment,' 
'  and  what  a  docile  pupil  in  his  school.' 

Zassus]  possibly  Lucilius  Bassus,  who 
was  a  bad  writer,  Att.  xii.  5.  2  (471)  ; 
he  may  have  made  a  speciality  of  cures 
for  the  ill  effects  of  over-eating,  a  subject 
which  would  hardly  call  for  great  literary 
excellence. 

celai-it]     «  kept  me  in  the  dark  about.' 

Ventus  increbrescit']  'The  wind  is 
freshening.'  The  Etesian  winds  were 
now  blowing  ;  but  like  good  citizens  they 
refused  to  waft  Cicero  away  from  his 
country  :  cp.  Fam.  xii.  25.  3  (825). 

1.  prodromi]  <  pre  -  Etesian  squalls,' 
winds  from  the  north,  commencing  about 
a  week  before  the  rising  of  the  Dog  Star 
(about  July  18th),  which  was  considered 
to  mark  the  beginning  of  the  regular 
Etesian  winds  :  cp.  Pliny,  H.  N.  ii.  123. 

pedibus  aequis]  «  with  level  sheets  '  : 
the  pedes  or  repes  at  the  corners  of  the 


sails  would  be  stretched  at  even  lengthi 
if  the  vessel  was  running  straight  befori 
a  breeze  :  (cp.  Verg.  Aen.  iv.  587  VidiM 
et  aequatis  classem  procedere  velis) :  and 
also  of  course  if  there  Mras  no  wind  at  all. 
The  vessel  in  either  case  would  not  heel 
over.  Cicero,  who  was  a  bad  sailor,  was 
glad  of  this,  as  they  had  to  go  out  some* 
what  into  the  open  sea  in  '  crossing  th« 
two  bays.' 

tramisimus]  «  we  crossed.'  MacrobiusJ 
Sat.  vi.  4.  9,  quotes  this  passage  as  well 
as  Verg.  Aen.  iv.  154,  and  Lucr.  ii.  330] 
as  examples  of  transmittere  =  transire. 

Talnam]     cp.  note  to  774.  1. 

meae  scilicet]  'just  as  if  I  were  ail 
home,  indeed,'  owing  to  Sicca's  hospiJ 
tality.  The  words  might  possibly  be  a 
gloss. 

obduxi]  '  I  added  on  '  to  my  sojourn! 
at  Vibo.  For  this  use  we  can  adduce  no 
exact  parallel.  The  idea  of  obducere  is  to 
bring  in  something  of  the  nature  of  aaj 
obstacle :  cp.  Att.  i.  1.  2  (10)  Curium] 


EP.  775  (ATT.  XVI.  6). 


391 


lium  Eegium  venissem,  fore  ut  illic  ^o\t-^ov  irXoov  o 
Ifogitaremus  corbitane  Patras  an  actuariolis  ad  Leucopetram 
IJrarentinorum  atque  inde  Corcyram,  el,  si  oueraria,  statimne  freto 
in  Syracusis.  Hac  super  re  scribam  ad  te  Eegio.  2.  Mehercule, 
m  Attice,  saepe  mecum,  17  Stvp'  6Soc  o~ot  ri  SvvaTai ;  cur  ego 
ecum  non  sum  ?  cur  ocellos  Italiae,  villulas  meas,  non  video  ? 
Sed  id  satis  superque,  tecum  me  non  esse.  Quid  fugientem? 
)ericulumne  ?  At  id  nunc  quidem,  nisi  fallor,  nullum  est.  Ad 
psum  enim  revocat  me  auctoritas  tua.  Scribis  enim  in  caelum 
erri  profectionem  meam,  sed  ita,  si  ante  Kal.  lanuar.  redeam : 
[uod  quidem  certe  enitar.  Malo  enim  vel  cum  timore  domi  esse 
juam  sine  timore  Athenis  tuis.  Sed  tamen  prospice  quo  ista 
ergant  mihique  aut  scribe  aut,  quod  multo  malim,  adfer  ipse. 
5aec  hactenus.  3.  Illud  velim  in  bonam  partem  accipias,  me 
igere  tecum,  quod  tibi  maiori  curae  sciam  esse  quam  ipsi  mihi. 
tfomina  mea,  per  deos,  expedi,  exsolve.  Bella  reliqua  reliqui,  sed 
pus  est  diligentia :  coheredibus  pro  Cluviauo  Kal.  Sext.  persolu- 
;um  ut  sit :  cum  Publilio  quo  modo  agendum  sit  videbis.  Non 


obducere,  '  to  carry  Curius  against  them.' 
lere  Cicero  disarranged  the  plans  of  his 
ourney  by  staying  an  extra  day  at  Vibo, 
there,  though  I  hud  not  intended  it,  I 
spent  the  next  day.'  Possibly  we  should 
read  ibi  duxi,  *  I  spent  there.' 

oAixb"]  The  same  verse,  Od.  iii. 
L69,  is  quoted  again  by  Cicero  in  Att. 
xvi.  13  a,  1  (802). 

corbita]  a  slow  •  sailing  merchant 
vessel  (see  oneraria  in  next  line) :  cp. 
Plaut.  Poen.  543  operam  celocem  hanc 
mihi,  ne  corbitam  date :  507  tardiores 
quam  corbitae  sunt  in  tranquillo  mari. 

actuariolis']     cp.  note  to  773.  6. 

Leucopetram  Tarentmorum]  Possibly, 
owing  to  the  immediate  vicinity  of 
Leuce,  another  name  for  the  lapygian 
promontory  of  the  heel  of  Italy :  cp. 
Lucan  v.  376  Antiquusque  Tar  as  secre- 
taque  litora  Leucae. 

super"]  =  de:  in  Cicero  found  only  in 
three  passages,  all  from  Att.  :  VIH.  x.  8. 
10  (390)  ;  729.  2 ;  and  here.  Not  used 
by  Caesar. 

et  si  oneraria}  *  and  if  we  are  to  take 
the  merchant  vessel,  are  we  to  cross  at 
once  from  the  straits  for  Greece,  or  to 
go  via  Syracuse  ?' 

2.  $  SeOp'  656s]     See  744.  3. 

ocellos  Italiae']    cp.  Catull.  31.  1  penin- 


sularum  Sirmio  insularumqne  ocelle.  For 
another  echo  of  Catullus,  cp.  oricula 
infima  molliorem,  Q.  Fr.  ii.  13.  4  (141), 
with  mollior  .  .  .  imula  oricilla  Catull. 
25.  2,  and  see  note  on  that  passage.  For 
Cicero's  appreciation  of  the  beauty  of  his 
villas  cp.  773.  4. 

Ad  ipsum  enim]  sc.  periculum.  The 
enim,  which  must  not  be  changed  to 
autem,  depends,  as  it  often  does,  on  a 
suppressed  thought :  there  is  no  danger 
now,  I  say ;  for  in  my  view  the  danger 
will  be  very  real  at  the  time  when,  as  you 
advise,  I  should  return  to  Rome,  namely, 
the  beginning  of  January.'  He  writes, 
'  for  it  is  to  the  post  of  danger  that  your 
advice  calls  me  back,'  when  he  would 
more  clearly  have  said,  '  for  it  will  not  be 
really  dangerous  to  be  in  Rome  until  the 
very  time  when  you  advise  me  to  return 
to  it':  see  783.  2. 

in  caelum  f erri  prof ectionem  meam]  cp. 
769.  3  ;  772.  4. 

adfer  ipse]  Atticus  seems  to  have  been 
thinking  ot  going  across  the  water  to 
Epirus  and  Greece  :  cp.  770.  4  ;  772.  6  ; 
783.  4,  5. 

3.  Illud  velim]  On  this  §  the  best  com- 
mentary is  772.  1. 

Bella  reliqua  reliqui]  *  I  left  behind 
me  in  Rome  a  handsome  balance.' 


392 


JSP.  776  (FAM.   VII.  19). 


debet  urgere,  quoniam  iure  non  utimur,  sed  tamen  ei  quoque  sati& 
fieri  plane  volo.  Terentiae  vero  quid  ego  dicam  ?  Etiam  anfa 
diem,  si  poles.  Quin  si,  ut  spero,  celeriter  in  Epirum,  hoc,  quo! 
satisdato  debeo,  peto  a  te  ut  ante  provideas  planeque  expedias 
et  solutum  relinquas.  4.  Sed  de  his  satis,  metuoque  ne  tn 
nimium  putes.  Nunc  neglegentiam  meam  cognosce.  '  De  Gloria! 
librum  ad  te  misi :  at  in  eo  prooemium  id  est  quod  in  *  AcademicJ 
tertio.'  Id  evenit  ob  earn  rem  quod  habeo  volumen  prooemiorura^ 
Ex  eo  eligere  soleo  cum  aliquod  CTuyy/oa^/ua  institui.  Itaque  iam 
in  Tusculano,  qui  non  meminissem  me  abusum  isto  prooemiol 
conieci  id  in  eum  librum  quern  tibi  misi.  Cum  autem  in  navr 
legerem  Academicos,  agnovi  erratum  meum.  Itaque  statim 
novum  prooemium  exaravi  et  tibi  misi.  Tu  illud  desecabis,  hoc 
agglutinabis.  Piliae  salutem  dices  et  Atticae,  deliciis  atqul 
amoribus  meis. 


776.     CICERO  TO  TEEBATIUS  (FAM.  vn.  19). 

REG1UM  ;    JULY  28  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  J    AET.    CIC.  62. 

Cum  Cicero  M.  Antonio  post  necem  Caesaris  in  republica  domimmte  in  Graeciani 
se  conferre  constituisset,  in  itinere  suscepto  ex  Aristoteleis  suum  Topicorum  librura] 
•conscripsit  eumque  cum  hac  ipsa  epistula  ad  C.  Trebatium  misit. 

CICERO  TREBATIO  SAL. 

Vide  quanti  apud  me  sis ;  etsi  iure  id  quidem,  non  enim  tei 
amore  vinco.  Verum  tamen  quod  praesenti  tibi  prope  subne-' 
garam,  non  tribueram  certe,  id  absenti  debere  non  potui ;  itaque, 
ut  prirnum  Velia  navigare  coepi,  institui  Topica  Aristotelea 

qnoniam  iure  non  utimur~\  '  Since  we 
are  not  standing  on  our  rights.' 

Terentiae]     sc.  satisfieri  me  velle. 

in  Epirum~\  sc.  profecturus  es ;  for  his 
going  to  Epirus  cp.  §  4  adfer  and  773.  5. 
•  quod  satisdato  debeo]  *  whatever  I  owe 
as  security  '  :  mtixdato  cavere,  promittere 
are  common  in  the  Digest  (xl.  5.  4.  8  ; 
i.  18.  16). 

4.  volumen  prooemiorum"]  We  have  a 
collection  of  56  prooemia  under  the  name 
of  Demosthenes.  Scholars  are  divided  as 
to  their  authenticity. 

crvyypanna]  «  any  separate  book  ':  cp. 
590  tin.  and  Dr.  Reid's  Academica,  p.  31. 


abusum]  '  used  up;  '  for  abuti,  see  on] 
Att.  iii.  13.  2  (71) ;  xii.  6.  2  (499)  ;  692.  2..] 

exaravi~\  '  I  daslied  off  '  :  cp.  Att.  xii. 
1.  1  (505);  658.  1. 

1.  prope  subnegaram]  '  almost  half- 
denied.'  Cicero  affects  verbs  compounded 
M'ith  sub-  :  cp.  subaccusari  783.  1  ;  sub' 
dubitare,  Fam.  ii.  13.  2  (257)  :  subin- 
videre,  vii.  10.  1  (161):  subvereri,  iv.  j 
10.  1  (536) :  cp.  Stinner,  p.  19. 

debere]  'leave  an  unpaid  debt'  :  cp. 
Att.  iv.  2.  2  (91)  oratio  iuventuti  nostrae 
deberi  non  potent. 

Velio]     cp.  Topic.  5,  ut  autem  a  te  dis- 


EP.  777  (ATT.  XVI.  161). 

cribere,  ab  ipsa  urbe  coramonitus  amantissima  tui  ;  eum  librum 
tbi  misi  Eegio,  scriptum  quam  planissirne  res  ilia  scribi  potuit  ; 
in  tibi  quaedam  videbuntur  obscuriora,  cogitare  debebis  imllam 
irtem  litteris  sine  interprete  et  sine  aliqua  exercitatione  percipi 
>osse.  Non  longe  abieris  :  num  ius  civile  vestrum  ex  libris  cog- 
icsci  potest?  Qui  quamquam  plurimi  sunt,  dootorem  tamen 
Lsumque  desiderant  :  quamquam  tu  si  attente  leges,  si  saepius, 
ler  te  omnia  consequere  ut  certe  intellegas  ;  ut  vero  etiam  ipsi 
Li  loci  proposita  quaestione  occurrant  exercitatione  consequere, 
L  qua  quidem  nos  te  continebimus,  si  et  salvi  redierimus  et  salva 
Lta  offenderimus.  v  Kal.  Sextil.  Eegio. 

777.     CICEEO  TO  PLANCTJS  (ATT.  xvi. 

IN  THE  COURSE  OF  JULY  J    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  ;    AKT.  CIC.   62. 

M.  Cicero-Attici  sui  causa  auxilium  Planci  rogat  in  re  Buthrotia  constituenda. 

CICERO  PLANCO  PRAKT.  DKSIG.  SAL. 


8.  lam  antea  petivi  abs  te 
•otiorum  probata  a  consulibus 


per  litteras  ut,  cum  causa  Buth- 
esset,  quibus   et  lege  et  senatus 


essi  in  Graeciam  proficiscens,  cum  opera 
nea  nee  res  publica  nee  amici  titerentur  nee 
oneste  inter  arma  versari  possein,  ne  si 
uto  id  quidem  mihi  liceret,  ut  veni  Veliam 
uaque  et  tuos  vidi,  admonitus  hums 
eris  alieni  nolui  deesse  me  tacitae  quidem 
Ingitationi  tuae.  Itaque  haec,  cum  mecum 
ibros  non  haberem,  memoria  repetita 
\n  ipsa  navigation  conscript  tibique  ex 
tinere  misi:  cp.  note  to  774.  1. 

quam  planissime]  As  Cicero  was  dedi- 
sating  his  Topica  to  the  lawyer  Trebatius, 
ne  draws  most  of  his  examples  from  civil 
:aw,  a  source  of  illustration  which  would 
lot  be  suitable  for  ordinary  readers  :  cp. 
Until,  v.  10.  64,  et  ille  (sc  Cicero]  quidem 
ion  Us  exemplis  utitur  quia  scribens  ad 
Trebatium  ex  iure  ducere  ea  maluit  ;  ego 
ipertiora  posui. 

litteris']  «  from  books.'  For  Utter  ae  in 
this  sense,  cp.  De  Div.  ii.  5;  Fam.  xv. 
1.  12  (238),  and  possibly  Att.  i.  14.  3  (20). 

'  Non  longe  abieris']  «  You  will  not  have 
to  go  far  to  get  an  example.'  The  f  ut. 
per!  .  seems  to  be  like  videri*  =  '  you  will 
bave  to  see  to  that.'  Or,  perhaps,/  You 
will  not  have  gone  far  without  getting  an 
'example,'  i.e.  an  example  will  at  < 
Jdave  occurred  to  you. 

usumgue]  So  the  edd.,  adopting  a  con]. 
'of  Egnatius  for  wiumque  or  unumqnem  ot 


the  MSS.  This  is  better  than  the  old  altera- 
tion nonnumquam.  For  the  necessity  o 
practice  in  choosing  the  proper  TOTTCM,  cp. 
De  Oral.  ii.  174,  reliqua  cura  et  cogitate 


o  'headings'  or  'paces'  where 

arguments  are  to  be  sought.  On  these 
loci,  see  Wilkins  on  De  Orat.  i.  56.  He 
quotes  Top.  7,  locos,  sic  enimappellatae 
eunt  ab  Aristotele  hoe  quasi  sede*  e  gmbus 
argument*  promuntur.  Itaque  hcet  de- 
ftnire  locum  esse  argument*  sedem.  A  grei 
number  of  illustrations  are  to  be  found,  not 
only  in  the  Topica,  but  also  in  the  I>e 
Orat.  ii.  163-173.  They  are  either  de- 
rived from  the  case  itself;  to  take  one 
example,  De  Orat.  ii.  168  ex  sinnhtudwe 
^i  ferae  parttu  .no*  diliguntquanosvn 
liberos  nostro*  indnlgentia  esse  debemus  T  ; 
or  from  extraneous  considerations,  e.g. 
§  173,  Hoc  sequi  necesse  est  ;  reciti 

in  MM  .  .  •  continebimus]  'and  to 
this  I  shall  keep  you  '  :  i.e.  I  shall  make 
you  diligently  practise  finding  the  loci  ( 


e  state  of  affairs  with  you'  ; 
sc.  at  Home,  '  the  Roman  state  :  cp.  note 
to  haec  552.  1. 

8.  lege  et  senatus  consulto']  cp.  767.  6. 


394  EP.  778  (ATT.  XVL  16 c). 

consulto  permissum  erat  UT  DE  CAESARIS  ACTIS  COGNOSCEREN! 
STATUERENTT  IUDICARENT,  earn  rem  tu  adiuvares  Atticumque 
nostrum  cuius  te  studiosum  cognovi  et  me  qui  non  minus  labors 
molestia  liberares.  Omnibus  enim  rebus  magna  cura,  multa  opera 
et  labore  confectis  in  te  positum  est  ut  nostrae  sollicitudinis  fined 
quam  primum  facere  possimus.  Quamquam  intellegimus  ea  te 
esse  prudentia  ut  videas,  si  ea  decreta  consul um  quae  de  Caesarig 
aotis  interposita  sunt  non  serventur,  magnam  perturbationed 
rertim  fore.  9.  Equidem,  cum  multa,  quod  necesse  erat  in  tantal 
occupatione,  non  probentur  quae  Caesar  statuerit,  tamen  otl 
pacisque  causa  acerrime  ilia  soleo  defendere,  quod  tibi  idem  magno 
opere  faciendum  censeo,  quamquam  haec  epistula  non  suasoris  est, 
sed  rogatoris.  Igitur,  mi  Plance,  rogo  te  et  etiam  oro  sic  me  diua 
fidius  ut  maiore  studio  magisque  ex  animo  agere  non  possim,  ufc 
totum  hoc  negotium  ita  agas,  ita  tractes,  ita  conficias  ut,  quod 
sine  ulla  dubitatione  apud  consules  obtinuimus  propter  summami 
bouitatem  et  aequitatem  causae,  id  tu  nos  obtinuisse  non  modo 
facile  patiare  sed  etiam  gaudeas.  Qua  quidem  voluntate  te  essei 
erga  Atticum  saepe  praesens  et  illi  ostendisti  et  vero  etiam  mihi. 
Quod  si  feceris,  me,  quern  voluntate  et  paterna  necessitudiue 
ooniunctum  semper  habuisti,  maximo  beneficio  devinctum  habebis, 
idque  ut  facias  te  vehementer  etiam  atque  etiam  rogo. 


778.     CICEKO  TO  CAPITO  (ATT.  xvi.  iec). 

IN  THE   COURSE   OF   JULY  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  62. 

M.  Cicero   Capitonem   studiose   orat   ut   Planco   persuadeat  ut  rem  Buthrotiain 
secundum  Atticum  constituat. 

CICERO  CAPITONI  SUO  SAL. 
10.  Numquam    putavi  fore  ut    supplex   ad   te   veuirem,   sed 

UT  .  .  .  IUDICARENT]     From  a  com-  9.  in  tanta  occupatione]    '  in  the  case  oi 

parison  of  §  11   we  see  that  we  cannot  be  so  busy  a  man.' 

quite  certain  as  to  the  exact  words  of  the  oti  pacisque  causa]   cp.  778.  12  ;  Phil, 

law  :  but  the  general  tenor  is  plain.    The  ii.  100;  App.  B.  C.  ii.  135,  eVei  rp  iroAei 

consuls   and   their   committee   appear  to  ffvn<f>6pei :  cp.  iii.  22. 

have  had  full  power  of  decision  (778.  11  ;  facile  patiare  . .  .  gaudeas}  '  not  only  be 

779.  14)  without  the  obligation  of  obtain-  glad  enough,  but  even  rejoice.' 

ing  the  ratification  by  the  Senate.  le  ease']     It  is  not  absolutely  necessarj 

interposita']    This   word  is  technically  to  add  te  ;  but  it  might  readily  have  fallen 

applied  to  decrees  of  the  senate  in  just  the  out  after  volftntate,  and  would  be  more  ir 

same  sense  as  facta.     Boot  quotes  inter-  accordance  with  normal  usage. 

positam  senatus  aucloritatem,  Pis.  4.  coniunctum  .  .   .  devinctum~\  'attachec 

.  .  .  closely  bound.' 


EP.  778  (ATT.  XVI.  16  c). 


395 


mercule  facile  patior  datum  tempus  in  quoamorem  experirer  tuum. 
lAtticum  quanti  faciam  scis.  Amabo  te,  da  mihi  et  hoc  ;  oblivis- 
bere  mea  causa  illuin  aliquando  suo  familiari,  adversario  tuo, 
Ijfoluisse  consultum,  cum  illius  existimatio  ageretur.  Hoc  primum 
ignoscere  est  humanitatis  tuae :  suos  enim  quisque  debet  tueri : 
Heinde,  si  me  amas — omitte  Atticum — Ciceroni  tuo,  quern  quanti 
facias  prae  te  soles  ferre,  tctum  hoc  da  ut  quod  semper  existimavi 
fcunc  plane  intellegam,  me  a  te  multum  amari.  11.  Buthrotios 
[cum  Caesar  decreto  suo,  quod  ego  obsignavi  cum  multis  amplis- 
pimis  viris,  liberavisset  ostendissetque  nobis  se,  cum  agrarii  mare 
transissent,  litteras  missurum  quern  in  agrum  deducerentur,  accidit 
ut  subito  ille  interiret.  Deinde,  quern  ad  modum  tu  scis — iuter- 
puisti  enim  cum  consules  oporteret  ex  senatus  cousulto  de  actis 
paesaris  cognoscere — res  ab  iis  in  Kal.  lun.  dilata  est.  Accessit 
ad  senatus  consultum  lex  quae  lata  est  a.  d.  mi  Non.  lun.,  quae 

lex    EARUM    RERUM    QUAS    CAESAR  STATUISSET  DECREVISSET  EGISSET 

Iconsulibus  cognitioiiem  dedit.  Causa  Buthrotiorum  delata  est  ad 
onsules.  Decretum  Caesaris  recitatum  est  et  multi  praeterea 
ibelli  Caesaris  prolati.  Cousules  de  consili  sententia  decreverimt 
iecundum  Buthrotios,  .  .  .  Plancum  dederuut.  12.  Nunc,  mi 
'apito — scio  enim  quantum  semper  apud  eos  quibuscum  sis  posse 
loleas,  eo  plus  apud  hominem  facillimum  atque  humanissimum 

[Plancum — enitere,  elabora  vel  potius  eblaudire,  effice  ut  Plancus, 


CAPITONI]  This  was  the  Ateius  Capito 
Iwho  cursed  Crassus  when  he  left  to  fight 
[the  Parthians  (Plut.  Crass.  16).  Cicero 
iwrote  to  L.  Plancus  on  behalf  of  a  relative 
jpf  his  in  46  :  cp.  Fam.  xiii.  29  (457).  He 
is  also  mentioned  in  636.  4. 

10.  suo  familiari']     We  do  not  know 
who  this  was. 

11.  ego  obsignavi]  cp.  780. 15.  In  767.  5 
he  does  not  mention  that  he  was  one  of 
the  witnesses  who  affixed  their  seals. 

agrarii]  called  agrivetae  in  768.  3 ; 
769.2;  771.3. 

accidit  ut  subito  ille  interiret]  '  sud- 
denly met  his  death.'  Cicero,  writing  to 
a  partisan  of  Caesar's,  uses  a  neutral  word 
to  express  the  death  of  Caesar.  So  Matius 
uses  obitum,  «  demise,'  785.  2:  cp.  interi- 
tum  767.  7. 

de  actis  Caesaris']  cp.  note  to  723.  2 
(decrevimus] . 

a.  d.  iiii  Non.  lun']  Editors  since 
Wesenberg  (Em.  ]  18  note)  usually  bracket 
lun,  supposing  it  to  have  come  from 


the  adjacent  lun.  But  Cicero,  as  he 
wanted  to  indicate  the  date  of  the  law 
definitely,  must,  in  this  case,  have  added 
the  month  ;  so  that  we  would  have  to  sup- 
pose that  lun  has  extruded  Maias.  This 
is  barely  possible,  but  not  necessary. 
Antony  was  away  from  Rome  on  May  4, 
and  it  had  been  decided  that  the  whole 
matter  be  postponed  till  the  resumption 
of  business  on  June  1,  after  the  spring 
vacation.  The  law  had  been  promulgated 
in  April,  after  the  decree  of  the  Senate 
on  this  point  was  made :  and  the  law 
was  passed  at  once  when  business  was 
resumed. 

quae  lex  .  .  .  dedit]  '  which  law  gave 
the  consuls  the  duty  of  enquiring  into 
all  things  arranged,  decreed,  and  done  by 
Caesar' :  cp.  note  to  777.  8. 

Plancum  dedertint]  Some  words  must 
have  fallen  out,  expressing  the  fact  that 
the  matter  had  been  put  into  the  hands  of 
Plancus.  Man.  adds  litteras  ad. 

12.  eblandire]     *  coax  him  and  induce 


396  EP.  779  (ATT.  XVI.  16 d}. 

quern  spero  optimum  esse,  sit  etiam  melior  opera  tua.  Omnii 
>res  huius  modi  videtur  esse  ut  sine  cuiusquam  gratia  Plancus  i] 
pro  ingenio  et  prudentia  sua  non  sit  dubitaturus  quin  decretu^ 
consulum,  quorum  et  lege  et  senatus  consulto  cognitio  et  iudichJ 
f nit,  conservet,  praesertim  cum  hoc  genere  cognitionum  labefaJ" 
tato  acta  Caesaris  in  dubium  Ventura  videantur,  quae  non  mode 
ii  quorum  interest,  sed  etiam  ii  qui  ilia  non  probant  oti  causa 
confirmari  velint.  13.  Quod  cum  ita  sit,  tamen  interest  nostra 
Plancum  hoc  animo  libenti  prolixoque  facere.  Quod  certe  faciet, 
si  tu  nervulos  tuos  mihi  saepe  cognitos  suavitatemque  qua  nemo 
tibi  par  est  adhibueris.  Quod  ut  facias  te  vehementer  rogo. 


779.     CICERO  TO  CUPJENNIUS  (ATT.  xvi.  ie  d). 

IN    THE    COURSE    OF    JULY  ;    A.   U.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44  J    ART.    CIC.    62.     I 

M.  Cicero  Cupiennium  rogat  ut  det  operam  ut  Plancus  rem  Buthrotiam  confirmefM 

CICERO  C.  CUPIENNIO  S. 

14.  Patrem  tuum  plurimi  feci,  meque  ille  mirifice  et  coluit  etj 
amavit,  nee  mehercule  umquam  mihi  dubium  fuit  quin  a  te  dili-J 
gerer.  Ego  quidem  id  facere  non  destiti.  Quam  ob  rem  peto  • 
te  in  maiorem  modum  ut  civitatem  Buthrotiam  subleves  decre-| 
tumque  consulum  quod  ii  secundum  Butlirotios  feceruiit,  cum  etl 
lege  et  senatus  consulto  statuendi  potestatem  haberent,  des  operamj 
ut  Plaucus  noster  quam  primum  contirmet  et  comprobet.  Hoc  tej 
vehementer,  mi  Cupienni,  etiam  atque  etiam  rogo. 

him  to  be  even  kinder  than  he  naturally  elsewhere.  He  can  hardly  be  thft 
is.'  Cupiennius  mentioned  by  Horace  Sat.  f 

oti  causa]  cp.  777.  9.  2.  36. 

13.  nervulos]  'influence';  see  734.  1.  14.  lege  et  senatus  consulto]  cp.  777.  8  a 

778.  11;  779.  14;  781.  18. 

CUPIENNIO]    We  do  not  hear  of  him 


JSP.  780  (ATT.  XVI.  16  e).  397 


780.     CICERO  TO  PLANCUS  (ATT.  xvi.  ie  e). 

IN    THE    COURSE    OF    JULY  J    A.  U.  C.  710  ;    B.  C.  44  J  AET.  CIC.  62. 

M.  Cicero  iterum  flagitat  ut  Plancus  decreta  Caesaris  et  consulum  de  re  Buthrotia 
mprobet. 

CICERO  PLANCO  PRAET.  DBS.  S. 

15.  Ignosce  mihi  quod,  cum  antea  accuratissime  de  Butlirotiis 
d  te  scripserim,  eadem  de  re  saepius  scribam.  Non  mehercule,  mi 
lance,  facio  quo  parum  confidam  aut  liberalitati  tuae  aut  nostrae 
micitiae,  sed  cum  tanta  res  agatur  Attici  nostri,  nunc  vero  etiam 
sistimatio,  ut  id  quod  probavit  Caesar,  nobis  testibus  et  obsigna- 
ribus  qui  et  decretis  et  responsis  Caesaris  interfueramus,  videatur 
>tinere  potuisse,  praesertim  cum  tota  potestas  eius  rei  tua  sit,  ut 
-  quae  consules  decreverunt  secundum  Caesaris  decreta  et  re- 
)onsa  noil  dicam  comprobes  sed  studiose  libenterque  comprobes. 

Id  mihi  sic  erit  gratum  ut  nulla  res  gratior  esse  possit.  Etsi 
m  sperabam,  cum  has  litteras  accepisses,  fore  ut  ea  quae  superi- 
ibus  litteris  a  te  petissemus  impetrata  essent,  tamen  non  faciam 
aem  rogaudi  quoad  nobis  nuntiatum  erit  te  id  fecisse  quod 
agna  cum  spe  exspectamus.  Deinde  enirn  confido  fore  ut  alio 
nere  litterarum  utamur  tibique  pro  tuo  summo  beneficio  gratias 
••amus.  Quod  si  accident,  velim  sic  existimes  non  tibi  tarn 
tticum,  cuius  permagna  res  agitur,  quam  me,  qui  non  minus 
X)ro  quam  ille,  obligaturn  fore. 

15.  Non  mehercule  .  .  .  .  comprobes']  The  cp.  for  quo   pro   Quinct.  5   non   eo  dico 

structure  of  this  sentence  is  Non  .  .  .facto  quo  veniat  in  dubiuin  tua  fides  Sest.  61  ; 

JHO  .  .  .  sed  (cum  tanta  res  agatur  .  .  .  ut  Plane.  73  ;  Att.  iv.  15.  7  (143) ;  Acad.  ii. 

id  .  .  .  .  videatur  obtinere   potuisse,  prae-  37. 

wrtim  cum  .  .  .  sit)  ut  .  .  .  comprobes.  consules   decreverunt']    767.  6  ;    777.  8  ; 

Non  .  .  facio  .  .  .  quo  parum  confidam~\  778.  11  ;  781.  18. 


398      EPP.  781,  782  (ATT.  XVI.  16  f;  FAN.  XL 


781.     CICERO  TO  CAPITO  (ATT.  xvi.  i6/). 

IN    THE    COURSE    OF    JULY  J    A.  U.  0.  710  J    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  62. 

M.  Cicero  iterum  Capiionem  studiose  rogat  ut  Plancum  in  re  Buthrotia  constituei 
confirmet. 

CICERO  CAPITONI  SAL. 

17.  Non  dubito  quin  mirere  atque  etiam  stomachere  qu< 
tecum  de  eadem  re  agam  saepius.  Hominis  familiarissimi  eil 
mihi  omnibus  rebus  coniunctissimi  permagna  res  agitur,  Atticij 
Cognovi  ego  tua  studia  in  amicos,  etiam  in  te  amicorum.  Multuml 
potes  nos  apud  Plancum  iuvare.  Novi  humanitatem  tuamJ 
18.  Scio  quam  sis  amicis  iucundus.  Nemo  nos  in  bac  causa  plus 
iuvare  potest  quam  tu.  Et  res  ita  est  firma  ut  debet  esse,  quara 
consules  de  consili  sententia  decreverunt  cum  et  lege  et  senatusl 
consulto  cognoscerent.  Tamen  omnia  posita  putamus  in  Planci 
tui  liberalitate :  quern  quidem  arbitramur  cum  offici  sui  et  rel 
publicae  causa  decretum  consulum  comprobaturum,  turn  libenten 
nostra  causa  esse  faoturum.  Adiuvabis  igitur,  mi  Capito :  quod 
ut  facias  te  vebementer  etiam  atque  etiam  rogo. 


782.     BRUTUS    AND    CASSIUS,  PRAETORS,  TO 
M.  ANTONIUS,  THE  CONSUL  (FAM.  xi.  3). 

NAPLES;  AUGUST  4;  A.  u.  c.  710;  B.  c.  44;  AET.  cic.  62. 

Brutus  et  Cassius  contumeliosis  et  minacibus  litteris  M.  Antonii  respondent  fortiter 
•et  inagno  animo. 

BRUTUS  ET  CASSIUS  PR.  S.  D.  ANTONIO  COS. 
1.  S.  v.  b.  Litteras  tuas  legimus  simillimas  edicti  tui,  contume- 
liosas,  minacis,  minime  dignas  quae  a  te  nobis  mitterentur.    Nos, 


17.  At  Hoi]     Boot  brackets  this  word, 
remarking  that  if  Cicero  had  thought  it 
necessary  to  add  the  name  of  his  friend 
lie    would     have    written    T.   Pompom. 
However,   in  the  previous  letters  (767]; 
777;*778;  780)   on   this  subject  Cicero 
jspeaks  of  his  friend  usAtticus.   The  name 
is  used  here  with  a  certain  emphasis  by 
being  placed  at  the  end  of  the  sentence. 

18.  lege  et  senatus  consulto]     778.  18; 
779.  14. 

decretum  consulum]     780.  15,  note. 


There  can  be  no  doubt  that  a  copy  of  | 
this  dignified,  severe,  and  carefully 
worded  document  was  sent  or  given  to  I 
Cicero  by  the  writers,  probably  by  Brutus 
at  Velia.  Hence  its  appearance  in  his  I 
correspondence:  cp.  700,  740.  He  read  I 
it  at  Velia  (783.  7),  and  characterizes  it! 
as  'admirable'  (praeclare). 

1.  S.  v.  b.]  =  Si  vales,  benest,  a  formal 
address.  Mi>  Jeans  well  renders  '  Sir.' 

minime  dignas]  '  highly  improper  for 
you  to  send  to  us.' 


EP.  782  (FAM.  XL 


399 


Vntoni,  te  nulla  lacessiimus  iniuria  neque  miraturum  credidimus 
i  praetores  et  ea  dignitate  homines  aliquid  edicto  postulassemus  a 
lonsule :  quod  si  indignaris  ausos  esse  id  facere,  concede  nobis  ut 
loleamus  ne  hoc  quidem  abs  te  Bruto  et  Cassio  tribui.  2.  Nam  de 
iilectibus  habitis  et  pecuniis  imperatis,  exercitibus  sollicitatis  et 
luntiis  trans  mare  missis  quod  te  questum  esse  negas,  nos  quidem 
ibi  credimus  optimo  animo  te  fecisse,  sed  tamen  neque  agnoscimus 
^uicquam  eorum  et  te  miramur,  cum  haec  reticueris,  nou  potuisse 
ontinere  iracundiam  tuam  quin  nobis  de  morte  Caesaris  obiceres. 
i.  Illud  vero  quern  ad  modum  ferundum  sit,  tute  cogita,  non  licere 
naetoribus  concordiae  ac  libertatis  causa  per  edicturn  de  suo  iure 


miraturum]  sc.  te.  Madv.  401,  obs.  2, 
!oints  out  that  pronouns  are  sometimes 
mitted  before  the  inf.,  even  though  they 
jo  not  refer  to  the  subject  of  the  leading 
reposition,  when  they  can  be  easily  sup- 
lied  from  the  context.  He  compares 
>e  Orat.  iii.  74,  init. 

edicto  postulassemus]  The  grant  which 
Brutus  and  Cassius  asked  for  in  their 
ublished  manifesto  was  certainly  not 
armission  to  remain  away  from  Rome, 
'his  privilege  Brutus  (who,  as  praetor 
rbanus,  alone  required  it)  had  obtained 
oth  by  a  special  law  of  Antony's  (Phil. 
.  31)  and  also  by  another  proposal  of 
ntony's  that  he  and  Cassius  should  be 
spointed  commissioners  to  supply  the 
.ty  with  corn.  Andresen  supposes  that 
ley  were  asking  to  be  relieved  of  that 
Jmmissionership ;  and  that,  as  they  pro- 
osed  to  remain  absent  from  Rome  for  a 
Dnsiderable  time,  their  request  virtually 
mounted  to  a  resignation  of  the  praetor- 
lip .  This  view  is  probable  ;  for  the 
Jmmissionership  had  been  granted  as 

favour  by  Antony,  and  so  must  have 
een  galling  to  both  Brutus  and  Cassius. 
icero,  writing  to  Atticus  (745.  1),  speaks 
:  it  as  beneficium  Antoni  contumeliosum  : 
id  so  it  was.  Accordingly,  Brutus  and 
assius  must  have  desired  to  escape  from 
sing  under  any  compliment  to  a  man 
ho  was  plainly  their  enemy.  They, 
owever,  in  a  somewhat  petty  spirit, 
oping  to  render  Antony  unpopular, 
lade  their  request  in  a  published  docu- 
lent  (cp.  783.  1)  instead  of  writing  in 
e  first  instance  to  the  consuls.  A  few 
iys  later,  on  August  1st,  Piso  brought 
•rward  his  motion  about  Cisalpine  Gaul, 
lat  it  should  be  amalgamated  with  Italy 
ip.  Phil.  i.  10,  and  Ferrero  iii.  86  and 
3).  As  Antony  was  striving  to  get 


Cisalpine  Gaul  for  himself,  he  was 
naturally  indignant  at  this  move  of 
the  anti-Caesareans  ;  and  as  the  senate 
exhibited  no  inclination  to  support  the 
proposal  of  Piso  (783".  7  ;  Phil.  i.  10,  14), 
and  gave  insignificant  provinces  (cp. 
783.  1  note)  to  Brutus  and  Cassius,  he 
felt  himself  strong  enough  to  show  that 
he  would  not  tolerate  any  further  oppo- 
sition on  their  part ;  and  he  at  once 
issued  a  manifesto  against  them  as  prae- 
tors, and  at  the  same  time  wrote  to  them 
what  they  call  an  insulting  and  improper 
letter,  to  which  this  is  a  reply. 

concede  nobis  ut  dokamus]  '  permit  us 
at  least  to  regret '  (Jeans). 

2.  exercitibas"]  The  legions  in  Macedonia 
and  Syria. 

sed  tamen']  '  However,  be  that  as  it 
may,  we  refuse  to  acknowledge  that  we 
have  done  any  of  these  things.'  For 
agnoscere, '  to  acknowledge  as  one's  own,' 
cp.  Rabir.  18  ;  Mil.  38  ;  Phil.  xiv.  8.  For 
sed  tamen,  cp.  note  to  Fam.  ix  16,  2 
(472). 

de  morte  Caesaris  obiceres']  Watson 
points  out  that  the  simple  ace.  mortem 
would  be  more  usual  than  de  :  the  latter 
construction  occurs  only  once  in  Cicero's 
speeches,  Plane.  75  [Cael.  6  is  virtually 
another  example],  and  not  at  all  in  his 
philosophical  works. 

3.  non   licere']     epexegetical    of    illud. 
cp.  Madv.  395,  obs.  1  on  epexegetical  inf. 
after  a  pronoun.    He  quotes  'fuse.  ii.  67  : 
cp.  also  Fam.  v.  2.  3  (14) ;  De  Sen.  63. 

de  suo  iure  decedere"]  '  to  waive  some  of 
their  rights.'  Graevius  has  suggested 
decidere,  '  to  take  a  decisive  step  concern- 
ing their  rights ' :  cp.  Rose.  Com.  35 ; 
Ati.  i.  8,  1  (5).  But  the  text  is  almost 
certainly  right:  cp.  Rose.  Am  73"  Att. 
xvi.  2,  1  (772) ;  OfF.ii.  64.  The  reference 


400 


EP.  782  (FAM.  XL  3). 


decedere   quin  consul  arma    minetur.     Quorum  fiducia  nihil 
quod  nos  terreas ;  neque  enim  decet  aut  couvenit  nobis  pericuki 
ulli  submittere  animum  nostrum,  neque  est  Antonio  postulandul 
ut  iis  imperet  quorum  opera  liber  est.     Nos  si  alia  hortarentur  ul 
bellum  civile  suscitare  vellemus,  litterae  tuae  nihil  proficerent;  nul 
enim  minantis  auctoritas  apud  liberos  est :  sed  pulchre  intelleg 
non  posse  nos  quoquam  impelli,  et  fortassis  ea  re  minaciter  ag 
ut  iudicium  nostrum  metus  videatur.     4.  Nos  in  hac  sentent 
sumus  ut  tecupiamus  in  libera  re  publica  magnum  atque  honestu 
esse,  vocemus  te  ad  nullas  inimicitias,  sed  tamen  pluris  nostra 
libertatem   quam  tuam  amicitiam  aestimemus.     Tu  etiarn   atqi 
etiam  vide  quid  suscipias,  quid  sustinere  possis,  neque  quam 
vixerit  Caesar   sed  quam    non   diu   regnarit    fac   cogites.     De 
quaesumus  consilia  tua  rei  publicae  salutaria  sint  ac  tibi ;  si  mini 
ut  sulva   atque   honesta  re  publica  tibi  quam  minimum  riocea 
optamus.     Pridie  Nonas  Sext. 


in  iure  seems  to  be  to  the  ius  praetorium, 
according  to  which  their  presence  in  the 
city  was  required  ;  but,  as  their  presence 
in  the  city  would  cause  discord,  they 
declare  that  they  are  willing  to  waive  the 
rigbts  of  their  office,  and  are  ready,  in  the 
interests  of  peace,  to  leave  tbe  country  : 
cp.  note  to  783.  1  (adferebant). 

Quorum  .  .  .  terreas']  '  and  by  an  appeal 
to  force  you  cannot  at  all  terrify  us  '  : 
quod  cogn.  ucc.  lit.  '  there  is  no  terror  you 
can  cause  us.'  The  more  usual  meaning 
would  be,  as  Watson  points  out,  '  there 
is  no  reason  for  your  trying  to  frighten 
us.' 

periculo  ulli  .  .  .  liber  est~\  *  to  surrender 
our  resolution  before  any  danger  ;  and 
Antony  must  not  claim  to  give  com- 
mands to  those  who  have  secured  his 
being  a  free  man.' 

nulla  .  .  .  liberos  est]  '  For  free  men 
pay  no  regard  to  one  who  threatens.' 

pulchre]  '  excellently  well  '  :  cp.  Cic. 
De  Div.  ii.  36  ;  Snip.  ap.  Fam.  iv.  5,  6 
(585);  Plancus  ap.  Fam.  x.  23,  1  (895). 

quoquam  impelli']     The  latter  word  is 


Rome)  might  look  like  fear.'  Andrea 
notes  that  iudicium  in  this  sense  is  oppoa 
sometimes  to  necessitas  (Phil.  v.  3 
sometimes  to  casus,  Fam.  ii.  7,  2  (227). 

4.  magnum  atque   honestum   esse] 
hold   a  high   and  honourable    positia 
For  honestus  in  this  sense,  cp.  Fam. 
2,  2  (740),  qui  nos  salvos  et  honestos  vel 
Brut.    281,    honestus    et   honor  atus.     Ffl 
the  sense  of  the  clause,  cp.  Shakespeare* 
Julius  Caesar,  iii.  1,  172  : — 

Brutus.  For  your  part,   fl 

To  you  our  swords  have  leaden  points,  Mail 

Antony : 

Our  arms,  in  strength  of  malice,  and  our  heartjj 
Of  brothers'  temper,  do  receive  you  in 
With  all  kind  love,  good  thoughts,  and     1 

reverence. 
Cassius.  Your  voice  shall  be  as  strong  all 

any  man's 
In  the  disposing  of  new  dignities. 

vocemus  .  .  .  inimicitias]  *  we  do  ifl 
invite  you  to  any  hostility  towards  us.'B 

Tu  .  .  .  coyites]  '  Consider  again  afl 
again  the  course  you  are  taking,  the  extel 
of  your  powers,  and  not  the  length^ 
Caesar's  life  but  the  shortness  of 


to  be  emphasized,  » to  be  driven  by  force       tyranny.'    HD   read   din,    not   non  di 

in     Anv     dirpr.tinn  '       Fnr     nun/nua.in.      r>n  fin.:_  _i i i  _„ 


in  any  direction.'  For  quoquam,  cp. 
Brut,  et  Cass.  740.  3,  impelli  ab  aliis 
quolibet. 

fortassis]  This  form  is  found  very 
rarely  in  Cicero  (Clu.  201)  ;  even  there 
recent  editors  alter  to  fortasse.  But  it 
may  be  tolerated  in  Brutus. 

iudicium]  '  in  order  that  our  deliberately 
formed  plan  (sc.  to  remain  away  from 


This  also  makes  good  sense :  cp.  our 
on  Att.  i.  5.  3(1). 

Deos  quaesum  us]  Cicero  generally* u 
quaeso  a;  yet  cp.  Rose.  Am.  11 :  but  t 
simple  ace.  is  common  in  the  dramatis 
cp.  Plaut.Bacch.  179  :  Ter.  Adelph.  27 

salva  atque  honesta  re  publica]  '  witht 
imperilling  the  welfare  and  honour  of  t 
State.' 


EP.  783  (ATT.  XVI.  7). 


401 


783.     CICERO  TO  ATTIOUS  (ATT.  xvi.  7). 

N  SHIPBOARD    ON    THE  WAY  TO  POMPEII  ;    AUGUST  19  J     A.  U.  C.  710   ; 
B.  C.  44  5    AET.    CIC.    62. 

M.  Cicero  Attico  significat  sea  Leucopetra  profectum,  au8tro  vero  eodem  reiectum 
ccepisse  edictum  Bruti  et  Cassii  et  iam  commotum  etiam  Attici  litteris,  de  quibus 
uribus  expostulat  cum  amico,  consilium  cepisse  ad  urbem  revertendi,  de  Antonii 
dicto  et  de  edicto  Bruti  et  Cassii,  de  valetudine  Piliae. 

CICERO  ATTICO  SAL. 

1.  VIII  Idus  Sextil.  cum  a  Leucopetra  profectus — iude  enim 
ramittebam— stadia  oirciter  ccc  processissem,  reiectus  sum  austro 
ehementi  ad  eandern  Leucopetram.  Ibi  cum  ventum  exspec- 
arem— erat  enim  villa  Valeri  nostri,  ut  familiariter  essem  et 
ibenter— llegini  quidam,  illustres  homines,  eo  venerunt  Roma 
ane  recentes,  in  iis  Bruti  nostri  hospes,  qui  Brutum  Neapoli 
reliquisset.  Haec  adferebant :  edictum  Bruti  et  Cassi,  et  fore 


1.  stadia  ccc.]  Distances  by  sea  were 
jomputed  by  stadia  ;  300  stadia  would  be 
ibout  33  miles.  Leucopetra  was  the  ex- 
reme  S.W.  promontory  of  Italy.  Cicero 
was  sailing  from  Syracuse  en  route  for 
Athens.  He  was  obliged  twice  to_  put 
>ack  to  Leucopetra  by  contrary  winds, 
Mid  on  the  second  occasion  he  heard  a 
rumour  of  a  composition  between  Antony 
ind  Brutus  and  Cassius.  He  at  once 
esolved  to  go  to  Rome,  and  with  this  view 
ie  sailed  for  Pompeii.  The  rumour 
>roved  unfounded,  but  Cicero  was  very 
5lad  that  he  had  abandoned  his  purpose  ot 
caving  Italy.  .  , 

eraf\     '  for  I  had  the  villa  of  Valerius, 
Siuller  conjectures  suberat l  there  was  hard 
>y.'     Perhaps  erat  enim  villa  iliac. 

ut  familiariter  essem']  'so  that  I 
was  quite  at  home  and  enjoying  inyselt  ; 
for  the  adverb  with  esse,  cp.  tibi  mehus 
esse,  650.  1  ;  fuit  periucunde,  679.  1.  It 
s  common  with  bene,  belle,  recte.  ^ 
,  Roma  sane  recente^-]  '  quite  new  arrivals 
from  Rome'  :  cp.  769.  5  Ovius  estrecens. 
For  the  events  here  recorded  cp.  rhil.  i. 
7,  8  (delivered  on  September  2nd)  mumci- 
pes  Regini  complures  ad  me  venerunt,  exeis 
quidam  Roma  recentes.  They  probably 
left  Rome  a  few  days  before  the  end  . 
July. 

VOL.  V. 


reliquissef]  The  mood  shows  that  he 
told  Cicero  he  had  left  Brutus  at  Neapolis  ; 
seeonAtt.  ii.  1,12  (27). 

adferebant]     l  they  brought  an  edict  of 
Brutus  and  Cassius,  and  the  news  that.' 
The  particular  edict  (which  Cicero,  Phil, 
i.  8,  says  was  plenum  aequitatis)   is  not 
extant;  but  it   is  possibly  that  referred 
to  in  Velleius  ii.    62.    3,    testati    edictis 
libenter  se   vel   in  perpetuo  exilio  [Brutus 
had    been   meditating   exile   as   early  as 
the  beginning  of  May,  725.  1]  victwos 
dnm  rei  publicae  constaret  concordia,   nee 
ullam   belli    civilis  praebituros  materiam, 
plurimwn  sibi  honoris  esse  in  conscientia 
facti  sui.     It  was  probably  issued  during 
the  last  few  days  of  July.     They  appear 
to  have   asked  to    be    relieved    of   their 
commissionership  to  supply  the  city  with 
corn,  and  perhaps  that  they,  should   be 
assigned    provinces   for    next   year :    on 
these    conditions   they    were   willing  to 
resign  their  position  as  praetors   (de  suo 
inre  decedere  782.  3),  at  least  as   far  as 
performance  of   praetorian    functions   at 
Rome  was  concerned  ;  and  in  their  some- 
what ultra-patriotic  style  may  have  said 
that,  if  it  would  benefit  the  state,  they 
would   go  into   permanent   exile.     Their 
object  was  probably  to  show  that  they  had 
no  intention  of  disturbing  the  peace,  and 

2C 


402  EP.  78S  (ATT.  XVI.  7). 

frequentem  senatum  Kalendis,  a  Bruto  et  Cassio  litteras  miss* 


so  there  was  no  reason  that  Antony  should 
be  given  the  province  of  Gaul.  On  August 
1st  Piso  spoke  against  Antony  vigorously, 
but  without  much  effect.  At  once  Antony, 
emboldened  by  this  failure  of  his  oppo- 
nents, appears  to  have  issued  the  edict  to 
which  782  is  an  answer.  These  two  edicts 
Cicero  refers  to  in  §  7  below.  Also  it  was 
probably  on  August  1st  that  Brutus  and 


to  such  a  distant  date.     The  succeeding 
words  in    Phil.  i.  9   do    not   necessarily  I 
prove  that  the  meeting  was  that  intended 
for     September    1st.     (Turn    vero    tanta 
sum   cupiditate   incensus    ad    reditum    ufll 
inihi  nulli  neque  remi  neque  venti   satis- 
facerent,  non  quo  me  ad  tempus  occursurum 
non  putarem,  sed  ne  tardius  quam  cuperem 
rei  publicae  gratularer.}   Cicero  says  'not 


Cassius  got  provinces  assigned  them,  but       that  I  did  not  think  I  should  arrive  time! 

these  nrovinces  were  most  insignificant      enough '  (if  all  was  to  go  favourably  as 

seemed  likely,  or  as  if  his  absence  woul 
make  much  difference),  'but that  I  rnigl 
congratulate  the  State  as  soon  as  I  coul 
possibly  wish.'     Cicero  in  both  pa 
is   dwelling   on  the    reasons  which, 
August   7th   (or  shortly  after),    impell< 
him  to  set  his  face  towards  Rome,  at  a 
time  when  he  had  no  knowledge  of  the) 
ill-success  of  the  meeting  on  the  1st.     It 
is  to  be  noted   that   several  MSS.  in  the] 
Philippic  omit  non  before  putarem  :  that! 
would  mean  '  not  that  I  thought  I  couldi 
be  up  to  time '  in  taking  part  in  effecting! 
the  agreement. 

litteras]  The  friend  of  Brutus,  who  had! 
been  with  him  at  Naples,  was,  perhaps! 
the  person  who  informed  Cicero  that! 
Brutus  and  Cassius  had  written  these! 
letters.  The  hopeful  view  Cicero's  in-1 
formants  entertained  that  Antony  would] 
give  way  on  the  question  of  the  Gallic 
provinces  could  not  have  been  possible! 
after  the  receipt  of  that  edict.  Cicero] 
(Phil.  i.  8)  refers  to  a  conciliatory  speech! 
of  Antony's,  probably  delivered  towards] 
the  end  of  July  ;  to  the  conciliatory! 
(plenum  aequitatis)  edict  of  Brutus  andj 
Cassius ;  and  to  the  belief  that  an  arrange- 
ment would  be  come  to  (rem  conventuramA 
the  same  phrase  as  is  used  in  this  letterM 
and  that  Antony  would  give  up  his  idea 
of  obtaining  the  Gallic  provinces.  Bun 
then  came  the  fiasco  of  August  1st,  the! 
edict  and  letter  of  Antony,  and  the  reply 
of  Brutus  and  Cassius  (782),  which! 
seemed  to  dispel  any  idea  of  conciliation.] 
Cicero,  who  had  received  these  two  edict* 
from  Brutus  (whom  he  saw  at  VeliaM 
when  he  wrote  this  letter  (§  7,  but  he  had] 
not  received  them  when  he  left  Leuco-I 
petra  for  Rome),  said  that  he  did  notj 
see  the  force  or  object  of  them. 
fancy  he  saw  clearly  enough  in  whad 
they  would  result ;  and  so  he  was  not  at 
all  sanguine  about  a  settlement,  or  that] 
he  would  be  able  to  take  any  active  parti 
in  politics ;  Wit  still  he  thought  it  right 
to  return,  and  that  death,  which  coulc 


these  provinces  were  most  insignificant 
ones,  Crete  and  Gyrene  (Illyria  according 
to  Nic.  Dam.  28).  Balbus  had  expected 
that  the  praetorian  provinces  would  have 
been  assigned  on  June  5th  (742.  1),  but 
he  was  mistaken,  at  least  as  far  as  Brutus 
and  Cassius  were  concerned  ;  cp.  Phil.  ii. 
31,  where  we  in  ay  conjecture  from  the  order 
of  eventsnarratedthatthegrantof  provinces 
was  subsequent  to  the  Ludi  Apollinares. 
Schwartz  (Hermes,  1898,  p.  240  f)  thinks 
that  this  instigation  of  Cicero  to  return 
was  a  sinister  act  of  Brutus.  He  only 
wanted  that  Cicero's  eloquence  should 
thunder  forth  in  Rome  that  consuls,  Senate, 
and  people  were  all  in  the  wrong  until 
they  openly  recognized  Brutus  and  his 
associates  as  the  liberators  of  the  State. 
He  wanted  that  Cicero,  and  not  he  or 
Cassius,  should  face  the  danger  of  oppos- 
ing Antony. 

Kalendis]  Are  these  the  Kalends  of 
August  or  September?  At  first  sight 
they  would  seem  to  be  September ;  but 
in  Phil.  i.  8,  addebant  praeterea  .  .  .  rem 
conventuram  :  Kalendis  Sextilibus  senatum 
frequentem  fore,  the  date  is  specifically 
stated  to  be  August.  Notwithstanding 
that  all  the  MSS.,  even  the  Vaticanus, 
give  Sextilibus,  editors  generally  omit 
the  word,  following  the  lead  of  Madvig 
(Opusc.  Acad.  i.  163  =  p.  132,  ed.  2),  and 
supposing  it  to  have  been  added  owing 
to  the  occurrence  of  the  word  in  §§  7 
and  10.  Drumann  and  his  editor  Groebe 
(i.  p.  431)  maintain  that  the  date  referred 
to  is  that  explicitly  stated,  viz.,  August 
1st.  On  the  whole,  we  think  that  they 
are  right,  and  that  the  future  fore,  both  in 
this  letter  and  in  the  Philippic,  points  to 
the  meeting  of  the  Senate  which  was  to 
be  held  shortly  after  his  informants  left 
Rome,  i.e.  the  meeting  of  August  1st. 
Brutus  and  Cassius  would  hardly  have  at 
the  end  of  July  sent  out  letters  asking 
senators  to  attend  a  meeting  so  far 
olF  as  September  1st :  nor  indeed  is  it 
likely  that  it  would  have  been  arranged 
in  July  that  matters  should  be  postponed 


EP.  783  (ATT.  XVI.  7).  403 

ad  consularis  et  praetorios  ut  adessent  rogare.  Suramam  spem 
I  mmtiabantfore  ut  Antonius  cederet,  res  couveniret,  nostri  Ilomam 
|  redirent.  Addebant  etiam  me  desiderari,  subaccusari.  Quae  cum 
j  Audissem,  sine  ulla  dubitatione  abieci  consilium  profectionis,  quo 
mehercule  ne  antea  quidem  delectabar.  2.  Lectis  vero  tuis  litteris 
admiratus  equidem  sum  te  tarn  vehementer  sententiam  commu- 
tasse,  sed  non  sine  causa  arbitrabar :  etsi,  quamvis  non  fueris 
.fluasor  et  irnpulsor  profectionis  rneae,  approbator  certe  fuisti,  dum 
modo  Kal.  Ian.  Romae  essem ;  ita  tiebat  ut,  dum  minus  periculi 
videretur,  abessem,  in  flammam  ipsam  venirem.  Sed  haec,  etiam 
si  non  prudenter,  tamen  ave/xto-rjra  sunt,  primum  quod  de  mea 
flententia  acta  sunt,  deinde  etiamsi  te  auctore,  quid  debet  qui  con- 
silium dat  praestare  praeter  fidem  ?  3.  Illud  admirari  satis  non 
potui  quod  scripsisti  his  verbis  :  '  Bene  igitur  tu,  qui  tvOavao-tav, 
foene  !  relinque  patriam ! '  An  ego  relinquebam  aut  tibi  turn 
relinquere  videbar  ?  Tu  id  non  modo  non  prohibebas  verum  etiam 
approbabas.  Graviora  quae  restant :  '  Velim  a^oXtov  aliquod 
elimes  ad  me  oportuisse  te  istuc  facere.'  Itane,  mi  Attice  ? 
Defensione  eget  meurn  factum,  praesertim  apud  te  qui  id  mira- 
biliter  approbasti  ?  Ego  vero  istum  airoXoytaimbv  <rui;ra£o^cu,  sed 

not  be  far  from  a  man  of  his  age,  should  talk  of  a.nobile  letum,  well  done  !  Aban- 

not  overtake  him  in  a  foreign  land.  don  your  country.'  The  irony  is  some- 

rogare~\  Dr.  Reid  thinks  that  this  what  harsh,  but  the  letter  of  Atticus  seems 

word  is  the  addition  of  a  glossator  who  to  have  been  a  rather  cruel  one,  answered 

•did  not  know  that  mittere  litteras  could  with  wonderful  command  of  temper  by 

be  followed  by  an  explanatory  clause  with  Cicero.  In  evOava<riav  (sc.  dicis)  the 

4tt,  or  by  the  infinitive,  e.g.  Fam.  xvi.  reference  is  probably  to  spem  mortis 

9.  3  (292)  Curio  misi  ut  medico  honos  melioris  752.  2.  Others  think  it  is  Tusc. 

haberetur.  i.  109  sed  profecto  mors  turn  aequissimo 

desiderari,  subaccusari']  '  that  my  animo  oppetitur  cum  suis  se  laudibus  vita 

absence  is  felt,  is  provoking  some  com-  occidens  consolari  potest.  If  these  words 

ment.'  For  the  asyndeton  bimembre  cp.  had  been  Cicero's,  there  would  have  been 

note  to  744.  4  and  Index.  For  verbs  much  to  say  for  the  clever  conjecture  of 

compounded  with  sub-  cp.  776.  Prof.  Housman,  Tene  igitur  qui  .  .  . 

2.  itafiebaf]    'the  upshot  of  this  was  tene  relinquere  patriamt  cp.  Att.  ix.  7,  5 
•that  I  should  be  away  from  Rome  when  (362),  tene  igitur  socio. 

there  was  less  danger,  and  should  come  inhibebas"]     So    Lamb.   marg.  :  iubebat 

back  when  everything   was  ablaze.'  cp.  M1  :  prohibebas  M2.     Dr.  Reid  suggests 

773.  4  ;  775.  2.     FoTjlammam,  cp.  Fam.  iactabas  'flout'  :  cp.  Att.  xi.  16.  3  (431) 

.xvi.  11.  2  (301)  incidi  in  ipsam  flammam  sin  iactor,  and  note  to  Att.  iv.  9.  1  (122). 

civilis  discordiae  vel potius  belli.  ffXo\i(»'  elimes]     « I  wish  you  would 

aj/eyLte'o-TjTa  sunf\     'I  have  no  right  elaborate    a  memorandum    addressed    to 

to  resent.'  me,  proving  that  you  were  bound  to  take 

praestare']  '  what  is  an  adviser  bound  to  that  course  of  yours.' 

guarantee  except  his  sincerity  ?  '  Ego  vero}    '  yes,  I    will   compose   the 

3.  Bene  iyitur]     We   have   given   the  Apologia  you  ask  for,  but  shall  address  it 
reading   of   M,    punctuating    as    Miiller  to  one  of  those  against  whose  wish  and 
(punctuates,  «  Well  done  yourself,  you  who  advice  I  left  the  country.'     For  Ego  vero 

2C  2 


404 


JSP.  783  (ATT.  XVI.  7). 


ad  eorum  aliquem  quibus  invitis  et  dissuadentibus  profectus  sui 
Etsi  quid  iam  opus  est  (TxoA"j)  ?     Si  perseverassem,  opus  f uissef 
'  At  hoc  ipsum  non  constanter.'     Nemo  doctus  umquam — multi 
autem  de  hoc  genere  scripta  sunt — mutationem  consili  inconstan- 
tiam  dixit  esse.     4.  Deinceps   igitur  haec,  '  Nam  si  a  Phaedrc 
nostro  esses,  expedita  excusatio  esset.     Nunc  quid  respondemus  ? 
Ergo  id  erat  meum  factum   quod  Catoni  probare  non  possim 
flagiti  scilicet  plenum  et  dedecoris.     Utinam  a  primo  ita  tibi  esset 
visum  !     Tu  mihi,  sicut  esse  soles,  fuisses  Cato.     5.  Extremui 
ill  ad  vel  molestissimum,  '  Nam  Brutus  noster  silet/  hoc  est,  noi 
audet  homiuem  id  aetatis  monere.     Aliud  nihil  habeo  quod  ei 
iis  a  te  verbis  significari  putem,  et  hercule  ita  est.     Nam  xvi  Kal. 
Sept.  cum  venissem  Veliam,  Brutus  audivit.     Erat  enim  cum  suis- 
navibus  apud  Haletem  fluvium,  citra  Veliam  milia   passus  iiiJ 
Pedibus  ad  me  statim.     Dei  immortales,  quam   valde  ille  reditu 
vel    potius    reversione    mea   laetatus    effudit    ilia    omnia    quae- 
tacuerat !  ut  recordarer   illud    tuum    '  nam  Brutus  noster  silet/ 
Maxime    autem    dolebat    me  Kal.  Sext.  in    senatu    non    fuisse. 


cp.  §  5  ;  Att.  iii.  15.2  (73)  note ;  and  Index 
s.  v.  vero.  Atticus  had  repeatedly  told 
Cicero  that  his  journey  was  generally 
approved  of :  cp.  768.  1  ;  769.  3  ;  772,  4  ; 
775.  2. 

non  constanter]  sc.  a  te  factum  est ; 
'  that  in  itself  is  an  instance  of  vacilla- 
tion.' Hoc  ipsum  means  your  leaving 
Rome  and  then  returning. 

4.  si  a  fhaedro  nostro  esses]  For 
Phaedrus,  cp.  note  to  Fam.  xiii.  1.  2 
(189)-  M  has  esse.  Editors  usually  read 
esset.  Cicero  is  quoting  the  very  words 
of  Atticus'  letter.  Atticus  may  have  used 
in  the  previous  sentence  the  verh  which  is 
here  to  be  supplied,  possibly  exprobratum, 
which  Lehmann  would  actually  introduce 
into  the  text.  He  might  have  written  finge 
animo  hoc  iter  a  Catone  exprobratum.  Nam 
si  a  fhaedro  nostro  esset  (sc.  exprobratum). 
The  meaning  would  then  be  '  1  understand 
how  you  might  defend  your  action  if 
criticized  by  an  Epicurean  like  Phuedrus, 
but  on^the  present  hypothesis  (supposing 
Cato  were  to  take  you  to  task),  what 
answer  could  you  give  ?  '  Dr.  Reid  thinks 
the  passage  might  mean  '  if  this  conduct 
proceeded  from  Phaedrus,  it  would  be 
easy  for  him  to  make  an  excuse,'  and  com- 
pares Nat.  D.  i.  107  a  Democrito  omnino 
haec  licentia.  But  he  prefers  eases,  which 
means  '  if  you  belonged  to  the  school  of 


non 

our  friend  Phaedrus ' :  cp.  Tusc.  ii.  7,  qui 
sunt  ab  ea  disciplina ;  De  Orat.  ii.   160;. 
Fin.  iv.   7.     '  But   as  you  are   a   Stoic, 
what  answer  will  you  make  ?  '    "We  think 
this  latter  explanation  the  more  probable ; 
and  as  Z  (teste  Turnebo)  has  esses,  wei 
have  adopted  that   reading  in  the  textJ 
It  was  also  conjectured  by  Boot. 

Ergo  .  .  .  possim  ?]     '  So  then  my  act! 
was  of  the  kind  that  I  could  not  justify  it| 
to  Cato '  (Cato,  as  though  still  alive,  being- 
supposed  to  ask  him  the  question).   Many 
edd.   alter    to  possem   ('  could  not   have 
justified   it  '),    perhaps  rightly,    as    the! 
change   is    slight,    and    the    idea    morel 
normal.     For   Cato  as  the  moral  refere0| 
cp.  Att.  vi.  1.  7  (252),  and  ideal  consti- 
tutionalist (769.  6). 

fiayili  .  .  .  dedecoris]     '  that  is,  it 
one    mass     of     infamy     and    disgrace.'] 
Possibly  these  words  are  u  gloss. 

5.  non    audet]     '  does  not  venture 
admonish  a  man  of  my  years.' 

milia  passus]    So  M  :  cp.  Att.  ii.  16. 
(43),  and  Plancus  ap.  Fam.  x.  17.  1  (872) 
and  note. 

Haletem]    cp.  774.  1. 

statim]     sc.  venit. 

reditu  vel  potius  reversione  mea] 
return  or  rather  my  turning  back,'  for  h« 
had  only  just  begun  his  intended  journey] 
to  Greece. 


EP.  783  (ATT.  XVI.  7). 


405 


Pisonem  ferebat  in  caelum,  se  autera  laetari,  quod  effugissera  duas 
maxiraas  vituperationes  :  unara,  quam  itinere  faciendo  me  intelle- 
gebam  suscipere,  desperationis  ac  relictionis  rei  publicae  (flentes 
mecum  vulgo  querebantur  quibus  de  meo  celeri  reditu  non  pro- 
babam) :  alteram,  de  qua  Brutus  et  qui  una  erant — raulti  autem 
erant — laetabautur,  quod  earn  vituperationem  effugissem,  me 
existimari  ad  Olympia.  Hoc  vero  nihil  turpius  quovis  rei  publi- 
cae tempore,  sed  hoc  avairo\6yi\Tov.  Ego  vero  austro  gratias 
miras  qui  me  a  tanta  infamia  averterit.  6.  lleversionis  has 
speciosas  causas  habes,  iustas  illas  quidem  et  magnas,  sed  nulla 
iustior  quam  quod  tu  idem  aliis  litteris,  *  Provide,  si  cui  quid 
debetur,  ut  sit  unde  par  pari  respondeatur.  Mirifica  enim 


Pisonem]  Calpurnius  Piso,  father-in- 
•  law  of  Caesar.  He  was  the  Piso  attacked 
by  Cicero  in  Ids  in  Pisonem.  For  the 
'proposal  he  made  on  August  1st  see  notes 
to  782.  1,  and  §  1  above. 

vituperationes']     Cicero    himself    seems 

(to  have  had  a  suspicion  that  his  journey 

to  Greece  would  be  criticized.     He  was 

certainly  in  great  doubt  about  it  (cp.  756  ; 

759;  772.  4;  773.  4;  775.  2). 

despera Horns']  Cp.  752.  1  mine  dubitare 
quemquam  prudentem  quin  meus  discessus 
desperationis  sit,  non  legationis. 

relictionis]  The  MSS.  give  religionis. 
The  word  relictio  is  not  found  in  any  MS., 
but  it  is  introduced  by  conjecture  into  2 
Verr.  i.  35  relictionem  (MSS.  reiectionem), 
proditionemque  consults.  But  reiectionem, 
*  thro  wing  over  of,'  makes  good  sense 
there.  Dr.  Reid  suggests  in  our  passage 
relegationis  a  republica,  comparing  Phil.  x. 
€,  relegatum  a  rep. 

ad  Olympia"]  sc.  visenda  profectum  esfe, 
'that  I  had  gone  to  see  the  Olympian 
games.'  Cicero  seems  to  have  had  some 
I  thoughts  of  going  to  Olympia,  but  he  had 
a  feeling  that  his  journey  to  Greece  might 
lead  to  censure  (759  «  nihil o/ensionis  sit}. 

Hoc  vero  nihil  twpiui\  'certainly 
nothing  could  have  been  more  contempt- 
ible than  this,  let  the  circumstances  of  the 
Republic  be  what  you  will;  in  their 
present  state  it  would  indeed  have  been  a 
thing  sans  excuse'  (Jeans).  We  rather 
think  that  this  is  oratio  obliqua,  the 
judgment  of  Cicero's  critics,  not  that  of 
€icero  himself,  who  would  hardly  speak 
so  uncompromisingly  of  a  project  which 
had  at  least  for  a  moment  considered 
<cp.  759).  Licebant  could  be  understood 
from  laetabantur. 


quovis  reip.  tempore]  This  is  different 
from  simply  quovis  tempore.  It  was  not 
reprehensible  in  normal  times  to  attend 
the  Olympic  games.  The  words  mean 
'  at  any  crisis  in  the  State,'  cp.  Milo  19  ; 
Phil.  iii.  1  and  often. 

austro]  cp.  Fam.  xii.  25.  3  (825)  cum 
me  etesiae  quasi  boni  cives  relinquentem 
remp.  prosequi  noluerunt,  austerque  adver- 
sus  maxima  Jlatu  me  ad  tribulii  tuos 
Regium  rettulit. 

gratias  miras]  sc.  ago,  a  somewhat 
unusual  ellipse:  but  cp.  Att.  x.  15.  4 
(401)  Vettieno  velim  gratias  («c.  agas). 
We  should  prefer  to  add  the  word  between 
austro  and  gratias,  whence  it  might  have 
dropped  out.  We  have  mirificas  gratias 
in  718.  5;  mira  querela,  Att.  vii.  11.  4 
(304):  cp.  also  mirifica  Svo-xp^Ti'a, 
§  6  below. 

6.  speciosas]  Lehmann  (p.  135)  would 
read  praecipuas,  comparing  praecipua  causa 
in  Att.  viii.  2,  4  (332).  But  we  may  take 
it  as  '  striking '  (cp.  Sest.  134  ;  Hor. 
Epist.  ii.  2.  116).  'Here  are  some 
striking  reasons  for  my  return,'  reasons 
that  plainly  did  not  occur  to  you,  or  you 
would  not  have  censured  me  so  much. 
It  might  possibly  mean  '  plausible,'  but 
iustas  could  hardly  be  an  ^explanation  o 
speciosas  in  that  sense.  To  avoid  thi 
difficulty,  Dr.  Reid  proposes  to  add  itnmo 
before  iustas,  so  as  to  make  the  clause  a 
contrast,  '  plausible,  or  rather  just.' 

par  pari  respondeatur']  This  phrase 
ought  to  mean  '  to  give  tit  for  tat,' 
cp  par  pro  pari  referto  in  Ter.  Eun.  445, 
quoted  in  Fam.  i.  9.  19  (153)  ;  but 
Atticus  seems  to  have  used  it  in  the  sense 
of  '  to  pay  in  full '  (twenty  shillings  in  the 
pound,  as  we  should  say).  In  Att.  vi.  1.  22 


406 


EP.  783  (ATT.  XVI.  7). 


OTW  est  propter  metum  armorum.'  In  freto  medio  hanc  epistulam 
legi,  ut  quid  possem  providere  in  mentem  mihi  non  venirer  nisi 
quod  praesens  me  ipse  defenderem.  Sed  haec  hactenus.  Reliqui 
coram.  7.  Antoni  edictum  legi  fab  utro  etf  horum  contra  scri] 
turn  praeclare.  Sed  quid  ista  edicta  valeant  aut  quo  spectenl 
plane  non  video,  nee  ego  nunc,  ut  Brutus  censebat,  istuc  ad  rei 
publicam  capessendam  venio.  Quid  enim  fieri  potest?  Nui 
quis  Pisoni  est  adsensus  ?  Num  rediit  ipse  postridie  ?  Sed  abes 
hanc  aetatem  longe  a  sepulcro  negant  oportere.  8.  Sed  obsecn 
te,  quid. est  quod  audivi  de  Bruto  ?  Piliam  ireipdZtaOai  irapa 
te  scripsisse  aiebat.  Valde  sum  commotus  :  etsi  idem  te  scribere 
sperare  melius.  Ita  plane  velim,  et  et  dicas  plurimam  salutem  et 
suavissimae  Atticae.  Haec  scripsi  navigans,  cum  ad  Pompeianum 
accederem,  xim  Kal. 


252),  Cicero  uses  the  expression  about  an 
exchange  of  letters,  '  I  have  sent  you  not 
gold  for  brass,  as  you  asked  me,  but  a  fair 
return  for  what  I  got  from  you.'  The  use  of 
defenderem  in  the  next  sentence  suggests, 
indeed,  that  Atticus  may  have  used  the 
phrase  in  its  usual  sense  of  giving  tit  for 
tat,  and  the  fact  that  he  used  the  word 
debetur  of  persons  to  whom  Cicero  might 
« owe  a  grudge '  may  have  suggested  to 
him  to  use  the  term  Suo-xp^^Tm  in  a 
jocular  sense,  '  it  is  very  hard  to  settle 
old  scores,  now  that  everyone  is  expecting 
an  outbreak  of  civil  war.'  But  the  former 
view  is  much  to  be  preferred. 

Su<rxpT?0'Ti'a]  'money  is  wonderfully 
tight,'  lit.  '  there  is  difficulty  in  borrow- 
ing.' This  was  due  to  the  panic  which 
broke  out  after  Antony  had  succeeded  in 
passing  the  law  depriving  Decimus  of 
Cisalpine  Gaul,  the  law  called  de  permu- 
tations provindarum  by  Livy,  Epit.  117. 

freto  medio}  *  in  the  middle  of  the 
straits'  (of  Messina):  cp.  775.  1.  Or 
could  it  mean  'in  mid- voyage,'  like  in 
medio  man,  Att.  v.  12.  3  (202)  ?  But  we 
cannot  quote  a  Ciceronian  parallel  for 
f return  =  mare :  and  Cicero  is  here  men- 
tioning this  letter  of  Atticus  as  one  of  the 
reasons  which  decided  him  to  turn  his 
face  homewards. 

ut  quid  .  .  .  defenderem]  '  so  that  I  did 
not  know  what  "provision  I  could  make," 
except  to  be  on  the  spot  (i.e.  in  Rome) 
for  my  own  defence.'  Atticus  had 
used  the  word  provide,  '  make  provision.' 
Dr.  Reid  wishes  to  alter  to  defenders 
•vellem,  retaining  nisi  quod  of.  M,  and  com- 


paring for  the  collocation  Att.  ii.   1.   Ill 
(27) ;  xi.  6.  6  (418).     See  Adn.  Grit. 

7.  t«i  utro  et'f  horum']  This  is  usually1 
altered  to  a  Bruto  *  *  et  horum  ?   We  may; 
suppose  that  ^acceptum  et   a    Cassio>  or 
something  of  the  kind  has  dropped  out.t 
Dr.    Reid    ingeniously   suggests    et    ab- 
utroque  horum.    The  usual  reading  marks 
no  lacuna,  and  supposes  sumptum  to  bej 
understood :  cp.  sive  a  Moneta  .  .  .  sive  ab\ 
Oppiis,  Att.  viii.  7.  3  (338) ;  sed  haec  et 
vetera   et  a  Graecis,    Tusc.  i.    74.     The 
edict  of  Brutus  and  Cassius  is  Ep.  782 J 
Cicero,  no  doubt,  received  it  from  Brutus.] 
at  Velia. 

Pisoni]  '  did  anyone  agree  with  Piso  ' 
when  he  spoke  in  the  senate  on  August 
1st?  cp.  Phil.  i.  10,  14. 

Num  rediit]  '  did  he  come  to  the  senate  i 
again  the  next  day  ?  * 

sed  abesse  .  .  .  oportere]  '  But  it  is  a] 
saying  that  a  man  of  my  age  (i.e.  an  oldj 
man)  should  not  be  far  from  where  he  ^ 
means  to  lay  his  bones.' 

8.  audivi   de   Uruto]      'I  heard   from 
Brutus' :  cp.  Att.  i.  11.  2  (7);  Fam.  xi.  i 
12.  2  (863).     In  this  sense  ex  and  ab  are  3 
more  usual.     We  have  both  ex  and  a  in  j 
Fam.  x.  28.  3  (819),  ilia  cognosces  ex  aliis, 
a  me  pauca  et  summatim. 

TT  f  i p d£ea6at  irapa\vo'ei]  '  has  had 
an  attack  of  paralysis,'  Greek  terms  being  • 
employed,  as  usual,  in  reference  to  medical 
matters.     See  vol.  i3.  86,  note. 

etsi  idem]     sc.  aiebat. 

dicas]  governed  by  velim.  Baiter 
adds  ei. 

ad  Pompeianum  accederem]     We  must 


EP.  784  (FAM.  XL  27) 


407 


784.     CICERO  TO  MATIUS  (FAM.  xi.  27). 

TUSCULUM  ;    AUGUST  (END)  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  J    B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  62. 

Questus  erat  Matius  accusari  se  a  Cicerone  cum  quod  legi  de  permutatione  provin- 
ciarum,  ut  videtur,  suffragatus  esset,  turn  etiam  quod  ludos  Caesari  mortuo  ab  Octaviano 
datos  curasset. 

[M.]  CICERO  MATIO  SAL. 

1.  Nondum  satis  constitui  molestiaene  plus  an  voluptatis 
attulerit  mihi  Trebatius  noster,  homo  cum  plenus  offici,  turn 
utri usque  nostrum  amantissimus  :  nam  cum  in  Tusculanum  vesperi 
venissem,  postridie  ille  ad  me,  nondum  satis  firmo  corpore  cum 
esset,  mane  venit ;  quern  cum  obiurgarem  quod  parum  valetudini 
parceret,  turn  ille,  nihil  sibi  longius  fuisse  quam  ut  me  videret. 


add  a  preposition,  as  the  writer  is  Cicero. 
We  cannot  suppose  that  its  function  is 
discharged  by  the  preposition  with  which 
the  verb  is  compounded,  a  construction 
that  was  used  by  Varro,  Nepos,  and 
Sallust,  but  not  by  Cicero  or  Caesar. 
Dr.  Reid  says  that  names  of  villas  like 
Pompeianum  always  have  a  preposition 
attached  to  them  in  Cicero  ;  and  he 
would  insert  <  in  >.  But  ad  would  be 
better:  he  did  not  sail  into  the  grounds 
of  his  villa,  but  only  to  them.  Miiller 
adds  <prope>.  In  Att.  i.  14. 5  (20)  rostra 
Cato  advolat  Wesenberg  adds  in,  and  the 
Thesaurus  ad. 

Not  much  more  is  known  of  Matius 
than  is  to  be  gathered  from  this  and  the 
following  letter.  He  was  born  about 
84,  and  died  about  4  B.C.  :  cp.  Plin. 
H.  N.  xii.  13,  Primus  C.  Matius  ex 
equestri  ordine,  divi  Augusti  amicus,  in- 
venit  nemora  tonsilia  ('clipped  shrub- 
beries ')  intra  hos  LXXX  annos.  Writing 
to  Trebatius  in  53  Cicero  says,  Fam. 
vii.  15.  2  (174),  cum  vero  in  C.  Mati, 
suavissimi  doctissimique  hominis,  familiar  i- 
tatem  renisti,  non  did  potest  quam  valde 
gaudeam :  qui  fac  ut  te  quam  maxime 
diligat :  mihi  crede,  nihil  ex  ista  provincia 
potes  quod  iucundius  sit  deportare.  He 
and  Trebatius  wrote  a  letter  to  Cicero  in 
March  49,  viz.  Att.  ix.  15.  6  (373), 
describing  Caesar's  movements  :  cp. 
below,  §  3.  Cicero  (707.  1  ;  712.  3)  calls 
him  Calvena,  and  (704.  2)  Madarns  = 
s,  'bald.'  He  appears  to  have 


been  a  highly  cultivated  man.  Apollo- 
dorus  of  Pergamum  dedicated  his  Manual 
of  Rhetoric  to  him  (Quintil.  iii.  1.  18). 
In  his  later  years  he  wrote  a  work  on 
gastronomy,  cp.  Columella  xii.  4.  2, 
turn  demum  nostri  generis postquam  a  belli* 
otiumfuit  quasi  quoddam  tributum  victui 
humano  conferre  non  dedignati  sunt  M. 
Ambivius  et  Menus  Lidnius,  turn  etiam 
C.  Ma  tins,  quibus  sludium  fuit  pistoris 
et  cod  nee  minus  cellarii  diligentiam  suis 
praeceptis  instituere:  cp.  xii.  44.  1,  UK 
(sc.  C.  Matio)  propositum  fuit  urbnnas 
tnensas  et  lauta  convivia  instruere.  Libras 
tres  edidit,  quos  inscripsit  nominibus  Cod 
et  Cellarii  et  Salgamarii.  Teuffel- 
Schwabe,  §  208.  6,  notices  that  minutal 
Matianum  (hachis  a  la  Matius)  was 
named  after  him  (Apic.  iv.  174) ;  also 
the  mala  Matiana  (Colum.  v.  10.  19  ; 
xii.  45.  5;  Plin.  H.  N.  xv.  49). 

Professor  Palmer  argued  with  consider- 
able force  that  the  Catius  of  Hor.  Sat.  ii. 
4  is  none  other  than  this  very  C.  Matius. 

1.  Trebatius']  He  became  a  friend  of 
Matius  when  both  were  in  Gaul  serving 
under  Caesar  :  cp.  introductory  note. 

plenus  offi,d~\     '  serviceable.' 

nihil  sibi  longius  fuisse}  '  that  there 
was  nothing  he  was  more  impatiently  wait- 
ing for  than  to  see  me.'  Cicero  uses  this 
expression  in  two  other  passages  with 
videri,  Rnbir.  Post.  35  ;  Verr.  iv.  39.  A 
very  similar  use  is  found  in  Phil.  v. 
init.,  nihil  unquam  longius  ('more  im- 
patiently waited  for ')  his  Kalendis  lanu- 
ariis  mihi  visitm  e*t. 


408 


JSP.  784  (FAM.  XL  27). 


*  Numquidnarn  '  inquam  '  novi  ?  '  Detulit  ad  me  querelam  tuai 
de  qua  prius  quam  respondeo  pauca  proponam.  2.  Quantui 
memoria  repetere  praeterita  possum,  nemo  est  mihi  te  ami< 
antiquior ;  sed  vestustas  habet  aliquid  commune  cum  multis,  am< 
non  habet :  dilexi  te  quo  die  cognovi,  meque  a  te  diligi  iudica^ 
THUS  deinde  discessus  isque  diuturnus,  ambitio  nostra  et  vil 
dissimilitudo  non  est  passa  voluntates  nostras  consuetudine  coi 
glutinari ;  tuum  tamen  erga  me  animum  adgnovi  multis  annis  ante 
bellum  civile,  cum  Caesar  esset  in  Gallia  :  quod  enim  vehementer 
mihi  utile  esse  putabas  nee  inutile  ipsi  Caesari,  perfecisti  ut  ille 
me  diligeret,  coleret,  haberet  in  suis.  Multa  praetereo  quae 
temporibus  illis  inter  nos  familiarissime  dicta,  scripta,  communi- 
cata  sunt  :  graviora  enim  consecuta  sunt.  3.  Et  initio  belli  civilis 
cum  Brundisium  versus  ires  ad  Caesarem,  venisti  ad  me  ii 
Formianum.  Primum  hoc  ipsum  quanti,  praesertim  temporibu( 
illis  !  deinde  oblitum  me  putas  consili,  sermonis,  human itatis  tuae? 
quibus  rebus  interesse  memiui  Trebatium.  Nee  vero  sum  oblitul 
litterarum  tuarum  quas  ad  me  misisti  cum  Caesari  obviam  veuisses 


Numquidnam  .  .  .  novi'?']  <;p.  Plane.  65, 
cum  ex  me  quidam  quaesis&et  quo  die  Roma 
cxissem  et  numquidnam  esset  novi. 

proponani]  '  I  shall  set  a  few  points 
before  you.' 

2.  repetere  praeterita]  cp.  the  reading 
of  some  MSS.  mentioned  by  Junius  in 
744.  2  praeterita  repeti. 

vetustas~]  *  the  length  of  o'.ir  friend- 
ship we  have  in  common  with  many,  not 
so  the  warmth  of  its  affection.  Vetustas 
is  very  common  in  this  sense  in  the 
letters  :  cp.  note  to  684.  2. 

discessus']  This  must  have  heen  long 
before  53,  when  Matius  was  in  Gaul. 
Cicero's  career  of  office  (ambitio}  may 
be  said  to  have  concluded  with  his  con- 
sulship. Probably  Cicero  is  referring  to 
a  journey  which  Matius,  when  a  young 
man,  made  into  Greece  and  Asia  for  pur- 
poses  of  study.  For  tuns  deinde  discessus, 
cp.  Pis.  21,  discessu  turn  meo  ;  Ter.  Andr. 
175,  eri  semper  lenitas:  Off.  ii.  20  bene 
meritorum  saepe  civium  cxpulsiones. 

consuetudine  conglutinari~]  'to  be  cemen- 
ted by  continued  intercourse.'  Dr.  Reid, 
on  Lael.  32,  notices  that  Cicero  is  ex- 
tremely fond  of  this  metaphor.  He  quotes, 
in  addition  to  this  passage,  De  Orat.  i. 
188;  De  Senect.  72  ;  Phil.  iii.  28  ;  Att.  i. 
17.  10  (23)  ;  vii.  8. 1  (299). 

perfecisti  ut   ille  .  .  .  in  suis]     '  suc- 


ceeded in  making  him  regard  me,  respeofl 
me,  and  reckon  me  among  his  acquaint-! 
ances.' 

Multa  .  .  .  sunt]  *  I  pass  over  all  ouM 
friendly  conversation,  correspondence,  and 
intercourse  at  that  time  \  for  more  im- 
portant matters  followed.'  M  and  D  hav<| 
communicata  sint,  H  has  communicatm 
sunt.  The  words  temporibus  illis  made 
the  relative  sentence  refer  to  specials 
actual  instances  of  intercourse :  accord*! 
ingly  we  require  the  indicative. 

3.  Et~\  We  have  retained  the  MSS 
reading  with  "Wesenberg,  though  Orelli'u 
alteration  to  Etenim  is  tempting.  WesenJ 
berg  supposes  that  there  is  an  anacoluthon  J 
et  meaning  'both, 'and  the  correlative! 
clause  being  secutum  illud  tempus. 

Brundisium  versus"]  With  the  names  of] 
towns  versus  can  be  used  without  another! 
prep.,  Roby,  2176. 

in  Formianuni]  cp.  Att.  ix.  11.  2(367)1 
Venit  etiam  ad  me  Matius  QuinquatribtisA 
homo  mehercule,  ut  mihi  visus  est,  tempe-\ 
ratus  et  prudens  ;  existimatus  quidem  est* 
semper  auctor  oti.  .  .  .  Matius  quidem  et 
ilium  (sc.   Caesarem)  in  ea  sententia  esse 
confidebat  et  se  auctorem  fore  pollicebatur.    \ 

quanti]  « in  the  first  place,  how  valu- 
able this  was-  to  me,  especially  at  those 
times ! ' 

litterarum    tuarutn]       Watson    thinks 


EP.  78b  (FAM.  XL  27). 


409 


Jin  agro,  ut  arbitror,  Trebulauo.    4.  Secutura  illud  terapus  est  cum 

oie  ad  Pompeium  proficisci  sive  pudor  meus  coegit  sive  officium 
Live  fortuna :  quod  officium  tuum,  quod  stadium  vel  in  absentem 

me  vel  in  praesentis  meos  defuit  ?  quern  porro  omnes  mei  et  mihi 
Ipt  sibi  te  amiciorem  iudicaverunt  ?  Veni  Brundisium  :  oblitumne 
I  me  putas  qua  celeritate,  ut  primum  audieris,  ad  me  Toronto 
ladvolaris  ?  quae  tua  fuerit  adsessio,  oratio,  confirmatio  animi  mei 
Jjfracti  communium  miseriarum  metu  ?  Tandem  aliquando  Komae 
base  coepimus:  quid  defuit  nostrae  familiaritati  P  5.  In  maximis 
h-ebus  quonam  modo  gererem  me  adversus  Caesarem  usus  tuo 
honsilio  sum,  in  reliquis  officio :  oui  tu  tribuisti,  excepto  Caesare, 
Ipraeter  me  ut  domum  ventitares  horasque  multas  saepe  suavissimo 
Isermone  consumeres  ?  turn  cum  etiam,  si  meministi,  ut  liaec 
UiAoCTo^ov^tva  scriberem  tu  me  inpulisti.  Post  Caesaris  reditum, 

quid  tibi  maiori  curae  fuit  quam  ut  essem  ego  illi  quam  familia- 
Bpsimus  ?  quod  effeceras.  6.  Quorsum  igitur  haec  oratio  longior 

quam  putaram  ?  quia  sum  admiratus  te,  qui  haec  nosse  deberes, 
[quicquam  a  me  commissum  quod  esset  alien um  nostra  amicitia 


that  this  letter  is  that  of  Matins  and  Tre- 

itius  which  is   annexed  to  Att.  ix.   15 

'373).     It   so,  probably   the  facts   with 

rhich    they  acquainted  Cicero  were   so 

elpf  ul  to  him  that  he  always  remembered 

rith    gratitude    their    writing  to    him. 

jCaesar  was    returning  from  Brundisium 

tto  Rome  at  that  time. 

Trebulano]  a  little  north  of  Capua, 
[[between  it  and  Allitae  (Leg.  Agr.  ii.  66). 
The  Trebulanum  where  Pontius  lived,  cp. 
'cp.  Att.  v.  2.  1  (185),  is  considered  by 
'Mommsen  on  C.  I.  L.  x.  p.  442,  to  be  a 
different  place,  lying  between  Pompeii 
'and  Beneventum.  But  this  is  not  quite 
rtain  :  see  note  to  185.  1. 
4.  sive  pudor  ,  .  .  fortuna]  '  whether 
jit  was  my  feeling  of  shame  compelled 
•me,  or  my  sense  of  duty,  or  mere 
chance'  :  cp.  Fam.vi.  6.  6  (488);  vii.  3. 
1  (464). 

praesentis]  '  who  remained  with  you  : 
in  antithesis  to  absens,  also  in  Fain.  i.  oat 
3(99),  me  tibi  absenti  tuisque  praesentibus 
cumulate  satixfacturum. 

oblitumne~\  '  Do  you  think  that  I  am 
forgetful  of  the  rapidity,  &c.  ?'  For  the 
perf.  subj.  after  the  perl',  oblilus  =  'have 
forgotten  and  are  still  forgetful  of,'  Andr. 
compares  Caelius,  Fam.  viii.  6.  2  (242), 
Quid  eyo  tibi  scripserim  te  non  arbitror 


oblitum.     He  also  compares  a  similar  con- 
struction with  intellexi,  634.  1. 

quae  tua  fuerit  adsessio]  '  how  you  sat 
beside  me,  talked  to  me,  and  roused  my 
courage,  crushed  as  it  was  by  the  dread 
of  the  miseries  which  impended  over  us 
all.'  Cicero  affects  such  verbal  nouns  in 
-to,  e.g.  Fam.  iv.  3.  2  (494),  amissio, 
desperutlo',  iv.  4.  5  (495),  mansio,  decessio  : 
cp.  Stinner,  p.  7. 

5.  In  maximis  .    .    .  ofticio]      '  In  the 
most  important  matters,  in  regulating  my 
conduct  towards  Caesar  I  had  the  advan- 
tage of   your  advice,  in  the   rest  of  my 
actions,  of  your  kind  attentions '  (which 
you  showed  by  using  your  influence  with 
Caesar  on  behalf  of  me  and  my  friends). 

cui  tribuisti  .  .  .  ut]  *  To  whom  did  you 
ever  pay  the  compliment  of  ?'  (Jeans). 

<f>i\offo(f>ov/j.fva]  i.e.  the  Acade- 
mica,  De  Finibus,  and,  perhaps,  the  Tusc. 
Disp. 

Post  Caesaris  reditum"]  sc.  from  Spain 
in  45. 

effeccras]  '  you  at  once  effected  '—in- 
stantaneous piuperf. :  cp.  Liv.  vi.  38.  9 
and  Koby  1492.  Or  it  may  be  '  had 
effected,'  *  had  been  successful  in,'  before 
Caesar  met  his  death. 

6.  Quorsum  .  .  .  qitia~\  For  this  colloca- 
tion, cp.  DeSenect.  13;  44;  Lael.  42. 


410 


EP.  784  (FAM.  XL  27), 


credidisse  :  nam  praeter  liaec  quae  comraemoravi,  quae  testata 
sunt  et  inlustria,  habeo  multa  oooultiora  quae  vix  verbis  exsequi 
possum.  Omnia  me  tua  delectant,  sed  maxime  maxima  ci 
fides  in  amicitia,  consilium,  gravitas,  constantia,  turn  lepos,  hu- 
manitas,  litterae.  Quapropter  redeo  nunc  ad  querelam.  7. 
te  suffragium  tulisse  in  ilia  lege  primuru  non  credidi ;  deinde, 


quae  textatn  sunt  et  inlustria}  '  which 
are  well  attested  and  famous.' 

occultiora]  '  less  obvious  cases  which 
it  is  difficult  to  express  clearly  in  words,' 
lit.  '  to  follow  out  in  words '  :  for 
exsequi  cp.  Liv.  xxix.  17,  17. 

sed  maxime  maxima]  '  but  most  signally 
your  very  signal  loyalty  in  friendship,  your 
judgment,  dignity,  consistency ;  further 
your  charm,  culture,  and  learning.' 

7.  lege]  What  is  this  law?  It  is 
difficult  to  believe  that  it  is  Caesar's  law 
de  pecuniis  miituis  passed  in  49  :  cp. 
Caes.  B.  C.  iii.  1  ;  or  the  cognate  lex  de 
modo  credendi  possidendique  intra  Italiam, 
passed  in  47  :  cp.  note  to  785.  2.  In  the 
exciting  times  during  which  this  letter  was 
written,  such  a  reference  would,  indeed, 
have  been  to  ancient  history  ;  and  there 
could  not  have  been  any  doubt  after  so 
many  years  as  to  the  way  in  which  Matius 
gave  his  vote  on  those  occasions.  It  has 
been  argued  that  the  law  referred  to  here 
must  be  the  same  as  the  law  referred  to 
by  Matius  in  785.  2,  atque  etiam  res 
ftimiliaris  mea  lege  Caesaris  demimita  est, 
but  there  is  no  necessity  that  it  should  be 
so.  The  first  five  sections  of  the  letter  of 
Matins  are  a  general  defence  of  his 
position  as  in  the  main  a  partisan  of 
Caesar,  though  he  did  not  approve  of 
all  Caesar's  actions.  He  incidentally 
points  out  that  his  partisanship  was  not 
interested,  inasmuch  as  he  thereby  suffered 
in  property.  He  makes  no  direct  refe- 
rence to  the  charge  urged  by  Cicero,  viz. 
that  he  was  stated  to  have  voted  fora  law 
which  was  violently  opposed  to  the 
interests  of  the  aristocrats  ;  but  he  tacitly 
allows  that  he  did  so  (§  5).  He  adds,  that 
he  has  taken  the  side  of  the  opponents  of 
the  murderers,  for  he  could  have  no  con- 
nexion with  men  who  are  criminals 
(mihique,  si  sentis  expedire  recte  Jieri, 
credas  mtllam  communionem  cum  improbis 
esse  posse).  This  very  frank  statement  is 
a  decided  expression  of  hostility  to  the 
party  of  Brutus  and  Cassius,  who  were 
so  violently  opposed  to  Antony.  The  law 
then  probably  was  one  in  which  Antony 
was  interested. 


The  date  of  this  letter  is  the  latter  end 
of  August :  cp.  note  to  785.  5.  The  law 
about  the  provinces,  called  by  Livy 
(Epit.  117)  lex  de  permutatione  provin- 
ciaritm — whereby  Antony  succeeded  in 
obtaining,  along  with  the  command  of  the 
Macedonian  legions,  the  province  of 
Gallia  Cisalpina,  and,  perhaps,  part  ofj 
Gallia  Transalpina,  in  place  of  Macedonia, 
which  was  to  be  transferred  to  Decimusl 
Brutus  without  any  army — though  pro- 
jected by  Antony  and  regarded  with 
apprehension  by  the  aristocrats  as  early] 
as  May  (cp.  734. 1 ;  737.  3),  was  probably 
not  passed  until  after  the  Ludi  Victoria^ 
Caesaris  (Appian  B.  C.  iii.  28  and  30), 
held  at  the  end  of  July,  but  was  certainly] 
passed  before  September  2nd  (Phil.  i.  8)  ; 
cp.  Ferrero  iii.  90.  It  seems  to  havai 
been  promulgated  in  July,  and  passed  ini 
August.  Groebe  (De  legibus  et  senatut\ 
consnltis  anni  710,  pp.  8  ff. :  cp.  his  ed.  of 
Drumann,  i.  435),  indeed,  places  it  as 
early  as  the  latter  half  of  June,  but  on 
insufficient  grounds.  By  this  law  Antony 
obtained  a  very  strong  military  position! 
as  well  as  the  command  of  the  Macedonian 
legions  (cp.  0.  E.  Schmidt,  Die  letzten 
Kdmpfe,  p.  718),  that  is  of  the  legioni 
which  Caesar  had  sent  forward  to  Mace« 
donia  in  his  preparations  for  the  Parthian 
war  ;  and  it  was  doubtless  this  feature 
of  the  law  which  aroused  the  most  violent 
excitement.  The  determined  hostility  of 
the  aristocrats  to  this  law  (cp.  App.  B.  Oj 
iii.  30,  bpp(i>5ovfft)S  iravv  rrjs  0ov\T)s  :  th* 
whole  chapter  is  well  worth  reading) 
would  necessarily  render  any  connexio^ 
between  them  and  a  supporter  of  the  lair 
impossible.  Matius  voted  for  it  in  the 
interests  of  order;  and  he  had  good  reason 
to  do  so,  as  there  was  grave  danger  that 
unless  the  law  were  passed,  and  Antony 
entrusted  with  the  command  of  these 
legions,  they  would  break  out  into  acti 
of  violence  (Dio  xlvi.  24,  25,  and  Schmidt, 
1.  c.).  Matius  frankly  confesses  that 
wants  to  have  no  further  connexion  with 
men  who  are  criminals,  that  his  own 
conscience  is^satisfied,  and  that  posterity 


EP.  78b  (FAM.  XL  27}.  411 


1  credidissem,  numquam  id  sine  aliqua  iusta  causa  existimarem  te 

fecisse.     Dignitas  tua  facit  ut  animadvertatur  quicquid    facias; 

malevolentia  autem   hominum  ut  non    nulla  durius  quam  a   te 

facta  sint   proferantur ;  ea  tu  si    non  audis,  quid  dicam  nescio  ; 

iequidem,  si  quando  audio,  tarn  defendo  quam  me  scio  a  te  contra 

liniquos  meos  solere  defendi.     Defensio   autem  est   duplex :  alia 

isunt  quae  liquido  negare  soleam,  ut  de  isto  ipso  suffragio ;  alia, 

iquaedefendam  a  te  pie  fieri  et  humane,  ut  de  curatione  ludorum. 

3.  Sed  te,  hominem  doctissimum,  non  fugit,  si  Caesar  rex  fuerit — 

[uod  mihi  quidem  videtur — in  utramque   partem  de   tuo  officio 

lisputari  posse,  vel  in  earn  qua  ego   soleo  uti,  laudandam  esse 

idem  et  humanitatem  tuam  qui  amicum  etiam  mortuum  diligas, 

el  in  earn  qua  non  nulli  utuntur,  libertatem  patriae  vitae  amici 

inteponendam.     Ex  his  sermonibus  utinam  essent  delatae  ad  te 

lisputationes  meae !     Ilia  vero  duo,  quae  maxima  sunt  laudum 

uarum,  quis  aut  libentius  quam  ego  commemorat  aut  saepius  ?  te 

t  non  suscipiendi    belli    civilis  gravissimum  auctorem  fuisse  et 

Qoderandae  victoriae,  in   quo  qui  mihi  non  adsentiretur   iuveni 

leminem.     Qua  re  habeo  gratiam  Trebatio,  familiari  nostro,  qui 

nihi  dedit  causam  harum  litterarum,  quibus  nisi  credideris,  me 

nil  judge  which  of  the  two  parties  is  in  Diet.  Antiq.  s.  v.).     This  action  of  Matius 

"le  right.  had  not  commended  itself  to  Cicero  :  cp. 

That  the  law  referred  to  is  the  so-called  732. 3,  Ludorumque  eius  (Octavi}  apparatus 

v  de  permutatione  provinciarum  is  held  et  Matius  ac  Postumus  mihi  procurators- 

j  Andresen,  Euete  (p.   30),  and  0.  E.  nonplacent.  For  defendere  with  accusative 

chmidt.     Bardt  thinks  that,  as  we  can-  and  infinitive,  cp.  Att.  iv.  3.2(92);  Ligar. 

ot  rely  on  Appian  in  matters  of  chrono-  6  ;   Clu.  43. 
3gy,  the  question  is  insoluble.  8.  in  utramque  par  tern"]    'your  conduct 

Vignitas]     For  this  idea,  Andr.  quotes  can    be    criticized    from   two    points  of 

'am.  iii.  11.  1   (265),  sed  nihil  de  insig-  view.'     For  the  phrase  cp.  756;  762.  1, 

ibus   ad   laudem   viris    obscure  nuntiari  and  often. 
)let.  Ilia]     On  ilia  referring  to    what   fol- 

malevolentia  .  .  .proferantur]     '  and  an  lows,  cp.  Dr.  Reid  on  Acad.  i.  3.  22;  ii. 

ncharitable    world    sometimes   gives    a  116. 

arsher  interpretation  than  your  conduct          quae  maxima  .   .  .   tuarum~]     For   th» 

as  warranted.'     This  is  the  rendering  of  neut.  superlative  with  a  genitive  of  dif- 

[r.  Jeyes  in  his  generally  excellent  trans-  ferent  gender,  Andr.   compares  Att.  iii. 

ition  of  the  Fifth  Part  of  Mr.  Watson's  7.  3  (63),  id  est  maximum  et  miserrimum 

dition.  mearum  omnium  miseriarum. 

liquido  negare~\     'to  give  a  flat  denial  te  .  .  .  civilis]    cp.  Att.  ix.  11.  2  (367), 

}.*     For   liquido,    cp.    Fam.    xv.    6.    1  quoted  in  §  3. 
118} .  quibus  .  .  .    iudicaris]     M  has   exper ; 

alia  .  .  .  ludorum']  '  other  things  which  HD   expers.     The    editors    rightly    read 

maintain  have  been  done  by  you  from  expertem.     It   is   one   of   the  failings  of 

lOtives  of  affection  and  kindliness,  as,  for  copyists  of  MBS.  that  they  sometimes  write 

sample,the  superintendence  of  the  games.'  only  the  first  few  letters  of  a  word  ;  e.g. 

hese  were  the  Ludi  Victoriae  Caesaris  or  ex  possibly  for  exquisitae  in  Fam.  ix.  20.  2 

reneris  Genetricis  vowed  by  Caesar  at  the  (475),  and  in  Fam.  x.  29  (911)  M  has  ben 

attle  of  Pharsalia  (C.  I.  L.  i.  397,  and  for   benevokntia.     For  the  future  perfect 


412  JSP.  785  (ATT.  XL  28). 

oranis    offiei    et    humanitatis   expertem    iudioaris ;  quo  nee  mihill 
gravius  quicquam  potest  esse  nee  te  alienius. 


785.    MATIUS  TO  CICEEO    (Air.  XL  28). 

AN  ANSWER  TO  THE  FOREGOING  LETTER. 

ROME  J    AUGUST  (END)  ;    A.  U.  C.  710  ;  B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  62. 

Matins  respondet  superior!  Ciceronis  epistulae  et  purgare  se  studet  propter  iniquor 
um  indicium. 

MATIUS  CICERONI  SAL. 

1.  Magnam    voluptatem    ex    tuis   litteris   cepi,   quod    quan 
speraram  atque  optaram  habere  te  de  me  opinionem  cognovi ;  d 
qua  etsi  non  dubitabam,  tamen,  quia  raaximi  aestimabam,  ut  in 
corrupta  maneret  laborabam.     Conscius  autem  mihi  eram  nihil 
me  commissum  esse  quod  boni  cuiusquam  offenderet  animum  : 
minus  credebam  plurimis  atque  optimis  artibus  ornato  tibi  temer 
quicquam  persuaderi  potuisse,  praesertim  in  quern  mea  propensi 
et  perpetua  fuisset  atque  esset  benevolentia  ;  quod   quoniam,  u 
volui,  scio  esse,  respondebo  criminibus  quibus  tu  pro  me,  ut  pq 
erat  tua   singular!  bonitate   et  amicitia   nostra,  saepe    restitist: 

in  both  clauses  of  a  conditional  sentence,  high  accomplishments,  could   be  hastil 

cp.  Fam.  x.   19.  2  (879),   Qui  enim  An-  persuaded  of   anything,  especially  whe 

ionium  oppresserit  is  hoc  helium  confecerit ;  you  are  one  towards  whom  I  have  fell 

Phil.  xii.  13,  Anille  non  vicerit  si  quacun-  and  still  feel,  a  spontaneous  and  lastin 

que    condicione  in   hanc  urbem  cum   suis  attachment.' 
venerit  ?  tit  par  erat  tua  singulari  bonitate]    Fo 

nee  te  alienius}     D  inserts  a  before  te,  this  rare  construction,  like  that  of  dignuvK 

which  is  certainly  a  more  usual  construe-  cp.  De  Div.  ii.    114,  ita  tit  constantib* 

tion.     But  the  simple  ablative  has  been  hominibus  par  erat ;  Sail.  Hist.  iv.   \( 

already  used  in  this  letter  :  cp.  §  6.     Dr.  scalas    pares   moeniutn   altitudine.'    Ovi 

Reid  on  Acad.  ii.  25,  says:   "  alienus  has  Fast.  vi.  804,  in  qua  par  fades  nobilitat 

four  constructions  in  Cicero,  viz.  dative,  sua  est.     It  need  not  cause  offence,  as  th 

as   here;  genitive,  as    in    Acad.  i.  42:  writer  is  Matius,  not  Cicero.  If,  howevei 

ablative,  with  ab;  ablative,  without  ab.  anyone  is  dissatisfied  with  it,  he  may  (1 

The  last  is  much  the  rarest,  and  is  given  take  tua  singulari  bonitate  as  an  ablativi 

by  our  MSS  in  some  passages  where  it  is  of  manner,  '  considering  your  great  good 

probably  not  genuine."  ness,'  and  compare  note  to  Fam.  v.  8. 

(131)  ;  or  (2)  as  an  ablative  of  cause,  '  b 
reason  of  your  remarkable  kindliness ' 

For  Matius,  see  introductory  note  to  cp.  Kritz  on  Sail.  Cat.  2.  9,  for  example 

the  preceding  letter.  of  words  which  generally  take  the  dative 

1.  incorrupta"]  'unimpaired.'  but  have  sometimes  the  causal  ablativ< 

eo  .  .  .  benevolentia']    '  On  that  account  e.g.  assuctus  ;  or  (3)  he  may,  with  Di 

1  was    less   able    to   believe    that  you,  Reid,  understand  or  supply  te,  so  that  tb, 

endowed  as  you  are  with  such  varied  and  sense  shall  be  ut  par   erat   te   tua 


EP.  785  (ATT.  XL 


413 


!&.  Nota  enim  mihi  sunt  quae  in  me  post  Caesaris  mortem  contule- 
•int :  vitio  mihi  dant  quod  mortem  hominisnecessari  graviter  fero 
itque  eum  quern  dilexi  perisse  indignor;  aiunt  enim  patriam 
imicitiae  praeponendam  esse,  proinde  ac  si  iam  vicerint  obitum 
jius  rei  publicae  fuisse  utilem.  Sed  non  agam  astute  :  fateor  ma 
id  istum  gradum  sapientiae  non  pervenisse  ;  neque  enim  Caesarem 
in  dissensione  civili  sum  secutus  sed  amicum,  quamquam  re 
)ffendebar,  tamen  non  deserui,  neque  bellum  umquam  civile  aut 
itiuni  causam  dissensionis  probavi,  quam  etiamnascentemexstingui 
j.iiimme  studui.  Itaque  in  victoria  hominis  necessari  neque  honoris 
tieque  pecuniae  dulcedine  sum  captus,  quibus  praemiis  reliqui^ 
minus  apud  eum  quam  ego  cum  possent,  inmoderate  sunt  abusi. 
i^tque  etiam  res  familiaris  mea  lege  Caesaris  deminuta  est,  cuius 
beneficio  plerique  qui  Caesaris  morte  laetantur  remanserunt  in  civi- 
•ate.  Civibus  victisut  parceretur  aeque  ac  pro  mea  salute  laboravi. 
I.  Possum  igitur,  qui  omnis  voluerirn  incolumis,  eum,  a  quo  id  irupe- 
;raturn  est,  perisse  nonindignari?  cum  praesertirn  iidem  homines  illi 
invidiae  etexitio  fuerint.  i  Plecteris  ergo,'  inquiunt,  *  quoniarn 


?,  and  take  the  ablatives  as  quali- 
re.  The  Palatine  M.S.  D  has  pro  tua, 
;h  Lamb,  had  conjectured. 
Nota  enim']  cp.  784.  7.  For  this 
ransitional  enim,  which  is  something  like 
»ur  '  well,'  Andr.  compares  Att.  i.  16,  1 
22).  The  verb  should  regularly  be 
ontulerunt,  but  the  construction  is  a 
ombination  of  nota  sunt  quae  conlulerunt 
j.nd  no  turn  est  quae  contulerint :  cp.  Phil. 
'i.  1,  audita  vobis  esse  arbitror  quae  sint 
\tcta  :  Lael.  06,  constituent  sunt  qui  sint 
\n  amicitia  fines,  where  see  Dr.  Reid's 
|iote,  and  cp.  Madvig  on  Fin.  v.  58. 

vicerint]  '  have  proved  ' :  cp.  §  4  and 
pluent.  124  ;  Hor.  Sat.  ii.  3.  225  ;  Plaut. 
[Iniph.  432. 

•Sed  non  agam  astute}  '  but  I  will  not 
Imter  any  subtle  plea '  (Jeans).  Note  the 
light  sarcasm  in  i&tum,  which  we  should 
nalce  too  much  of  if  we  translated  '  that 
|'f  yours.'  Translate  '  to  that  high  level 
[>f  philosophy.' 

re  o/endebar~\  '  disapproved  of  what  he 
[lid  ' :  exstingm,  l  stifled.' 

Itaque  .  .  .  abusi}  '  So  in  the  victory 
|»f  my  friend  I  was  not  caught  by  the 
[inarms  of  office  or  money,  prizes  grasped 
it  extravagantly  by  the  rest,  though  they 
lad  less  influence  with  him  than  I  had  '  : 
\\buti  means  '  to  turn  from  its  natural  use 


to  one's  own  use ' ;  also  '  to  use  to  the 
full' :  cp.  692.  2  and  N.  D.  ii.  151  with 
Mayor's  note. 

leye~\  This  was  the  Lex  lulia  de  moclo 
credendi  et  possidendi  intra  Italiam  passed 
by  Caesar  in  707  (47),  after  the  socialistic 
outbreak  of  Dolabella.  It  was  a  re- 
enactment  and,  perhaps,  extension  of  the 
provisions  of  the  Lex  lulia  de  pecuniis 
mutuis  of  705  (49),  to  which  reference  is 
so  often  made  in  the  letters  to  Paetus,  e.g. 
Fam.  ix.  16.  7  (472):  18.  4  (473).  One 
of  the  provisions  of  that  law  was  that  no 
one  should  possess  more  than  60,000 
sesterces  in  cash  (Dio.  xli.  38) ;  the  rest 
was  probably  to  be  invested  in  Italian 
land:  cp.  Tac.  Ann.  vi.  17.  Lange 
(R.  A.  iii.  435)  adds  that  the  law  enacted 
that  estates  could  not  be  mortgaged 
beyond  a  certain  sum. 

3.  illi  et  invidiae  et  exitio  fuerint'] 
'caused  both_  his  unpopularity  and  his 
death.'  Matiua  is  thinking  probably  of 
Cassias,  of  Brutus,  and  many  other 
Pompeians  (perhaps  Cicero  among  them), 
to  whom  Caesar  showed  indulgence,  and 
thereby  gained  unpopularity  for  himself 
with  th^se  partisans  who  had  followed 
him  from  the  beginning.  For  Caesar's 
indulgence  to  the  Pompeians  cp.  Fum.  vi. 
6.  10  (488). 


414 


EP.  785  (ATT.  XL  28). 


factum  nostrum  improbare  audes.'  O  superbiam  inauditam,  alios 
in  facinore  gloriari,  aliis  ne  dolere  quidem  impunite  licere  !  at  haeo 
etiam  servis  semper  libera  f uerunt,  ut  timerent,  gauderent,  dolerent 
suo  potius  quam  alterius  arbitrio  ;  quae  nunc,  ut  quidem  isti  dicti- 
tant  libertatis  auctores,  metu  nobis  extorquere  couantur.  4.  Sed 
nihil  aguut.  Nullius  urnquam  periculi  terroribus  ab  officio  aut  ab 
humanitate  desciscam  ;  numquam  enim  honestam  mortem  f  ugi- 
endam,  saepe  etiam  oppetendam  putavi.  Sed  quid  mihi  suscen- 
sent  si  id  opto  ut  paeniteat  eos  sui  facti  ?  cupio  enim  Caesaria 
mortem  omnibus  esse  acerbam.  *  At  debeo  pro  civili  parte  remj 
publicam  velle  salvam.'  Id  quidem  me  cupere,  nisi  et  ante  actal 
vita  et  reliqua  me  spes  tacente  me  probat,  dicendo  vincere  non 
postulo.  5.  Qua  re  maiorem  in  modum  te  rogo  ut  rem  potiorem 
oratione  ducas  mihique,  si  sentis  expedire  recte  fieri,  credas  nullami 
coinmunionem  cum  improbis  esse  posse.  An  quod  adulesceua 
praestiti,  cum  etiam  errare  cum  excusatione  possem,  id  nunc  aetatfl 
praecipitata  cornmutem  ac  me  ipse  retexam  ?  non  faciam,  nequd 
quod  displiceat  committam,  praeterquam  quod  hominis  mild  coiw 


timerent  .  .  .  arbitrio]  '  that  their  fears, 
their  joys,  and  their  sorrows  should  be 
their  own,  and  not  dependent  on  the  will 
of  another.'  Lehmann  (p.  60)  thinks  that 
we  should  add  cuperent  or  sperarent :  cp. 
Tusc.  i.  22,  cupere  timer e ;  Hor.  Epp.  i. 
6.  12,  gaudeat  an  doleat  cupiat  metuatve  : 
.cp.  Leg.  i.  32:  Off.  i.  69. 

auctores]     'founders.' 

metu]     '  intimidation.' 

4.  pro    civili   partel     *  as    a     citizen 
should.' 

velle  salvam]  This  construction  with 
velle,  cupere,  malle,  nolle,  is  rare  with  an 
adjective  (Phil.  ii.  19),  but  frequent  with 
a  participle,  as  Div.  in  Caec.  21,  consultum 
esse  volt ;  Rose.  Am.  25,  conservatasvelit, 
Madv.  396,  obs.  2. 

dicendo  vincere  non  postulo]  '  I  do  not 
expect  to  establish  by  anything  that  I 
can  say.' 

5.  Qua  re  .    .   .    existimarer]  '  Where- 
fore, I  earnestly  beg  of  you  to  consider 
conduct   as   more   weighty   than   words, 
and   if   you   are   of    opinion    that   it  is 
expedient  for  the  world  that  the  rule  of 
right  should  be  maintained,  to  believe 
that  I  can  have  no  connexion  with  men 
who  are  criminals.     Or  is  it  that  I   am 
now  in  my  declining  years  to  change  that 
course  which  I  adopted  in  my  youth  (when 


I  might  have  gone  astray  and  been 
excused  for  it),  and  myself  effect  my  ownJ 
undoing  ?  I  will  not  do  this.  Yet  I  willj 
not  act  in  any  such  way  as  to  cauael 
offence,  except  that  I  must  grieve  for  thel 
tragic  death  of  one  who  was  my  dear] 
friend  and  a  great  man.  Bat,  if  I  had 
any  other  views,  I  would  never  deny  what] 
I  was  doing,  as  I  have  no  wish  to  be] 
considered  a  criminal  for  what  I  did,  and! 
a  coward  and  a  hypocrite  for  trying  to 
hide  it.'  This  is  certainly  noble 
language. 

etiam]  i.e.  even  if  the  course  which  I 
adopted  had  not  been  the  right  one,  though! 
I  am  thoroughly  convinced  it  was. 

aetate  praecipitata]  praecipitare  is  com«| 
monly  used  of  the  passing  away  of  portion* 
of  time:  cp.  Ovid.  Trist.  i.  3.  47,  iaw^mi 
inorae  spatium  nox  praecipitata  negabatM 
Caes.  B.  C.  iii.  25.  1,  hiems  iam  praecipil 
taverat  :  cp.  praeceps  in  Liv.  iv.  9,  13,1 
praecipiti  tarn  die :  xxv.  34, 14,  quoted bw 
Andr. 

retexam]  metaphor  from  undoing  wharf 
has  been  woven :  cp.  Fam.  xi.  14.  3  (836j)J 
novi  terrores  retexunt  superiora  ;  Yerr.  ill 
63  ;  Phil.  ii.  32.  For  the  frequent  occur-l 
rence  in  Latin  of  metaphors  from  weaving^ 
cp.  Nagelsbach,  p.  461  (ed.  7). 


EP.  785  (ATT.  XI. 


415 


iunQtissimi  ac  viri  amplissimi  doleo  gravem  casum.  Quod  si  aliter 
essem  animatus,  nuraquam  quod  facerem  negarem,  ne  et  in 
peccando  improbuset  iu  dissimulando  tinridus  ac  vanus  existimarer. 
6.  '  At  ludos  quos  Caesaris  Victoriae  Caesar  adulescens  fecit 
curavi.'  At  id  ad  privatum  officium,  non  ad  statum  rei  publicae 
pertinet ;  quod  tamen  munus  et  hominis  amicissimi  memoriae 
atque  houoribus  praestare  etiarn  mortui  debui,  et  optimae  spei 
adulescenti  ac  dignissimo  Caesare  petenti  uegare  11011  potui. 
17.  Veni  etiam  consulis  Antoni  domum  saepe  salutandi  causa ; 
bd  quern  qui  me  parum  patriae  amantem  esse  existimant  rogandi 
tuidem  aliquid  aut  auferendi  causa  frequentis  ventitare  reperies. 
Bed  quae  haec  est  adrogantia — quod  Caesar  numquam  interpellavit 
Buin,  quibus  vellem  atque  etiam  quos  ipse  non  diligebat,  tarnen  iis 
literer — eos  qui  mihi  amicum  eripuerunt  carpendo  me  efficere 
Lonari  ne  quos  velim  diligam  ?  8.  Sed  non  vereor  no  aut  meae 
fcitae  modestia  parum  valitura  sit  in  posterum  contra  falsos 


I  aliter  essem  animatus]  i.e.  if  I  wished 
lo  foment  disorder  in  the  state :  vanus, 
|5»ne  who  professes  what  is  not  the  truth  ; 
\.  liar  or  a  hypocrite. 

I  6.  At  ludos  .  .  .  curavi]  This  is  the 
|»assage  which  fixes  the  dates  of  this  and 
|he  preceding  letter.  The  Ludi  Victoriae 
tlaesaris  or  Veneris  Genetrieis  were  cele- 
brated from  July  20  to  30  in  later  years, 
Jtough,  perhaps,  at  this  early  stage  in 
flheir  history  they  did  not  extend  over 
laore  than  four  or  five  days  at  the  most ; 
B  ut  at  any  rate  they  were  held  during  the 
litter  half  of  July.  So  that  these  letters 
liust  be  subsequent  to  that  month.  They 
lave  been  assigned  to  the  end  of  May  and 
t  eginning  of  June.  Cicero  wrote  to  Matius 
de  day  after  his  arrival  at  Tusculum  : 
p.  784.  1 :  and  we  know  that  he  arrived 
t  Tusculum  on  May  27 :  cp.  734.  2. 
I  tut  the  perfects  in  the  passage  before  us, 
\tcit,  curavi,  dispose  of  that  date.  Cicero 
hft  Velia  about  August  17  or  18,  arrived 
t  Pompeii  on  the  19th  (783.  5,  8),  and 
hached  Rome  on  the  31st.  There  is  no 
I  iason  to  prevent  our  supposing  that  he 
I  imained  a  few  days  at  Tusculum  between 
lie  two  latter  dates. 

I  At  .  .  .  potui]  '  But  that  is  a  matter 
islonging  to  private  obligation,  not  to 
I  ie  interests  of  the  state.  It  was,  how- 
l/er,  a  tribute  which  I  was  bound  to 
lender,  even  after  his  death,  to  the  memory 
lid  distinguished  position  of  a  dear 


friend  :  and  I  could  not  refuse  the  request 
of  a  young  man  of  the  highest  hopes  and 
in  every  sense  worthy  of  Caesar.'  Notice 
both  the  objection  and  the  reply  intro- 
duced by  At :  cp.  note  to  Fam.  ix.  22. 
2  (633),  and  De  Sen.  35  and  68. 

tamen']  i.e.  though  it  was  a  mere  private 
obligation,  yet  it  was  one  that  I  was 
bound  to  pay,  even  though  displeasing  to 
a  certain  section  of  the  community. 

7.  auferendi]  'carrying  off'  some  favour: 
cp.    Fam.    vi.     12.    3    (490),   ablaturum 
diploma;  Q.    Fr.  ii.   13  (15«),   3  (141), 
auferret    tribunatum ;    767.    5    decretum 
abstulimus.     Cp.  also  774.  3. 

Sed  quae  est  .  .  .  uterer~]  '  But  what 
an  insolent  proceeding  this  is,  that — 
whereas  Caesar  never  interfered  to  pre- 
vent my  having  what  associates  I  pleased, 
even  men  for  whom  he  had  no  regard — 
those  who  have  robbed  me  of  my  friend 
should  captiously  endeavour  to  keep  me 
from  forming  what  intimacies  1  please.' 
Strictly  quod  is  a  cognate  accusative  after 
interpellavit  (cp.  §  8)  lit.  '  an  intervention 
which  Caesar  never  made  with  a  view  to 
preventing,'  and  is  in  apposition  with 
haec  adrogantia,  which  is  explained  by 
the  clause  eos  .  .  .  conari. 

8.  modestia'}     '  moderation.' 
valitura  sit]  The  future  subjunctive  is 

rare  after  vereor  ;  but  the  future  sense  is 
strongly  marked  by  in  posterum  which 
follows. 


416 


EP.  786  (F AM.  XVI.  21  j. 


rumores,  aut  ne  etiam  ii  qui  me  non  amant  propter  meam  ii 
Caesarem  constantiam  non  raalint  mei  quam  sui  similis  amicoj 
habere.  Mihi  quidem  si  optata  contingent,  quod  reliquum  es| 
vitae  in  otio  Ehodi  degnm  ;  sin  casus  aliquis  interpellarit,  ita  er-j 
Romae  ut  recte  fieri  semper  cupiam.  Trebatio  nostro  magua! 
ago  gratias  quod  tuum  erga  me  animum  simplicem  atque  amicun 
aperuit  et  quod  eum,  quern  semper  libenter  diiexi,  quo  magis  ii 
oolere  atque  observare  deberem  fecit.  Bene  vale  et  me  dilige. 


786.     CICERO  JQNIOK  TO  TI11O  (FAM.  xvi.  21). 
ATHENS;  AUGUST  OR  BEGINNING  SEPTEMBER;  A.  u.  c.  710 ; 

B.  C.  44  ;    AET.  CIC.  JUN.  21. 

Cicero  filius  suum  virtutis  stadium  Tironi  significat :  de  praedio  empto  gratulat 
CICERO  F.    TIRONI  SUO  DULCISSIMO   SAL. 

1.  Cum  vebementer  tubellarios  exspectarem  cotidie,  aliquandc 
venerimt  post  diem  quadragesimum  et  sextum  quam  a  vobis  dit 


aut  ne  etiam  ii  .  .  .  dilige]  '  or  that 
those  who  do  not  love  me  on  account  of 
my  steady  devotion  to  Caesar  will  not 
prefer  that  their  friends  should  he  of  my 
stamp  rather  than  of  theirs.  For  my  own 
part,  if  my  wishes  are  gratified,  I  shall 
pass  the  remainder  of  my  life  in  retirement 
at  Rhodes  ;  but  if  any  untoward  circum- 
stance should  intervene,  I  shall  live  such 
a  life  at  Rome  as  will  show  that  I  always 
desire  the  maintenance  of  the  rule  of  right. 
I  am  very  grateful  to  our  friend  Trebatius 
for  having  disclosed  your  sincere  and 
friendly  feelings  towards  me,  and  for 
having  brought  it  to  pass  that  I  am  now 
under  a  greater  obligation  to  regard  and 
honour  a  man  whom  I  have  always  been 
glad  to  consider  as  a  friend.  A  kind  fare- 
well, and  give  me  your  regard.' 

aut  ne]  This  follows  as  if  aut  ne,  not 
ne  aut,  had  preceded  ;  such  little  irregu- 
larities are  common,  e.g.  Att.  iii.  4  (58), 
ne  et  for  et  ne ;  Att.  iii.  6  (61),  et  ut  for 
ut  et.;  Fin.  ii.  15,  si  autior  aut  si ;  Orat. 
149,  tit  aut  for  aut  ut ;  cp.  Dr.  Reid  on 
Acad.  ii.  12  (et  cum}  and  69. 

lihodi]  cp.  note  to  Fam.  vii.  3,  5  (464). 

ita  ero  Romae  ut  .  .  .  cupiavi]  Matius 
means  that  he  will  offer  vigorous  resistance 
to  the  so-called  patriots  if  they  violate 
ordinary  constitutional  morality  either  by 
murdering  their  political  opponents  or  in 
any  other  way. 


quo  magis  .  .  .  fecit]     For  this  use 
quo  with  a  comparative  cp.  Fam.  x.  33. 
(890),     quo    tardius  certior  Jierem 
Lepidus  effecit:  Ter.  Eun.  150  id  at 
adiuta  me  quo  idjiatfacilius. 

Bene  vale]     This  formula  is  never 
by  Cicero,  but  we  find  it  in  a  letter  fr< 
Curius,  Fam.  vii.  29,  2  (677).    It  occi 
in    Plaut.   Asin.    606  ;    Mil.    1340,    and! 
often  in  the  Silver  Age:  cp.    Bab!,   De\ 
Epp.  lat.  formulis,  p.  29. 

For  an  account  of  young  Cicero,  see 
Introduction.  Ruete  (p.  30)  fixes  on  the  I 
above  dat«-,  because  the  news  that  youngi 
Cicero's  conduct  was  becoming  more  steady] 
reached  Rome  about  the  middle  of  June, 
Att.  xv.  16a  (746) ;  17.  2  (749).  Ep.  748U 
even  if  written  immediately  on  receipt  of 
that  news,  could  not  have  reached  Athens 
sooner  than  August,  as  it  appears  tohaTtj 
been  46  days  on  the  road.  The  major  limit 
may  be  fixed  by  the  fact  that  there  is  no 
mention  of  M.  Brutus.  He  left  Veli% 
probably  during  the  latter  half  of  Auguatj 
(Pi dl.  x.  8),  and  arrived  at  Athenfc 
probably  not  later  than  the  middle  of 
September.  However,  this  is  not  quit*! 
certain.  Nic.  Dam.  31  seems  to  think 
his  departure  was  due  to  the  actions  of. 
Octavian  in  Campania  during  October.  I 

1.  quadrugesimum  et  sextuni]  This  wafc. 
about  twice  as  long  a  time  as  it  wu» 


JSP.  786  (FAM.  XVI. 


417 


cesserant ;  quorum  mihi  fuit  adventus  exoptatissimus  :  nam,  cum 
maximam  cepissem  laetitiam  ex  humanissimi  et  carissimi  patris 
epistula,  turn  vero  iucundissimae  tuae  litterae  cumulum  mihi 
gaudi  attulerunt.  Itaque  me  iam  non  paenitebat  intercapedinem 
scribendi  fecisse,  sed  potius  laetabar ;  fructum  enim  magnum 
humanitatis  tuae  capiebam  ex  silentio  mearum  litterarum.  Ve- 
bementer  igitur  gaudeo  te  meam  sine  dubitatione  accepisse  excu- 
sationem.  2.  Gratos  tibi  optatosque  esse  qui  de  me  rumores 
adferuntur  non  dubito,  mi  dulcissime  Tiro,  praestaboque  et  enitar 
ut  in  dies  magis  magisque  haec  nascens  de  me  duplicetur  opinio  : 
qua  re  quod  polliceris  te  bucinatorem  fore  existimationis  meae, 
firmo  id  constantique  animo  facias  licet ;  tantum  enim  mihi  dolorem 
cruciatumque  attulerunt  errata  aetatis  meae  ut  non  solum  animus 
a  factis  sed  aures  quoque  a  commemoratione  abhorreant,  cuius  te 


necessary  to  take:  cp.  Fam.  xiv.  5.  2  (283), 
De  nave  exeuntibus  nobis  *Acastus  cutn 
litteris  praestofuit  uno  et  vice simo  die  sane 
strenue.  The  elder  Cicero  would  probably 
have  omitted  the  et,  but  its  use  is  quite 
allowable,  cp.  Neue-Wagener  ii3.  316. 

exoptatissimus]  So  we  read  with  H 
DF  (adoptatissimus  M  :  optatissimuse&d.) : 
cp.  Att.  v.  15.  1  (207),  nihil  exoptatius 
advent  a  meo. 

intercapedinem  scribendi}  'break  in 
our  correspondence,'  cp.  Plin.  Epp.  iv.  9, 
11,  dicentis  calor  et  audientis  intentio  con- 
tinuations servatur,  intercapedine  et  quasi 
remissions  languescit. 

fructum  .  .  .  mearum]  '  for  from  my 
omission  to  write  I  have  obtained  a  large 
return  in  the  kindness  you  have  shown 
me'  (in  writing  to  me  in  so  kindly  a 
manner  when  I  had  not  written  to  you 
for  so  long). 

2.  Gratos  .  .  .  non  dubito}  When  non 
dubito  meaus  '  not  to  be  in  doubt'  (whether 
certain  statements  are  true  or  not),  we  very 
seldom  find  the  construction  of  the  ace. 
and  inf.  in  the  older  writers.  Cicero  does 
not  use  the  construction  at  all ;  but  it  is 
common  in  Nepos,  and  not  infrequent 
(in  Tacitus;  cp.  Munro  on  Lucr.  v.  249. 
Among  Cicero's  correspondents  we  find  it 
in  Asinius  Pollio,  Fam.  x.  31.  5  (824), 
nemo  vocabit  in  dubium  provinciain  me  nulli 
.  traditurum,  on  which  passage  cp. 
note  ;  and  Trebonius,  Fam.  xii.  16.  2 
(736),  cui  nos  et  caritate  et  amove  tuum 
officium  praestaturos  non  debes  dubitare. 
We  must  not  accordingly  censure  young 
Cicero's  diction.  We  hear  that  his  father 

VOL.    V. 


was  a  severe  critic  of  his  style :  ep. 
Quintil.  i.  7.  34,  Cicero  injilio,  ut  epis- 
tulis  apparet,  recte  loquendi  asper  quoque 
exactor ;  cp.  Att.  xv.  16  a  (746),  where 
he  derives  some  comfort  from  the  fact 
that  his  son's  letters  were  written 
treirivcauievcas.  We  are  told  by  Servius 
(on  Aen.  viii.  168)  that  young  Cicero 
once  wrote  direxi  litter  as  duas — a  sentence 
which  must  have  grieved  his  father ;  of 
course  duas  should  have  been  binas ;  as 
to  dirigere  litteras,  it  can  only  be  paral- 
leled in  late  Latin.  Wolfflin  in  '  Archiv ' 
iv.  100,  is  of  opinion  that  this  sentence, 
said  to  have  been  written  by  young 
Cicero,  is  probably  a  forgery. 

bucinatorem'}  For  this  metaphorical  use, 
cp.  Juv.  xiv.  152,  Sed  qui  sermones,  quam 
foedae  bucina  famae. 

firmo  .  .  .  animo~\  '  with  an  assured 
and  confident  spirit.' 

abhorreant}  '  hate  the  very  mention 
of.' 

cuius  .  .  .  volui~\  '  and  that  you  sympa- 
thize with  me  in  that  anxiety  and  sorrow 
I  know  well  from  experience,  and  no 
wonder:  for  while  you  wish  me  every 
success  for  my  own  sake  you  wish  it  also 
for  your  own,  for  it  was  always  my 
desire  that  you  should  share  in  my  pros- 
perity.' It  is  unusual  to  have  the  sub- 
junctive after  cum  in  a  sentence  like  this 
with  turn  following,  but  perhaps  it  may 
be  explained  as  concessive,  '  although 
you  are  interested  in  me  for  my  own 
sake,  you  are  interested  in  me  also  for 
your  own.'  Another  irregularity  in  the 
sentence  is  the  past  part,  successa  of  the 

2D 


418 


EP.  786  (FAM.  XVI. 


sollicitudinis  et  doloris  participem  f  uisse  notum  exploratumque  esi 
mihi,  nee   id  mirum.     Nam  cum    omnia  mea  causa  velles  mih.i 
successa,  turn  etiam  tua ;  socium  enim  te  meorum  commodoi 
semper  esse  volui.     3.  Quoniam  igitur  turn  ex  me  doluisti,  null 
ut  duplicetur  tuum  ex  me  gaudium  praestabo.     Cratippo  me  scitcj 
non  ut  discipulum  sed  ut  filiurn  esse  coniunctissimum  ;  nam  cum . 
audio  ilium  libeuter,  turn  etiam  propriam  eius  suavitatem  veh&l 
menter  amplector :  sum  totos  dies  cum  eo  noctisque  saepenuniero| 
par  tern ;  exoro   enim   ut   mecum   quam    saepissime  cenet.     Hi 
introducta  consuetudine  saepe  inscientibus   nobis  et   cenantibi 
obrepit  sublataque  severitate  philosopbiae  humanissime  nobiscui 
iocatur.     Qua  re  da  operam  at  hunc  talem,  tarn  iucundum,  tarn 
excelleutem  virum  videas  quam  primum.     4.  Nam  quid  ego 
Bruttio  dicam  ?  quern  nullo  tempore  a  me  patior  discedere,  cuii 
cum  frugi  severaque  est  vita,  turn  etiam  iucundissima  convictio;  noi 
est  enim  seiunctus  iocus  a  (f>i\o\oyiq.  et  cotidiana  av^r-hau.    Hi 
ego  locum  in  proximo  conduxi  et,  ut  possum,  ex  meis  angustiii 
illius  sustento  tenuitatem.     5.  Praeterea  declamitare  Graece  apud 
Cassium  institui ;    Latine  autem   apud  Bruttium  exerceri   volo. 


neuter  verb  succedo,  used  personally ;  but 
cp.  Priscian  ix.  49  (=  i.  483,  24  ed.  Keil), 
et  multa  praeterea  a  vetustissimis  similiter 
sunt  prolata  participia  praeteriti  a  neutra- 
libus  verbis  ut  a  .  .  .  *  discedo  discessus '  6 
avax^p^^as,  l  intereo  interitus  '  6  avatpe- 
6ds  .  .  .  Caelius  [Antipater]  in  IIII 
1  custodibus  discessis  multi  inter Jiciuntur.' 
Claudius  [Quadrigarius]  ' pugna  acriter 
commissa,  multis  utrimque  interitis '  :  cp. 
Gell.  xvii.  2.10,  Sole  occaso  non  insuavi 
vetustate  est  si  quis  aurem  habeat  non 
sordidam  nee  proculcatam.  The  readings 
processus  in  Bell.  Afr.  75.  1,  processa  in 
Cicero  Leg.  ii.  62,  are  too  doubtful  to  be 
adduced  as  parallels  :  progressus,  -a,  are 
read  in  those  passages.  Schwabe  (N. 
Jahrb.  1870,  p.  392)  reads  mihi  successe 
(=  successisse),  a  most  ingenious  conjec- 
ture, wbich  may  possibly  be  rigbt:  cp. 
decesse,  Fam.  vii.  1.  2  (127)  (in  M ;  but 
decessisseis  probably  right) ;  cp.  Ter.  Heaut. 
Prol.  32,  on  wbich  line  Shuckburgh  gives 
many  examples  ;  processe  (Turpilius,  137, 
Kibbeck) :  cp.  Neue-Wagener  iii3  502. 

3.  ex  me  doluisti"]  cp.  Caes.  B.  G.  i. 
14.  5,  quo  gravius  homines  ex  commit ta- 
tione  rerum  doleant.  The  ordinary  con- 
structions are  either  ace.  or  abl. :  de  with 
abl.  is  also  found  Att.  xii.  1.  2  (505). 


Cratippo']  cp.  note  to  736.  2. 

nam  .  .  .  amplector}  '  for  not  only  do  I 
attend  his  lectures  with  pleasure,  but  I  i 
am  warmly  attached  to  bis  own  geniak' 
self.'    For  audire  in  this  sense,  cp.  Off.  i.f 
1  and  Holden's  note. 

obrepit]  '  drops  in  ' ;  cp.  Tibull.  i.  8^:- 
59,  et  possum  media  quamvis  obrepere  node*. . 

severitate]     f  austerity.' 

4.  Bruttio"}    Nothing  more   is  knowtt 
about  this  man  than  what  can  be  gathered* 
from  the  present  passage.  The  name  of  tern1' 
appears  in  inscriptions. 

quid  .  .  .  dicam  ?]  For  this  expression** 
in  enumerations  Bockel  compares  Q.  Fr.^ 
i.  1 .  10  (30),  Quid  ego  de  Gratidio  dicam  ?  ] 

frugi  severaque']  '  simple  and  strict '  :1 
convictio,  *  society.' 

non  est  enim~]  l  for  wit  and  humour  arel 
not  with  us  divorced  from  our  daily  com-  \ 
munion  in  literary  and  philosophical! 
discussions.'  This  sense  of  avfrTt'iv^ 
(=  disceptare  '  dispute  ')  is  frequent  in  thel 
New  Test.:  cp.  Acts  vi.  9;  ix.  29;  11 
Cor.  i.  20. 

in  proximo']  «  next  door  '  :  cp.  Ter.  I 
Hec.  341,  cum  in  proximo  hie  sit  aegra. 

sustento  tenuitatetn]  '  I  alleviate  bis  ] 
poverty.'  For  tenuitas  cp.  De  Orat.  ii.  265.  ] 

5.  declamitare    Graece   .    . 


EP.  786  (FAM.  XVI. 


419 


lUtor  familiaribus  et  cotidianis  convictoribus  quos  secum  Mitylenis 
Cratippus  adduxit,  hominibus  et  doctis  et  illi  probatissimis. 
Multum  etiam  mecum  est  Epicrates,  princeps  Atlieniensium,  et 
Leonides  et  liorum  ceteri  similes,  ra  fj.lv  ovv  tcaO'  T?/U«C  fa^e. 
16.  De  Gorgia  autem  quod  raihi  scribis,  erat  quidem  ille  in  cotidiana 
declamatione  utilis  ;  sed  omnia  postposui  dum  modo  praeceptis 
patris  parerern;  Siappr'iSrjv  enim  scrip serat  ut  eum  dimitterem 
statim  :  tergiversari  nolui  ne  mea  nimia  o-TrovSr)  suspicionem  ei 
aliquam  importaret ;  delude  illud  etiam  mihi  succurrebat,  grave  esse 
me  de  iudicio  patris  iudicare ;  tuum  taraen  studium  et  consilium 
graturn  -acceptumque  est  mihi.  7.  Excusationem  angustiarum  tui 
nmpoiis  accipio ;  scio  enim  quam  soleas  esse  occupatus.  Emisse 
-te  praedium  vehementer  gaudeo  feliciterque  tibi  rem  istam  evenire 
cupio.  Hoc  loco  me  tibi  gratulari  noli  mirari ;  eodem  enim  fere 
loco  tuquoque  emisse  te  fecisti  me  certiorem.  Habes  ;  deponen- 


'  I  have   started   rhetorical  exercises   in 
Greek.' 

Utor  .  .  .  convictoribus]    '  I  have  as  my 
intimates  and  everyday  companions.' 

princeps  Atheniensium~\  This  looks 
very  like  a  title,  for  it  could  hardly  mean 
'  a  principal  man  at  Athens ' ;  it  must 
mean  '  the  principal  man.'  It  is  just 
possible  that  this  may  be  the  title  young 
Cicero  gives  to  the  chief  of  the  Ephebi, 
ohe  &px<n>v  ftp-fiffeav  mentioned  by  Gras- 
iberger  (Erziehung  und  Unterricht  iii. 
180-1). 

I  Leonides]  He  wrote  to  Cicero  some- 
what unsatisfactory  accounts  of  young 
(Cicero's  behaviour :  cp.  721.  3;  746. 
;  TO  /Ltev  o$v  Kad'  r)/J.as  ro5e]  '  De 
nobis  ipsis  haec  hactenus.'  We  may 
J  fairly  use  a  tag  of  Latin  for  our  under- 
graduate's tag  of  Greek. 
I  6.  Gorgia]  Cicero  appears  to  have  been 
nuite  right  in  objecting  to  this  tutor  for 
;  lis  son.  He  seems  to  have  been  a 
[  rentable  Doctor  Pangloss.  He  was,  no 
lloubt,  a  distinguished  rhetorician  (Senec. 
Uontr.  1.  4,  p.  101),  and  wrote  the 
.reatise  Trepl  a\i]it.a.'riav  Siavoias  Kal 
|  W£eo>s,  of  which  we  still  possess  the 
-ranslation  by  Rutilius  Lupus  :  cp. 
Teuffel-Schwabe,  §  270,  and  Quintil.  ix. 
h.  102  :  but  he  was  a  man  of  loose  life, 
Imd  led  young  Cicero  into  bad  ways: 
pp.  Plut.  Cic.  24,  Topyiav  5e  rbv  p-^ropa 
\t'iTit4>/j.evos  ets  ^Sovoy  Kal  Tr6rovs  irpodyeiv 
I  'J>  /j.eipa.Kioi>  aire\avyei  TTJS  ffvvovaias  avrov 
I  .  .  T&V  p.tv  Topyiav  avrov 


eftrep  -f\v  <pav\os  Kal    O.KO- 
AOO-TOS  jjirfp  fSoKet  ('  as  he  was  reputed 
to  be  ').'  Perhaps  it  was  this  same  versa- 
tile Gorgias  who  wrote  irepl  rwv  ' M^vr^ffiv 
eraipiScav,  Athen.  xiii.  567a. 
S  i  ap  p TJ  8 77  >/]     *  totidem  verbis.' 
tergiversari~]     '  to  temporize.' 
suecurrebaf]     Occasionally  used  for  the 
more  common  occurrebat :  cp.  703.  2  ut 
enim  quidque  succurrit  libet  scribere :  cp. 
note  to  700.  4. 

7.  Excusationem  .  .  .  temporis]  '  the 
excuse  that  your  leisure  time  is  so  cur- 
tailed.' 

Hoc  loco~\  i.e.  at  the  end  of  this 
letter. 

Habes]  *  you  have  beco»e  a  landed 
proprietor.'  For  this  absolute  use  of 
habere  cp.  559.  3  ;  Rose.  Am.  132,  qui 
in  Sallentinis  et  Bruttiis  habent ;  Verr.  v. 
45,  ex  Us  locis  in  quibus  te  habere  nihil 
licet,  and  perhaps  Curius  ap.  Fam.  vii.  29. 
1  (677),  quod  simus,  quod  habeamus  .  .  . 
id  omne  aba  te  habere.  Dr.  Eeid  suggests 
Rem  habes  (rem  lost  after  certiorem).  The 
ordinary  interpretation  is  that  habes  means 
'  there's  for  you,'  i.e.  there's  a  retort  for 
you  if  you  blame  me  for  deferring  my 
congratulations  to  such  a  late  part  of  my 
letter.  Habet  is  used  of  a  wounded 
gladiator :  Ter.  Andr.  83,  Plant.  Rud. 
1143,  on  which  passage  Sonnenschein 
compares  Romeo  and  Juliet  iii.  1.  112, 
where  Mercutio  says,  '  1  have  it,  and 
soundly  too.'  Others  again  connect  habes 
with  the  succeeding  sentence  by  means  of 

2  D  2 


EP.  786  (FAM.  XVI. 


dae  tibi  sunt  urbanitates  ;  rusticus  Komanus  factus  es,  quo  mode 
ego  mihi  nunc  ante  oculos  tuum  iucundissimum  conspectum  pro- 
pono;  videor  enim   videre  ementem  te  rusticas  res,  cum   vilicc' 
loquentem,  iu  lacinia  eervantem  ex  mensa  secunda  semina.     Seel 
quod  ad  rem  pertinet,  me  turn  tibi  defuisse  aeque  ac  tu  doleo. 
noli  dubitare,  mi  Tiro,  quin  te  sublevaturus  sim,  si  modo  fortui 
me,  praesertim  cam  sciam  communem  nobis  emptum   esse  isti 
fundum.     8.  De  mandatis  quod  tibi  curae  fuit  est  mihi  gratum 
sed  peto  a  te  ut  quam  celerrime  mihi  librarius  mittatur,  maxii 
quidem  Graecus ;  multum  mihi  enim  eripietur  operae  in  exscri- 
bendis  hypomnematis.     Tu  velim   in  primis  cures  ut  valeas,  ui 
una  <7v/^>tXoAoyaV  possimus.     Anterum  tibi  commendo. 


ubi,  either  habes  ubi  deponendae  tibi  sint 
(Crat.)  or  habes  deponendae  ubi  sint 
(Graev.). 

urbanitates]  'city  ways,'  lit.  citynesses; 
occasionally  used  by  Cicero  for  « city 
life,'  'city  culture,'  Fam.  vii.  6.  1  (136), 
desideria  urbis  et  urbanitatis. 

rusticus  .  .  .  propono]  *  you  are  turned 
into  a  Roman  country  gentleman,  as  is 
the  very  delightful  picture  of  you  I  now 
have  before  my  eyes.'  Ribbeck  suggests 
germanus  for  Romanus,  (  a  thorough- 
going country  gentleman' :  cp.  Alt.  i.  18. 
8  (24),  sub  lustrum  autem  censeri  germani 
negotiators  est ;  iv.  5.  3  (108),  me  asinum 
germanum  fuisse.  Some  editors  put  a 
stop  at  factus  es,  and  take  the  next 
sentence  as  an  exclamation.  '  "What  a 
delightful  picture  of  you  I  now  have 
before  me  ! '  This  seems  quite  possible. 
We  cannot  see,  as  Wes.  and  Miiller  do, 
that  enim  renders  this  punctuation  in- 
tolerable, or  even  undesirable. 

rusticas  res']  '  requisites  for  the  farm '  : 
hardly  '  country  produce.' 

in  lacinia  servantem]  'keeping 
(thriftily)  the  seeds  from  dessert  in  the  end 


of  your  cloak,'  apparently  with  a  view 
sowing  them  afterwards.  This  would] 
indeed  be  thriftiness  even  for  the  economi-J 
cal  Roman  farmer  who  amore  senes 
habendi,  as  Hor.  Epp.  i.  7.  85  says.— 1| 
[Does  habendi,  in  that  passage  of  Horace,! 
bear  the  same  sense  as  that  of  habes  com-  ! 
mented  on  above?]  Lacinia  was  that 
part  of  the  garment  which  was  not 
fastened  tightly  to  the  body.  For  the 
fj.iKpo\oyia  of  farmers  Ribbeck  refers  toi 
Theophrastus  Char.  xxiv. 

sublevaturus    sim~\     ( help '    (sc.    witty 
money)  :  understand  sublevarit  after  me. 

8.  operae]     ( he    will   save  me   much  i 
trouble. ' 

hypomnematis']      l  lecture-notes  ' :    the 
word  is  generally  written  in  Greek.     See 
Lidd.  and  Scott  for  examples  of  this  use. 
Cicero  uses  it  sometimes  in  the  sense  of  a 
'  memoir,'  Att.  ii.  1.  2  (27)  ;  xvi.  14.  f-1 
(805);   sometimes  of  a  'memorandum,' 
756.    For  the  dative  and  ablative  in  -atit" 
of  such  Greek  neuters  with  stems  in  -at, 
cp.  Roby,  §  492. 

Anterum']     The  slave  Mrho  brought  this 
letter. 


ADNOTATIO    CRITICA, 


ADNOTATIO   CRITICA 


EP.  545  (ATT.  xn.  13). 

1.  sed  litteris]  sed  etsi  (et  F;  si  I) 
lilteris  ,  .  .  essem,  ardor  Wes. 

idem]     2  L  (marg.)  Crat.  ;  om.  A. 

repugnante  tamen]  nos  ;  tamen  repug- 
nante codd.  tamen  non  repugnante  Ascen- 
sius  ;  etiam  repugnante  Reid. 


EP.  546  (ATT.  xn.  14). 
3.  defuisse  tu  testis]    defuisset  ut  testis 

oraniaque  nitor]  Zl  v.  c.  et  L  (marg.) 
EOR ;  ad  omniaque  nitor  (sed  ad  linea 
subducta  est)  M  ;  omnique  vi  enitor  Wes.  ; 
omniaque  <facio  atque>  nitor  Lehmann  ;  a 
dolore  atque  enitor  coni.  Boot. 

vultum]     vulnus  Rom. 

habebat]     habebam  coni.  Miiller. 

id]     add  L  (marg.). 

i     4.  adiuvarent]  quodmeadiuvaretAscen- 
sius  ;  quo  me  adiuvarent  Lamb. 

vellem]     C  (=  Crat.  marg.) ;  velle  M. 
ii    adiuvaret]     adiure  M. 

veta:  satis  est  me  maerere]  Zl,  L 
'marg.) :  vetabat  is  est  merere  2A. 


EP.  547  (ATT.  xn.  15). 

me]     om.  M1. 
adhuc]     om.  M1. 


EP.  548  (ATT.  xn.  16). 

discessissem]     Bosius  et  codd.  aliquot ; 
\\ecessissem  ORM. 
I    nisi]     ORP  ;  «  M. 

a  te  erit]     M  ;  aderit  C. 
|    probabatur]     Crat.  L  (marg.)  Zb  ;  pro- 
k'dtur  2A. 

I    nihil  adhuc]     2  Crat.  ;  adhuc  nihil  A. 
I    aptius]     codd.    praeter   M1    qui   habet 
Iteiws:   prius   Viet.,    sed    vide    Comm.  : 
I  wtius  Otto  ;  optatius  Kahnt. 


EP.  549  (ATT.  xn.   18). 

1.  ad  te  admonendum]  Madvig  ;  ate 
amonendn  M. 

cuicuimodi]  v.  c.  L  (marg.)  Zb  ;  cui- 
modi  C  ;  cuiusmodi  M. 

potuerit]     M  ;  poterit  vulg. 

monimentorum  ....  sumptorum] 
monumentorum,  ornabo  omnium  ingeniis 
scriptorum  Palmer. 

sumptorum]     2  Rotn. ;  scriptorum  A. 

quam,  quod]     nam  quod  M1. 

3.  pollicetur]     polliceretur  M. 

quod]     quo  M. 


EP.  550  (ATT.  xn.  17). 

a  Laterense]  Or.  vide  Neue- Wagener3 
ii.  59,  60  ;  alterensi  M. 

enim  ante]     ante  enim  M. 

fieri]     eteri  M  :  videri  alii. 

quid  ad  me?]  quid  id  ad  met  Wes., 
sed  vide  Comm. 

profectionem]     -one  M. 


EP.  551  (ATT.  xn.  18a). 

1.  tamen]     om.  M1. 
praedes]    pedes  M. 

2.  quaesituros]    haesituros  coni.  Orelli. 
quid  esset]     2A  ;  quis  esset  C.  v.  c. 
advocavi]     Fort,    advocatos    advocavi. 

Vide  Comm. 
quia]     qua  M. 
Publilium]     Crat. ;  Publium  M. 


EP.  552  (Arr.  xn.  19). 

1.  Circeiis]     Rom.  ;  certis  M. 
quae]    Orelli ;  que  M1 ;  qui  M2. 
parare]    paver e  M1. 

2.  De  sponsu]     Bosius  ;  responsum  M  ; 
De  sponsions  Schmidt. 


424 


ADNOTATIO  CRITICA. 


et  tamen]     etiam  Schmidt. 

Balbus  quoque]    Crat.  ;  quoqtte  Balbus 

3.  incipito]     Man.;  incipio  M. 

EP.  553  (ATT.  xn.  20). 

1.  pridie]  J?ort.pridie  <Idus>,  itemque 
infra. 

quam   quod]     quam   quom  Gronovius, 
fort,  recte. 

2.  ad  eas  quas]     ad  eas  ad  quas  M. 
Rutilia]     aut  illi  a  M1. 

an]     a  MI. 

EP.  554  (ATT.  xm.  6,  §§  1-3). 

1.  e]     ona.  codd. 

2.  coheredibus]    <cfe>  ante  coheredibus 
add.  Wes.  ;  cum  heredibus  Zl. 

Herennianis]     Brinnianis  coni.  Orelli. 
de  puero]     debet  puero  Boot ;  puero  Or. 
convenisti]      convenisti,   fecisti    vett., 
baud  bene. 

3.  poscis]    possis  M. 
oportere]     delere  vult  Lamb. 


EP.  555  (FAM.  iv.  5). 

SERVIUS]  M  ;  servilius  RG  (ex  ser- 
violus). 

1.  sane  quam]     M  ;  sane  GR. 
miserum]     Viet. ;  mirum  codd. 

3.  An]    codd. ;  At  Man. 

cedo]  Tyrrell;  credo  MR;  om.  G; 
Cicero  M. 

gereret]  codd.  vide  Comm.  ;  ageret 
Crat.  ;  degeret  Kayser. 

liberos]     liber  osjilios  G. 

uti]  codd.  ;  usuri  Guilelmus,  fort, 
recte  ;  usi  Martyni-Laguna  ;  uterentur 
Ern.  Vide  Comm. 

est]     Wes.;  sit  codd. 

4.  Attulit]  attuleritWes.   Vide  Comm. 
Megaram]   M  ;  megarem  GR  (omissis— 

am  versus  navigar — ) ;  Megara  Madv. 

5.  fuisse]    fioruisse  coni.  antiqua. 
perfunctam]    perfructam  Wdlfflin. 
imitare]     imitari  vett.   Miiller.     Vide 

Comm. 

6.  amor]  M  ;  sensus  G  ;  amor  sensus  R. 
apisci]     M  ;  adipisci  GR. 
tranquilliorem]     tranquilliore  alii. 

EP.  556  (ATT.  xn.  12). 

1.  sed  vereor  ne  minorem  rt,uV]  2  v.  c. 
Crat.  Ant.  F. ;  om.  A  Schmidt. 


Z. 


Lamb.  ;  EKTONIMOC 


tamen]     iam  coni.  Wes. 

2.  Epicuro]     Epicureo  coni.  Orelli. 

ea]    eas  Wes. 

scribam]     2  Crat.  ;  perscribam  M. 

quid  sive  nil  babes]     C.  ;  om.  M. 


EP.  557  (ATT.  xn.  21). 

1.  etiam    Silani]      Boot  ;    etiam 
M*  .  Glabrionis  dant  codd. 

quod]    add.  Viet. 

Quis  .  .  .  inimicus]    Quid  enim  ieiunii 
dixerit  inimicus  ?     Cobet. 

a  librario]    Koch  Wes.  ;  rario  codd. 
Salvio   Hofmann  coll.  646.    3;    772. 
Vide  Att.  ix.  7.  1  (362). 

2.  aliquid]     Crat.  L  (marg.)  Zb; 
2A. 

recedit]     codd.    praeter    s  ;   accedit 
Klotz  ;    redit    vel    redierit    Boot.     Vic 
Comm.  :  cf.  579.  1. 

4.  Eros]    Viet.  ;  fors  codd. 

5.  foro]     codd.  praeter  EM2S  qui  dar 
cum  for  o  ;  sed  vide  730.  1. 

aequo  animo]     A  ;  animo  aequo  2  Ci 
ordo  prior  plerumque  apud  Cic. 

homines  a  me]     A  ;  a  me  homines  2. 

ut  Romae  .....  concedere]     I.  Crat. 
Lamb.  ;  om.  codd. 

aut  quadamtenus]     Lamb.  ;  autqwte~ 
nus  codd.  ;  aliquatenus  Andresen. 


EP.  558  (ATT.  xn.  22). 

3.  te]  Zb  Crat.  ;  om.  codd.  ut  saepis- 
sime.  Vide  Mullerum  ad  p.  8.  19  editio-j 
nis  suae. 

suis  et  is]  Wes.  ;  et  Us  codd.  ;  et  meit 
Schmidt  ;  et  \iis~]  Btr. 

et  cur  velim]  add.  Crat.  L  (marg.) 
v.  c.  Zb  ;  om.  2A. 

EP.  559  (ATT.  xn.  23). 

1.  ut  de  foro]     et  de  foro  Lamb.  Reid 
fort,  recte. 

solitudinem]  2A  ;  solitudines  v.  c.  Crat. 
codd.  Bosii.  Vide  Comm. 

praeter  te]     Man.  ;  praeter  me  M. 
ne]     ut  ne  coni.  Wes. 
ilia]     alia  Boot. 

2.  non  maxima]     del.  non  Corradus. 
iaceam]     Viet.  ;  taceam  M  v.  c. 
Athenisque]     Athenis,  qui  Rom.  vulg. 
te]    y.  c.  L  (marg.)  Zb  ;  om.  codd. 
invenire]     invcniri    Man.    propter    tos 

omissum. 


ADNOTATIO  CRITIC  A. 


425 


3.  Gamala]     C  v.  c.    Zb;    magala  A; 
magalia  RP. 

conficietur]     Pius  ;  conficcrctur  codd. 
quam    satis]      ORPZbC  ;     satis    (om, 


Nee  mihi  .  .  opus  est]     Vide  Comm. 
Scribet]     Rom  ;  scribit  M. 
et  tu]     I  ;  et  cui  M. 


EP.  560  (ATT.  xn.  24). 

1.  Athenis]     Athenas  coni.  Reid,  fort, 
recte  :  cf.  748.  4. 

Publilius]     Bosius  ;  Publius  M. 

2.  posteaj     5  Crat.  ;  post  M. 
et  ei]     Man. ;  id  ei  M. 


EP.  561  (AiT.  xn.  25). 

1.  vel  usuram]     om.  ve/Kayser;  velim 
usuram  Schmidt. 

cum]     M  ;  ab  Pius  vulg.     Res  dubia. 
alicunde]     aliunde  I. 

2.  bos]     L  (marg.) ;  om.  codd. 
comparati]     Man.  ;  comparata  M. 


EP.  562  (ATT.  xn.  26). 

1.  voluntale]     voluptate  M. 

2.  De   Nicia   .    .    .    grata  est]     Hunc 
locum  omissis  Quod  .  .  .  desidcro  et  Velim 
.  .  .  non  habet  Suet.  De  Gramm.  c.  14. 

molestus  esse]  I  et  Suet. ;  om.  esse  M. 
possit]    possem  vel  possum  vel  possim 
Suetonii  codices. 


EP.  563  (ATT.  xn.  27). 

1.  Cottae  J     CZb  ;  code  ORP  :  certe  A. 
te  nosse]     Zb  v.  c.  et  L  (marg.);  te 

non  se  M. 

nisi]     "Wes.  ;  nihil  codd. 

Cottae]    Miiller  ;  cotta  vel  cocta  codd. 

2.  quod  .   .  .  scribes]   quod  scribas,  si 
quid  inveneris,  scribes  Wes.  fort,  recte. 


EP.  564  (ATT.  xn.  28). 

1.  eius]     Lamb. ;  tuis  M. 
nescio]     scio  M. 
magni]     om.  M. 

2.  me   ad   meam]     v.  c.   L   (marg.) ; 
codices  Bosii ;  in  earn  M1 ;  meam  M2. 

lugere]     C  v.  c.  Zl ;  leg  ere  M1  ;  regere 
M*. 


mitius]  Bosius  ;  intm  M'Zb  v.  c.  ; 
inter  M2  ;  invitu*  alii. 

3.  ita  solvi]  nos  ;  ei  solvi  codd. ;  ei* 
solvi  v.  c.  ;  sibi  solvi  L  (marg.)  Ascensius : 
pro  eis  solvi  coni.  Lamb.  Qu.  dissolri. 

Publilins]  Bosius  ;  Ptiblim  M,  cf. 
560.  1. 

Aledium  dicere]  vulg.;  a  te  diu  in- 
ducere  M. 

EP.  565  (AiT.  xn.  29). 

tu  vel]     Klotz  ;  cum  vel  M  ;  vel  vulg. 

2.  re  quid]  fort,  re  <rcqiiiro>  quid  vel 
simile. 

communices]     Vide  Comm. 

sintne]  Crat.  Zb  v.  c.  et  L  (marg.)  ; 
sin  M  ;  sint  0.  Vide  Comm.  ;  rft  sunt 
coni.  Lamb.  Fort,  sin  sint. 

quoad  possunt  adducito]  quoad  possint 
adduci  Ern.  ut  ab  communices  verba  pen- 
deant. 

EP.  566  (Arr.  xn.  33). 
1.  ut  heri]     veteri  M. 


EP.  567  (ATT.  xn.  30). 

1.  quod]     Wes.;  quid  codd. 
de  eo]     del.  Ern.  Btr. 

2.  vide]     v.  c.  Zb  ;  quidem  M. 


EP.  568  (ATT.  xn.  31,  §  3,  ET  32). 

1.  suam     cum    Publilio    loqueretur] 
codd.  ;  suam,   ut    cum   Publilio     loquerer 
Schmidt ;    suam,    cum    Publilio  videretur 
Klotz  ;  suam,  quae  cum  Publilio  loqueretur 
Reid ;    (quasi    cum     Publilio    loqueretur) 
Boot.    Vide  Comm. 

mi  etiam  gravins  esse]  Orelli  ;  me 
etiam  gravius  esse  M  ;  me  etiam  graviui 
esse  adfectum  I  vulg. 

esse  ipsius]  v.  c.  L  (marg.)  Zb  ;  ipsius 
esse  0  ;  illius  esse  M. 

una]     ieiuna,  Schmidt,  ingeniose. 

avolem]  add.  Madvig  (vel  alio,  sc. 
sim).  Vide  Comm. 

2.  quibus  .  .  .  futurus  erat]     Trans- 
ponere  haec  verba   ut   sequantur   Aven- 
tini  vult  Madvig. 

sint  ....  solvant]  Lamb. :  sit  .  .  . 
sokat  codd. 

opus  est]  vulg. ;  opus  sit  M  ;  opus 
erit  Wes. 

via]    Pius  ;  ilia  M1  ;  villa  M2. 

opus  erit]    Wes. :  opus  erat  M. 

animadvertis]     animadvertes  Wes. 


426 


ADNOTATIO  GRIT  1C  A. 


EP.  569  (Axx.  xir.  31). 

1.  aliud]     illud  vel  aliquid  coni.  "Wes. 
De    toto    loco     nondum    explicate   vide 
Comm. 

2.  et]     add.  Man. 
silvam]     Silianam  "Wes. 

utrivis]    v.  c.  L  (marg.)  Zb  ;  ntrius  M. 

explicare  vel  repraesentatione]  seel. 
Schmidt ;  vel  ordinem  verborum  ita  mutat 
ul  vel  explicarem  repraesentatione  legat. 
Locum  ita  retingit  Albrecht  Si  enim 
Faberianum  intenderem  explicare  vel  repre- 
sentation. 

at  tu]     aut  M  v.  c. 

ita  servio]  C  ;  om.  ita  M2  ;  serviat  M1. 
Fort,  servio  ita.  • 


EP.  570  (ATT.  xn.  34  ET  35,  §  1). 

1.  intellegam]      intellegebam    Or.    vel 
\ntelkgo  Wes.  fort,  recte ;  sed  coniunc- 
tivus  per  attractionem  verbi  scribas  ex- 
plicari  potest. 

certum  diem]     certitudinem  M1. 

2.  in]     add.  vett. 
et]     add.  Reid. 

35.  1.  vel  illo]     vello  M1. 
de  tota  re]     deiotare  M. 


EP.  571  (FAM.  xin.  15). 

1.  Em]     M;  om.  HD. 

de  illis]     om.  HD  ;  de  tuis  Wes. 

solitus  est]     soliti  sunt  vett. 

3>s  .  .  .  v*(pc\r)']     HD  ;   us  <pe\ri  M. 

2.  consolanturj   Corradus  ;  -atur  codd.. 
etiam  nunc]    etian  nuni  M  ;  etiatn  tiniim 

H,  sed  forma  ctiamnum  vix  Ciceronis  est ; 
et  inamim  (al.  inanissimum)  marg.  m.  2  D. 
Vide  Comm.  et  cf.  607.  1. 

me  minus]  HD  ;  miminus  M  ;  minus 
Ern. 

EP.  572  (FAM.  v.  13). 

1.  sapientiae  autumo]  GR  Streicher  ; 
sapicntia  est  atuo  M ;  sapientiae  statuo 
valg. 

3.  videre]     vidcris  Wes.     Vide  Comm. 
685.  1. 

reip]     M ;  de  rep.  GR. 

4.  omnium]  Graevius  ;  omnibus  codd.  ; 
omni  Streicher.     Vide  Comm. 

postulatum]  postulandiim  Ern.  ;  cf. 
561.  2. 

5.  ipso]     ipsi  Wes. 

de  me  ipso  aliquid]  MR  ;  aliquid  de 
me  ipso  G. 


levare]     levari  Marty ni- Lag. 
abducarn]     vulg.  ;  adducam  codd. 


EP.  573  (FAM.  vi.  21). 

TORAXIO]       taranio    M  ;     tiranio    R ; 
ti/ranio  G. 

1.  quo]     GR  ;  eo  M. 
amissa]     edd.  ;  missa  codd. 
voluisse]     noluisse  Crat.  marg. 

2.  recordare]      recordere    Lamb.  :    cp. 
572.3. 

sollicitudines]     M  ;    sollicitudinas    G  ; 
solitudines  R. 
esse]     est  codd. 

EP.  574  (FAM.  iv.  6). 

1.  lectis]     lectis  tuis  ed.  Neap, 
fuerunt]     Crat.  ;  fuerint  codd. 
Paullus]     M  ;  paulns  GR. 

Gallus]     GR  ;  gains  M.     Vide  Comm. 
luctum]     GR  ;  lum  M. 

2.  cogeremque]     GR  :  cogerem  M. 
confugerem]    R  ;  confuaircm  M  ;  fuye- 

rem  G. 

de  re]  GR ;  ad  (corr.  in  ax)  re  M1 ; 
a  (ex  ax)  re  M  (man.  rec.)  ;  e  re  Lamb. ; 
del.  Wes. 

3.  Maius  .  .  .  ratio]     GR ;  maior  mihi 
vatio  mihi  adferre  M  ;  maior  mihi  levatio 
adferri  Viet. 

a]     GR2 ;  ad  R' ;  om.  M. 


EP.  575  (FAM.  vi.  2). 

1.  solebam]     sokam  G. 
proficiscantur]        Crat.  ;    proficiscatur 

MR ;  proficiscar  G. 

2.  reciperis]  Egnatius  ;  receperis  codd ; 
recipieris  Kayser. 

adiuvisti]     GR  ;  adiuisti   M  ;  '  adivisti 
alii. 

viro]     GR  ;  viri  M. 
accidat]     MR  ;  -it  G. 

3.  te  esse]     om.  esse  G. 
hactenus]     actemis  codd. 
aut  quo]     om.  quo  G. 


EP.  576  (FAM.  ix.  11). 

1.  nam]     nam  me  Kayser  ;    sed   vide 
Lebreton,  p.  161  fin. 

possim]    possum  M1. 

2.  Quod  ut]     ut  ora.  H. 
sum]     om.  M. 


ADNOTATIO  GRIT  1C  A. 


427 


EP.  577  (ATT.  xn.  35.  2). 

2.  a  te]     v.  c.  L  (marg.)  Zb  ;  om.  2A. 

moveret]  me  moveret  \Ves.  ;  sed  cf. 
Att.  ix.  5.  2  (359),  ubi  errore  nos  olim  me 
addidimns  cum  Wesenbergio. 

collegi]     collegia  M1 ;  colligi  M2. 


EP.  578  (ATT.  xn.  36). 

1.  erui]    M2 ;  eri  M1  ;  cripi  Ruhnken  ; 
exni  vel  dissuadcri  Lamb.  ;  suaderi  v.  c. 

maximej     Fort.  <quam>  maxime. 
Nam]     non  vett. 

te]     tecum  Corradus  ;  sed  te   ex  habeo 
pendere  potest. 

2.  dixit]     L  (marg.)  ;  dixi  M. 


EP.  579  (Ai-T.  xn.  37,  §§  1-3). 

accepi]     CZ  ;  rccepi  M  ;  cp.  557.  2. 

liberlo]     Lamb. ;  I.  MZ. 

quae  .  .  .  die]  in  codd.  post  habere 
supra  ;  transposuit  Schmidt ;  seclusit  Btr. 

quae]  tue  hoe  (vel  tue}  M1  :  hoe  Zl 
Schiche  qui  ordinem  librorum  conservat. 

decimo]     de  Cumano  Schiche. 

2.  qui]     add.  vett.  ;  si  Rom. 

urbis]  Fr.  Schmidt,  vide  Comm.  ;  ubi 
tis  codd.,  Reid;  utilis  coni.  Boot. 

in  villa]  Man.,  cf.  590.  2  ;  in  villam 
M ;  ad  villain  coni.  Miiller. 

ut  mi  stomachere]  nos  ;  uti  stomachere 
V.  c.  L  (marg.)  Zb;  ut  in  istomachere  M 
(cp.  748.  2). 

erit,  non  mea]  M  ;  non  ei'it,  mea 
Graevius.  Vide  Comm. 

3.  tam]   add.  nos  ;  tua  add.  L  (marg.). 
Vide  Comm. 

tua  quam]  tuaque  Lamb.  ;  tua,  tuaquc 
codices  Bosii  teste  Orellio. 


EP.  580  (ATT.  xn.  37,  §  4). 

4.  xnn]     xvn  coni.  Schmidt, 
dubia]     dubia  re  Man. 
Scribas]      codd.  ;     scribes     Or.     Vide 
Comm. 

levaris]     C  ;  om.  M. 
etiam]     etiam  atque  etiam  Koch,  Wes. 

EP.  581  (ATT.  xn.  38,  §§  1-2). 

2.  aegrimoniae  locus]     agrimoniae  co- 
cus  M. 


EP.  582  (ATT.  xn.  38,  §$  3-5). 

3.  sint]     ftunt  Wes. 

quae  maxime  liberalis  sit]  cum  Ursino 
Klotz  ;  quae  maxime  Jibrr<ilixsnn<i  I'uni  M 
Boot;  maxime, quae cstlibcralixxi nut  Lamb., 
Schmidt;  maxima  <l  /<'//•  /v///'\\////^  Reid. 

4.  possim]     possum  Wes. 
adlevandum]     Orelli;  adiuvanditm  M. 
volo]     add.  I;  om.  M;  relim  Miiller. 
Publicianus]     CZb  ;  publican u*  M 

5.  Kvpos  S'  «']    Bosius  ;  Kvpcras  M  v.  c. 
Vide  Comm. 

EP.  583  (ATT.  xn.  39). 

1.  ad  quam]     Lamb.;    adque   M;    ad 
quae  I  Wes. 

epistula]     <hac>  epistula  I  Wes. 
nimium]     nimirum  Lamb, 
otium    tuum    specto]      Klotz,    Boot  ; 
otium  exspecto  M  ;  otio  tuum  specto  Man. 
tamen]     post  diebtts  transposuit  Man. 

2.  tabellarii]     seel.  Boot, 
quod]     Crat. ;  quid  M. 
Id]     add.  Crat. 


EP.  584  (ATT.  xn.  40). 

1.  quod  quo]     quod  quoque  v.  c. 

2.  libros  vpbs]     Muecke  ;    TIBPOS  M  ; 
rt  irpos  Wes.  ;  irpbs  Viet.  vulg. 

oifenderet]     offenderctur  Rom.,  male, 
hortis]     M  ;  horto  C  v.  c.  Zb. 

3.  sim   in   iis  meis]      Btr.  ;   sumiu  in 
eis  M1 ;  sim  in  his  meis  M2. 

condiebam]  corr.  ex  condiebamus  M  ; 
condicbamus  Klotz. 

4.  Scapulanis]     xcapulis  M. 

est  in  eo]  extimssco  Madvig  ;  aestimo 
Reid ;  est  solvendo  Shuckburgh.  Fort. 
ego  timeo. 

Faberiana  inodo  res]  faberia  num 
odores  M. 

5.  atque]     nos   sicut    Reid   Acad.    ii. 
34  ;  ac  M ;  aliqui'l  Miiller.     Vide  Comm. 


EP.  585  (FAM.  v.  14). 

1.  viderem]     vidi  GR. 
discesseram]     GR ;  discesscrat   M;  de- 

cesserat  (sc.  Tullia)  Orelli  ;  discessera* 
vett.  ;  discesseramus  Streicher.  Vide 
Comm. 

item]     idem  Wes. 

ipsum]     te  ipsum  vett. 

2.  indicas]     GR;  hinc  dica*  set-as  M; 
hinc  disccssera*  ed.  Neap  ;  inclinatus  eras 
Streicher. 


428 


ADNOTATIO  CEITICA. 


3.  possimus]     MR  ;  possumus  G. 
id  est]     add.  Reid,  in  spatio  quinque 
litterarum  ;  atqtte  add.  Wes. 

Cum]  Nunc  Martyni-Lag.  Vide  Comm. 
conturbant]    perturbant  GR. 


EP.  586  (ATT.  xn.  42,  §§  1-3). 

ut]  add.  Miiller  ;  si  add.  Madvig  ; 
nihil  aliud  scire  me,  <nisi>novi  Gronovius. 

Scripsisti]  Man. ;  scripsi  M.  ;  scripsti 
coni.  Btr. 

3.  Id.]     add.  L(marg.). 


EP.  587  (FAM.  v.  15). 

2.  Tecum  vivere  possem  equidem 
et]  codd. ;  Tecum  vivere  posse  equidem 
Lamb. ;  Tecum  vivere  <Csi>  possem,  equi- 
dem Madvig. 

maxime]    permaxime  GR. 

quaeso,  deest]  Rost ;  quas  id  est  M  ; 
quasi  est  GR. 

coniunctionis]     coniunctioni  Crat. 

4.  tu  me]  GR ;  tuae  M ;  tu  me  ab  ea 
Wes. ;  tu  ea  me  alii.  Vide  Comm. 

delectare]     vett.  ;  dekctari  codd. 


EP.  588  (Arr.  xn.  41). 

1.  me]     add.  vett. :  cp.  §  4  et  adnota- 
tionem. 

ego]     Viet.  ;   lego  M. 

3.  tertium]     Zl ;  terentium  M. 
certo]     vett.  ;  ccrte  M. 
adsentiar]     adsentior  Wes. 

4.  facies  me]     C  ;  fades  (om.  me]  M  : 
cf.  §  1.    Sed  M   saepissime   me    omisit: 
cf.   Mullerum   ad  Epp.  ad  Att.,    p.    11. 
11  editionis  suae. 


EP.  589  (Arr.  xn.  42,  §  3  ET  43). 

[43].  1.  utrurn]     Boot ;  utrumque  M. 

scribis]     Man.;  scies  M. 

recte]  reri  Man. ;  rere  (om.  scies  ut 
ex  superioribus  repetitum)  Madvig ;  certe 
Lamb. 

mihi]     Zl;  om.  M. 

tamen  id  est]  Wes. ;  cumidesse  M  ; 
turn  id  est  Lamf). ;  quam  id  sit  Madvig  ; 
quin  id  esse  Lattmann. 

perinde  ut]    perinde  ut  est  Madvig. 

2.  Sed  si]"    2  Crat.  v.  c.  ;  si  (om.  Sed) 


EP.  590  (ATT.  xn.  44  ET  45,  §  1). 

2.  Quid  enitnt']    Fort.     <Quid  dica 
Tusculanum  ?>  Quid  enim  ?     Vide  Comm 

Tusculano]     -anum  M. 

3.  ratione]     recte  Wes. 

Lanuvi]  Corradus  ;  latni  (=  Lanui]  ]V 
Lanuvium  Rom. 

4.  nee  Carteiae]     Man. ;     nee  cartiui 
M;    nee  cartani  Zl;    negat  artius  con 
Boot. 

Patavinum  missarum]  vett.;  putavi 
num  inmissarum  M ;  Petavonium  (His- 
paniae  oppidum)  missarum  Or. 

Fulviniaster]  v.  c.  vett. ;  fuliti  master 
M ;  Fulviaster  Rom. ;  Q&orifjLwv  p.a.<rri\p 
coni.  Reid,  fort,  recte;  fulminaster 
Schmidt.  Vide  Comm. 


EP.  591  (ATT.  xm.  26). 

1.  probo]    probe  Or. 
proximum]     C  ;  maximum  M. 

2.  Asturae]     adsture  M. 

Lanuvio]  lanio  M  (cf.  590.  3)  et  abla- 
tivum  dant  ceteri  codd.  ut  videtur ; 
Lanuvium  Malaspina  Lamb. 

quin]     M  ;  qui  Wes. ;  die,  quin  vett. 

EP.  592  (ATT.  xn.  46  ET  47.  1). 

1.  occultius]  Fr.  Scbmidt ;  octius  M  ; 
cp.  infra  ex  to  pro  exculto ;  ocius  Rom.  ; 
coctius  coni.  Tyrrell ;  modestius  v.  c. ; 
mediocrius  alii. 

exculto]  Viet. ;  exto  M1 ;  ex  toto  coni. 
Palmer. 

in]    add.  Wes. 

[47].  1.  poterunt]  Man.;  potuerunt 
M. 

EP.  593  (ATT.  xn.  47,  §§  1,  2). 

1 .  audere,    re]     Crat.  ;    audirer    M1 ; 
audires  M2. 

2.  concedam]     concedo;  in  Wes. 

EP.  594  (ATT.  xn.  47,  §  3,  ET  48  INIT.). 

arbitrabar]     arbitrator  M. 
exspectamus]     exspectabamus  Otto  coll. 
Ep.  600.     Utrumque  bonum. 


EP.  595  (ATT.  xn.  45,  §§  2,  3). 

2.  ceteroqui]  M  ;  ceteraquidem'Rom.  I. 
Nee]     Nunc  Corradus. 


ADNOTATIO  CRITIC  A. 


429 


I     haec  .  .  .  angunt]      Lucilio  attribuit 

'Ellis. 

i     3.  Quirini  .  .  .  Salutis]     Quirino  .  .  . 

Saluti  Zb  v.  c. 

•     Hirtium]     Hirtii  librwn  Wes. 


EP.  596  (ATT.  xn.  50). 

gratus]  Viet. ;  gratius  M1 ;  gravius 
M2. 

Consilium]  M  ;  consultum  Muller  ; 
wnsili  Corradus ;  cerium  (vel  constitution] 
eonsilium  alii. 


EP.  597  (ATT.  xu.  48  FIN.  ET  49). 

[48].  totus  .  .  .  quod]  otiosus  .  .  . 
quom  coni.  Miiller.  Pro  quo  coni.  L 
(marg.)  quotus. 


[49].  puto]     subito  Klotz. 
2.  Ci< 


,iceronem]     M  Crat. ;    Caesarem  I 
Wes.  valde  probabiliter. 


EP.  598  (ATT.  xn.  51). 

1.  si]    si  tu  Era. 

unus]     unus  una  Goligher. 
Verum]     utrum  M. 

2.  hoc  idem]     Bosius  :  hodie  MI  v.  c. 
ut  tempora]     ut  sunt  tempora  Moser, 

Wes. 

scis  ita]  Zb  I  L  (marg.)  ;  si  M  ;  scito 
ita  M2  Rom. 

fj.-t)X<aari]  C  ;  MHOCH  M  ;  yvwvy  alii ; 
/tut'  b'<n?  'Bosius. 


EP.  599  (Ai-T.  xn.  52). 

1.  xxv]  Bosius,  coll.  Att.  xvi.  15.  5 
{807),  vide  Comm  ;  xx.  codd. 

3.  De  .  .  .  conscribis]     Vide  Comm. 

es]  est  M  (sed  superscriptum  '  vel  es ') ; 
•esto  coni.  Boot. 

talia  conscribis]  alia  que  scribis  M1  ; 
talia  ren  cum  scribis  (sed  cum  deletum) 
M2. 

tantum]     C  ;  tamen  M. 


EP.  600  (ATT.  xn.  53). 

fortasse  alterae]  fortasse-alteras  no- 
tasse- alter  e  M. 

posmeridianae]  codd.  ;  postmeridianae 
vulg  Vide  Comm. 


EP.  601  (ATT.  xiu.  1). 

1.  quam]     del.  Man.  Lamb. 

2.  quod  si]     C  v.  c.  L  (marg.)  codices 
Bosii;  om.  2A. 

efficis]     et  sicunde  Schmidt  (om.  quod 
si). 

aptius]     acrius  Viet. 

3.  totum  in  hunc  ipsum]  Ita  codd.,  sed 
vix  recte ;  totum  in  hunc  (sc.  transtuli) 
<et>  ipsum  Lamb. ;  tanti  hunc  (sc.facio) 
et  ipsum   Reid ;    tanti  me  hie   nunc  (sc. 
facit),  et  ipsum  coni.  Boot;  Fort,  tantum 
hunc  ipsum.     Vide  Comm. 


EP.  602  (ATT.  xm.  2,  §  1). 
exuimus]     exsuimus  M. 

EP.  603  (ATT.  xm.  27). 

1.  De  epistula]    0  Crat.  v.  c.  L  (marg.) 
Zb ;  epistulam  RPA. 

inofficiosi]     officiosi  M. 
retinuerunt]    I ;  reticuerunt  M. 
Valde]     Non  valde  Schiche. 
nee  mihi]     Malaspina  ex  Ant.  F ;  ne 
cam  M. 

in  cognatum]     [i/«]  cognatum  Wes. 

2.  in]     add.  L  (marg.)  codices  Bosii. 
Eum]     Erotem  Schiitz. 

EP.  604  (ATT.  xm.  28  ET  29,  ^  1). 

3.  Quid  ?   tu]      Quid    turn  ?   coni.   I/ 
(marg.). 

Aristoteli]  M*  (Neue-Wag.  i3  510), 
L  (marg.)  v.  c. ;  Aristotelis  M2. 

quom]     Wes. ;  quod  M. 

quemj     Rom.  1 ;  quam  M. 

[29.  1].  Thalnam]  vulg.  Talnam  CM 
cf.  Att.  i.  16.  6  (22). 

probatum]     Malaspina;  probatam  M. 

EP.  605  (An.  xm.  29,  §1  2,  3,  ET  30  §  1). 

2.  ex]     add.  Orelli. 

pauca  mutata :  balneaiia]  Crat. ;  paucam 
ut  ad  balnearia  M. 

addenda  est]  Ascensius  ;  addenda 
sunt  M. 

emptor]  empturus  vel  emptor  timendus 
coni.  L  (marg.). 

3.  sperare]    Viet.  ;  *i  rare  M  ; 
C. 

tam]     Boot ;  nam  M. 


430 


ADNOTATIO  CRITIC  A. 


confidam]  Lamb. ;  comidam  M  ;  con- 
cidam  Rom.  ;  concludam  I. 

futuram]     <,puto ~^>futuram  Wes.  Btr. 

30.  1.  Q.]     add.  Lehmann. 

moveris]  movearis  coni.  "Wes.  Vide 
Comm. 

misi  semissem]  nos ;  inisissem  M ; 
ante  mistssem  supplet  <  nisi  tuae  simillima 
esset>  vel  simile  Miiller. 

puto]     pitta  Gronovius. 

EP.  606  (ATT.  xm.  2,  §§  1,  2). 

et  tamen]  examina  Schmidt.  Vide 
Comm. 

EP.  607  (ATT.  xui.  31). 

1.  te]     add.  Rom. 

non]     add.  vett. 

etiam  nunc]  Wes. ;  etiam  dum  M  ; 
etiamnum  (vel  et  iam  nunc)  coni.  Or. : 
cf.  ad  571.  2. 

3.  Atque]  atqui  Wes.  ;  sed  vide 
Comm. 

suadebam]  sua  debebam  M1 ;  semper 
suadebam  I. 

utrum]     sin,  utrum  Bosius,  Wes. 

facere  posse]  Man. ;  facer e  posset  M  ; 
ntrtim  liber  et  facer  et\  posse  Lamb. 

gulam]      gulam    Q.    (sc.    Quinti    fili) 


EP.  608  (ATT.  xm.  30,  §§  2,  3). 

2.  biduum]     bidtio  Wes. 
A]     add.  vett 

Te]     add.  vett. 

perendie.     Mi]     Zb  ;  ptrendiem  M. 

3.  erue]     Btr.  Wes.  ;  eruesZb;  eruere 
M. 

aut  ubi  visum]  M,  vide  Comm. ;  aut 
ubivis  habitum  Scbmidt ;  aut  ubi  erit 
mihi  visum  Wes. ;  (Olympicum]  aut  Lesbi- 
eum  coni.  Koch. ;  aut  alicubi  institutum 
coni.  Miiller. 


EP.  609  (ATT.  xm.  2,  §  3,  ET  3,  §  1). 

ergo]     2  Crat. ;  om.  A. 
cum]     turn  M. 

abesse]     abesse  se  Em.     Post  iure  add. 
ae  L  (marg.). 


EP.  610  (ATT.  xm.  32). 

3.  fussi]     2A  ;    misi  Zb  v.  c.   fort, 
recte. 


litteras]      M,  vide    Comm.  ; 
Rinkes. 

aliae.    Quod]     nos;     alia.   Et  M. 

de]     add.  vett. 

intellexisti]     vulg.  ;    intellexi  M  ;   in- 
tellexti  Pius. 

Rupilio  coss.  Annis]     Rom. ;  Rupilian 
M. 

potuisset]     non  potuisset  Ursinus. 

quaestor]    praetor  Pighius,  fort,  recte. 
Vide  Comm. 

esset]     Ursinus  ;  cst  M. 

magistratus]     mage  M. 

nesciebam]     Muretus  ;  sciebam  M. 

cos.  cum  L.]     Wes. ;  cum  M. 


EP.  611  (ATT.  xm.  3,  §§  1,  2). 

1.  ad  me]  quod  ad  me  Crat.  ;  sed  vide- 
Comm. 

qui,  si  ipse]  Z  v.  c.  L  (marg.)  RP ; 
Quid  ?  ipse  A. 

nihil  gererem]  Z  v.  c.  L  (marg.)  2  ; 
om.  A. 

quod]     quo  v.  c.  Btr. 

est.     Praes]     Crat. ;  espraes  M. 

aliquando]  quidem  aliquando  Z,  ut 
videtur. 

esses  et]     Bosius;  es  et  Crat.  Zl. 

duorum]  eornm  Reid  ;  duorutn  horum- 
Or.  Vide  Comm. 


EP.  612  (ATT.  xn.  5,  §  2). 

2.  autem]     2  ;  om.  A. 

quod]     Man. ;  quid  M. 

Avium]  Bosius,  coll.  Att.  xiii.  4.  2 
(614)  ;  A ulum  M. 

nosset]     Lamb. ;  noscem  M. 

demonstraret]  Lamb.,  Malasp. ;  de- 
monstrarein  M. 

videor]     om.  M1. 


EP.  613  (FAM.  iv.  12). 

SAL.  PLURIBU8  VEKBIS]      M  Vulg.  |   Om» 

GR  ;  SAL.  PLUR.  Baiter. 

1.  nobis]     R;  bonis  MG. 

dominatur]     dominantur  Lamb. 

faciendum  .  .  .  facere]  codd.  ;  facien- 
dum, quoquo  modo  res  se  haberet,  ut  vos 
certiores  facer  em  Martyni  -  Laguna  ; 
faciendum  del.  Lamb. 

M.]     add.  Orelli. 

eumque  diem  ibi]  MR  (sed  cumque 
R)  :  ibique  eum  diem  G. 

cum  ab  eo  digressus  essem]  vulg.  ;  ab 
eo  digressus  cum  essem  GR ;  ab  eo  digressus 


AD  NOT  AT  10  CRITIC  A. 


431 


\essein  (om.  cum)  M  ;  ab  eo  digressus  sum 
IStreicher. 

Maleas]  Man. ;  Maleam  Lamb.  ;  mains 
M  :  kal.  Maias  GR  ;  sub  Kalendas 
Btreicher. 

2.  a  P.    Magio   Cilone]     apud   maigio 
Cilone  M  ;  apud  macium  urbcm  cilonem  G 
(sed  urbcm   expunctum)  ;    apud  magnum 

\lonem  R. 

familiare]     M  ;   -arcm  GR, ;  -an  Crat. 

sperare]     sperari  Btr. 

ei  mitterem.     Itaque  medicos]      GR ; 
m.  M. 

3.  orbi]     M  ;  or  bis  GR. 


EP.  614  (ATT.  xm.  4). 

et  quidem  de  Tuditano  idem]  Leh- 
mann  ;  et  quidem  M  ;  equidem  idem  Moser ; 
atque  idem  Orelli ;  De  Tuditano  idem  (om. 
t  quidem}  Schmidt. 

quaestor]     que  M. 

EP.  615  (ATT.  xm.  5). 

1.  sed]     del.  Reid. 

videlicet]        Vide     Comm.  ;     videlicet 
•^erravi^,  Wes. 
^etenim  eti\oyov~\  eum  legatwn  Graevius. 

et  urge]  sed  urge  L  (marg.)  v.  c.,  Wes. 

Mustela]     Viet. ;  multis  M. 


EP.  616  (An.  xm.  32,  §§  1-3). 

Neglegentiam]    Oneglegentiam  Miiller. 

qui]     Wes. ;  quin  M. 

scribes]     Lamb. ;  scribis  M. 

confectum]     confestim  Bosius  vulg. 

2.  H.  in  Capitolio]  hodie  in  Capitolio 
Bosius,  Schmidt.  Vide  Comm. 

expostulet]     Lamb.  ;  postulet  codd. 

turn]  Tyrrell;  cum  codd. ;  quoqueOr., 
Wes. 

destinat,  turn]  Zl ;  destinatum  M; 
destinatum  <habet>  Mai. 

habet  res]     Zl  Ant. ;  haberes  M. 

poterit]    poteris  Schmidt. 

librum]       librum     vepl 
Lamb. 

exspecto]  De  Sp.  (=  Spurio)  si  cut 
Schmidt. 

3.  Mummio]     add.  Man. 

turn]  transponendum  post  quoniam 
coni.  Lamb. 

quoniam]     cum  Wes. 

aut  quaestorem  aut  tribunum  mih- 
tum]  Man. ;  ad  qtiestorem  TE  nilque  M1 
(nil  M»). 


fuisse,   idque  potius   credo.      Tu   de} 

Ern.  ;  idque  potius  fuisse  xed  credo  ('•  d'- 

M  ;  idque  potius  fuisse  credo.    Tn  de  vulg. 

Antiocho]      Antaeo   coni.   Reid,   coll. 

646  fin. 

videlicet]  Schmidt ;  vide  etiam  M  ; 
qiiae  verba  Boot  retinet,  sed  ita  transponit 
ut  ante  in  jiraefcctis  stent ;  vide  etiam 
ttque  etiam  Or. 

erue]  Albrecht ;  ca  de  M  ;  eadem  Asc. ; 
•adetZO1  L  (marg.)  v.  c. ;  quadret  Bosius  ; 
vide  ne  Madvig ;  saltern  Gurlitt,  Miiller ; 
quaere  coni.  Schmidt. 

in  praefectis  an  in  contubernalibus] 
Bosius  ;  in  pref.  (sic)  aut  in  contuber 
>ic)  M. 

contubernalibus]  contubernio  Rom.  ; 
contuberone  I. 


EP.  617  (ATT.  xm.  6,  §  4). 

mortuus]    add.  Man.     Vide  Comm. 

facetis]  vett. ;  fades  vel  facias  vel 
factas  codd. ;  fartas  coni.  Bos. 

eos]    2  Ant.  F  ;  om.  A. 

coniunctissimos]  add.  Crat.  v.  c.  Bosiua 
(ex  codicibus)  ;  om.  2A. 

0]  add.  Lehmann  ;  Operam  tuam  mul- 
tum  amo,  qui  Muller. 

non  multo]     2  Crat. ;  multo  A. 


EP.  618  (ATT.  xm.  8). 

Plane  nihil]    plane  facturum  nichil  M. 
paulo]    paulo  post  heri  (sed  post  heri 
deletis)  M. 

Staberi]     vel  Staler*  M ;  laberi  vulg. 
Nolanove]    Ursinus;  nolano  M. 

EP.  619  (AiT.  xm.  7.  1). 

1.  aliquid]     Lamb. ;   nequid  M  v.  c. ; 
quid  Btr.  Schmidt. 

quid]     quod  Ern.  Wes. 
nisi]    vett. ;  si  M. 
si]    I ;  om.  M. 

EP.  620  (ATT.  xm.  7.  2). 
lussi]     CZ1  2;  nisi  M  ;  misi  &  Crat. 

EP.  621  ( ATT.  xii.  5,  §  3). 

3.  proximis]     2  Zb  ;  om.  A. 

L.]     add.  Beier. 

Censorinone]  2ZbAnt.;  Censorwo  A. 


432 


ADNOTATIO  CRITIC  A. 


ConturbabatJ  Wes.  ;  conturbat  G  ; 
•conturbo  M  ;  conturbor  v.  c. 

enim]     etiam  Orelli,  fort,  recte. 

epitome  Bruti  Fanniana]  secluserunt 
«dd.,  itemque  scripsi.  Sed  vide  Coram. 
Schiche  et  Schmidt  secluserunt  in  Bruti 
•epitoma  Fannianonun  scripsi. 

scripsi]    scriptum  Gronovius. 


EP.  622  (FAM.  vi.  11). 

mihi  opus  esse]  M  ;  mihi  operam  eius 
•opus  esse  vel  mihi  opera  eius  ut  mihi  opus 
esset  coni.  Lehmann.  Vide  Comm. 

esse]     M  ;  esset  G  ;  eius  11. 

2.  turn  esset]  MG  ;  tarn  esset  it ;  tamen 
.fsset  Lamb. 

Sironem]     MGR  ;  Syronem  dett.  Wes. 


EP.  623  (ATT.  xm.  9). 

1.  Curtius]     culcius  M. 
tamen]     tandem  Man. 
Quintum]     Viet. :  que  M. 
dictare]     dicare  M. 

scribere  .  . .]  Post  hoc  verbum  lacunam 
posuit  Lehmann  ;  vide  Comm. 

Sed  hactenus]  sed  haec  hactenus  edd. 
plerique;  sed  cf.  ad  Att.  v.  13.  1  (203). 

humanissimeque  .  .  .  diligentissime ; 
quae]  21  Crat.  ;  huinanissime  quae 
(ceteris  omissis)  A. 

2.  constitui  a]     Man.  ;  constituta  M. 
tu]     tu,  cum  Lamb.  ;  sed  vide  Comm. 
ad  quos  dies]     quo  die  coni.  Reid. 


EP.  624  (ATT.  xm.  10). 

1.  me]     unum  me  Wes. 

esse]     om.  Moser. 

domin]     M1 ;  domine  M2. 

3.  egerit]     2Z  v.  c.  I  Ant.  F  ;  om.  A. 

aliquid]  Crat.  v.  c.  L  (marg.)  Zb ; 
om.  SA. 

enim]     etiam  Or.  ;  cf.  621.  3. 

sponsor  sum  factus.  Et]  Crat.  v.  c. 
L  (marg.)  Zb  ;  sponsorum  factus  et 
MEO!R  ;  sponsor  factus  et  02s  ;  Sponsor 
Sunii  factus  est  coni.  Bosius. 

eum]     CM  ;  enim  alii. 

ut  erat]  aut  erat  M1 ;  cf.  Fam.  xii.  20 
(930)  Quod  *t,  ut  es,  cessabis. 

constantius]  constans,  ojirmatius  vel 
simile,  Miiller. 

respondisse]  Rom.  I  vulg. ;  ppndisse 
(ut  videtur)  M  ;  perpendisse  Btr.  ;  re- 
prendisse  coni.  Miiller. 


EP.  625  (ATT.  xm.  11). 

1.  colere]     M2;  colore  M1. 
privabatur]    privabamur  Orelli. 


EP.  626  (ATT.  xm.  12). 

1.  tamen]     sane  tamen  M. 

2.  vendidisti]     venditasii  Orelli. 

3.  processerit]       processerat      Miiller, 
propter  parabat. 

tu]  v.  c.  L  (marg.)  codd.  Bosii ;  om. 
2A. 

Antiochia]  'Ayrufycia  Lamb. ;  cf. 
631.  5. 

Catulo  et  Lucullo]  Catulum  et  Lucullum 
Gronovius. 

ita]     M  ;  sic  C. 

4.  tuo  S.  Vettio  coheredi]     Bos.  Zb  ; 
tuos  nectiotom  heredi  M. 

Tu  cum  Pisone;  Erotem]  Wes.,  coll. 
629  fin. ;  Cum  Pisone  Erotem  habes  vulg. 


EP.  627  (ATT.  xm.  13  ET  14,  §§  1,  2).  I 

1.  transtulique]     Crat.,  Lamb.    (fort, 
ex  Z)  ;  transtuli  M. 

de  Academicis]  translata  in  textum 
esse  ex  margine  suspicatur  Reid. 

2.  si  aliquid]     Man. ;  si  aliud  qui  CM 
v.  c. 

14.  [1.]  noster.  .  .  coheredes]  Crat., 
I ;  om.  codd. 

placeret]    placet  I. 

se  et]  TJrsinus ;  sed  I  Crat. ;  ait  (corr. 
ex  et)  M.  Locum  ita  dant  Hofmann, 
Btr.,  Boot,  Schmidt  libertus  coheredes  ait 
et  Sabinum. 

obire]     M  ;  novare  C. 

vel  triduum]     om.  v.  c. 

2.  egerit]     Orelli ;  erit  codd. 

si  quid  erit]     2  Zb  v.  c. ;  om.  A. 


EP.  628  (ATT.  xm.  14,  §  3  ET  15). 

[15].    quod   scriberem]       Ern. ; 
scriberem  M  et  ita  mox. 


EP.  629  (An.  xm.  16). 

1.  solitudinem]     SA ;  solitudines  Crat.. 
v.  c.  L  (marg.)  codices  Bosii ;  cf.  559.  1. 

Primo]      C  v.  c.  L  (marg.)  Zb  ;    modo 
2A. 

2.  hocne]     hocine  Wes. 


ADNOTATIO  CRITIC  A. 


433 


EP.  630  (ATT.  xm.  17  ET  18). 

[17].  v.  Kalend.]  C,  Zl,  Zb  ;  vi.  (om. 
Kal)  ORM. 

non  quo  imperassem  tuis  :  igitur  nunc] 
eoni.  Lamb,  sed  quo  ex  Crat.  v.  c.  Zb; 
non  imperassem  (impetrassem  O^RPs1) 
igitur  aliquid  tuis  nunc  M ;  novi  \  im- 
yer<isses  vellem  igitur  aliquid  tuis.  Nunc 
Schmidt  et  nos  olim ;  novi.  Imperassem 
igitur  aliquid  tuis.  Nunc  Miiller.  Vide 
Comm.  et  Corrigenda. 

ecquid]     Lamb.  ;  et  quid  M. 

[18].  habeat]     Lamb.;  habetM.. 

conficiamus]     vulg.  ;  comfiamus^  M. 

nisi     forte      Brutum     quern     si     non 

jAoTUTrei]  Bosius,  qui  sic  hunc  locum,  ut 
ait '  ex  Decurtato  nostro  '  id  est  ex  ingenio 
suo,  integrum  reposuit ;  om.  M. 

Plane] 


EP.  631  (ATT.  xm.  19). 

2.  et]     v.  c.  Viet.  ;  om.  M. 

3.  constitueram]      Pius ;    constituebam 

m. 

scribis]     add.  vett. 

posset]    possit  Kayser,  Wes. 

ut]    add.  vett. 

4.  in]     add.  Schutz. 

Sic]     M2;  sitM.1-,  sunt  M3. 
Antonius]     <Scaevola>  Antonius  Wes. 
Vide  Comm. 

ita  sermo]     2  Crat. ;  sermo  ita  A. 

5.  ut  illi  de  iis  somniasse]     Crat.  (sed 
is  his  pro  iis) ;  in  utili  demus  omnia  et  M. 

easque  partis]  measque  partis  Bosius  ; 
eaeque  sunt  partes  Reid.  Locus  incertus, 
de  quo  vide  Comm. 

Antiochia]      cf.    626.    3  ; 
Kayser. 

etiam]     add.  vett. 


EP.  632  (ATT.  xm.  21,  §§  4-7). 

4.  ante  quam]     add.  Viet. 

5.  Quomodo]     codd. ;  quoniam  Lamb.; 
cum  Bosius.    Fort.  Quodammodo.     Miiller 
coni.  <Sed  nescio>  quomodo  antea. 

describit  a  tuis]     seel.  Miiller. 

possum]    possem  v.  c. 

homo — a  meis]    Zl  (sed  is  mis  pro  meis) 
y.  c.  Malaspina;  humanus  M. 

ego]     v.  c.  L  (marg.)  Crat. ;  es  M. 

est]     sit  M1. 

7.  hominem]     nomen  Schutz,  Wes. 
•    de  Scrofa  .  .  .  Accedit,  si]     de  Scrofa, 
etiam  quod  proxime  accidit.     Si  Wes. 


EP.  633  (FAM.  ix.  22). 

1.  vel]   taRutilius;  alii  Man.  ;   Fort. 
<tu  inverecundiam>  vel. 

loquendi]     loquendi  <orft>  Lehmann. 
atqui]     M  ;  atque  HD. 
Usurpat]     HD  ;  usurpato  M. 
ferei]      M;  feret   HD;    Phere  Ribb ; 
Pheraei  Ern. 

2.  cur  non  suo  potius]     HD  ;  cur  suo 
potius  M  ;  del.  Btr. 

3.  vocitatus]  M ;  vocatus  H  ;  appellatus 
D. 

Belle]     Or.  ;  bella  codd. 

4.  At   honesti]      D   Btr. ;    ad  honesti 
MH  ;  et  honesti  Wes.  fort,  recte. 

colei  Lanuvini]  vett. ;  colii  lanuini 
codd. 

Quid  ?]     Quin  Miiller. 

suppedet]  Btr. ;  suppendet  MD  ;  sus- 
pendet  H  :  suppedit  alii. 

5.  honorem]     M  ;  honor  est  HD. 


EP.  634  (ATT.  xm.  20). 

1.  scire  sane]    2  v.  c.  L(marg.)  Crat. ; 
sane  scire  A. 

2.  ad  Ligarianam]   2  Zb  v.  c.  L  (marg. 
Crat. ;  om.  A. 

offendere]     Ern. ;  defendere  M. 

4.  Atque]     Atqui  Bosius. 

eo]    add.  Wes. 

in  toto]  in  Torquato  Miiller :  in  Bruto 
Schmidt ;  in  vita  L  (marg.) ;  in  totum 
coni.  Wes. 

ei]     mihi  Wieland. 

iudicia]  <hominum>  iudicia  L  (marg.). 

perfectum]  per  se  rectum  coni.  Boot ; 
rectum  L  (marg.). 

et  tamen]    et  famam  Albrecht. 


EP.  635  (ATT.  xm.  22). 


1.  affnevaiTara]     M1; 
(in  marg.). 

intexui]   vulg.  ;  intex*  M  ;  intexo  v.  c. 

2.  0]     v.  c.  L  (marg.)  Crat.  codices 
Bosii  ;  om,  2A. 

3.  videbitur]    vett.  ;  vibetur  M  ;  \ube- 
tur  Rom.  ;  videtur  Wes. 

quae  nisi  a  te  habere]  I  ;  om.  codd.  ; 
quae  a  meis  habere  0.  E.  Schmidt  (Rh. 
Mus.  1898,  p.  216),  coll.  632.  5. 

sat]     CM  v.  c.  ;  satis  vett.  :  cp.  665.  2. 

4.  probe]  probo  Wolfflin,  Miiller,  fort. 
recte.    Vide  Comm. 

Oviae]     Schutz  ;  avie  M. 
vita]     vita  ita  Wes. 
humane]     hwnanae  Crat.  v.  c. 

2  E 


434 


ADNOTATIO  CRITIC  A. 


inimico]    iniquo  Stangl. 

se]     add.  nos.    Vide  Comin. 

utraque]     in  utraque  coni.  Or. 

Lucum]     Bosius  ;  locum  M. 

hominibus]  Othonis  Fr.  Schmidt ;  om- 
nino  Reid.  Vide  Comm.  Transponendum 
ante  desertior  coni.  Lamb. 

fv\oyiav\  Fort,  evayiav  i.e.  '  sanctita- 
tem.' 

malitia]  I,  vide  Comm. ;  militia,  codd. ; 
male  tuti  est  Boot ;  stultitia  Klotz  ;  mi 
Tite,  aestuo  Pius  ;  molestum  Koch. 

5.  de]     om.  M. 


Ep.  636  ('ATT.  XTII.  33,  §§  4,  5>. 

4.  memini    enitn    tuum.     Etenim    (et 
codd.)  multi  erant  nosque  imparati]     Ita 
Reid.     Vide  Comm. 

ceciditque]  0  Crat.  codices  Bosii  ; 
cecidi  MI ;  cecidique  P  ;  cecidit  Rom. 

Sed]  scilicet  Wes.  Transponendum 
ante  cecidit  coni.  Lamb. 

duci]     C  ;  pauci  2A  ;  perduci  Bosius. 

coaedificari]  Lamb.  ;  cum  (turn  v.  c.) 
edificari  MZb  v.  c. 

si  recte]     wire  te  M. 

in  via]     CM  ;  in  tua  re  I. 

5.  Bruto]     C  ;    hyuto   M  ;    Hirtio   O2 
Rom  I  Crat. 

Idibus]  Man.  Idibns  mail  M  ;  Idibus 
Romae  Schmidt. 


EP.  637  (ATT.  xm.  23). 

1 .  et]     nam  et  vett. 

in  quo]  v.  c.  L  (marg.)  Crat.  2  :  om. 
i»M. 

2.  morabantur]   morabuntur  Turnebus. 
deffecti]     M1 ;   efecti  I  vulg.  ;   detexti 

Lamb.  ;  defaecati  Mooney  ;  refecti,  Reid, 
cf.  773.  1  ;  descripti  Klotz  ex  Lambino, 
ut  videtur. 

3.  dominum]     Reid;  domum  codd. 
Quare]    Lamb.  ;  Qua  M. 
evayAyws']       Bos.  ;      ETArflC    MZb  ; 

<v\a&ws  Zl  v.  c. 

habere]  <gaudeo>  habere  Gronovius  ; 
<«<m>  habere  Schmidt. 

qui  utar]  quo  <wow>  utar  Reid  ;  qui 
utar  <laetor>  Lamb.  De  loco  vide  Comm. 

perseca]  persece  coni.  Orelli  ;  perficc 
Reid ;  persta  Ribbeck. 

et  ita  cum  Polla]  v.  c.  2 ;  excita  com- 
pella  M  ;  et  ita  cum  Balbo  Reid ;  et  ita 
cum  Caelio  coni.  Schmidt. 

nee]     Corradus;  ne  M. 


EP.  638  (FAM.  xm.  77). 

SVLPICIO]     codd.  ;    VATINIO    Rutilius. 
Sed  vide  Comm. 

3.  bibliothecen]  MD  ;  bibliothecam  H  J 

T)Kt\v  "Wes. 
meus]     om.  codd. 

futurum  sit]     MD  ;  futurum  fuerit  Hi 
arbitrabor]     MD  ;  arbitror  H. 


EP.  639  (FAM.  v.  9). 

1.  S.V.B.E.E.V.]     om.  G. 

prosternat]    prosternast  M. 
meme]     M ;  me  GR.     Vide  Comm. 
oneris]     M  ;  honoris  GR. 
sustinendum]     GR  ;  subtinendum  M.    ( 

2.  amignostes]     M  ;    ante    annos    llm 
GR. 

nisi  si]     MR ;  nisi  G. 
Delmatiam]     M  :  cf .  676.  1  ;    Dahna- . 
tiam  G ;   almatiam  R.     Vide  Comm. 
Narona]     narbona  G:  cp.  678  fin. 


EP.  640  (ATT.  xm.  24  ET  25,  §  1). 

1.  Corcyrae]  Corey (i}re  RPI  et  for-, 
tasse  0  ;  currere  A. 

8i<p6(pai]   Rom  I  ;    ?>i(f>6epia.L  MZ1  V.  c.  I 

[25.  1]  sine]     si  M. 

retractatione]  M  ;  retrectatione  CraM 
L(marg.)  v.  c. 

EP.  641  (FAM.  ix.  8). 

1.  ostenderit]     ostenderet  codd. 
tui]     HD  ;  sui  M. 

illius]     HD  ;  eius  M  :  huius  Lamb. 
esset]     HD  ;  essem  M. 
Antiochinas]   M;  antiocenas  H  ;  antio" 
chenas  D. 

Philonis]     H  ;  philionis  MD. 

2.  Posthac]     posthaec  codd. 
vel]     turn  velM.  ;  om.  HD. 
et  curas]     M  ;  om.  et  HD. 

EP.  642  (ATT.  xm.  25,  §§  2,  3). 

2.  Bruto  ita  volui]     2  Ant.  ;  ita  volui 
Bruto  A. 

3.  partis  in  iis]     EOR  s  I  ;  parcissi- 
mis  M. 

nou  esse  intelieges]  2 ;  intelleges  non  \ 
esse  A. 

Ergo  ne]  Schiitz  ;  ergo  at  ego  ne  codd. 
(ubi  at  ego  esse  glossema  =  al.  ego,  videtur, 
ut  Boot  docet) ;  Zpyov.  At  ego  ne  Bosius  ; 
tpyov  eV  ffytf  Bury,  coll.  Theocrit.  xv. 
20. 


ADNOTATIO  CRITIC  A. 


435 


EP.  643  (ATT.  xm.  35  ET  36). 

2.  sed]     Man. ;  si  codd.  ;    etui  Klotz  ; 
mi  Miiller  ;  scilicet  Schmidt. 
[36]  tu  eo]     tuo  M. 

EP.  644  (ATT.  xm.  43). 

post]  M  ;  posco  ORP,  quod  est  post  0 ; 
)t  interiectio  0  ad  sequentem  epistolam 
Ep.  646)  addenda  est ;  cp.  Lehmann, 
Att.'  138. 

EP.  645  (FAM.  vi.  20). 

1 .  quoad  scire]     quo   adscire  M  ;  quod 
asciri  G  ;  quod  ad  scire  R. 

quantivis]     Viet.  ;  quamvis  codd. 
adeuntibus]     GR ;  adventibus  M,  fort, 
recte.     Vide  Comm. 

2.  conferas]     R  ;  confeceras  MG. 

ille  .  .  .  aderis]  ille  se,  ad  tempus  aderis 
edd.  ante  Schmidt;  cp.  *  Brief wechsel,' 
p.  361,  n. 

aliqua]  R;  aliquae  MG,  forma  valde 
rara  :  cp.  Neue-Wagener  ii3  476. 

3.  et  diligunt]     om.  G. 

tu  cura  ut  valeas]  GR  ;  tu  ut  cur  aut 
valeas  M. 

istim]     M1;  Mine  M2GR. 

EP.  646  (ATT.  xm.  44). 

1.  0]     Vide  adn.  ad  finem,  Ep.  644. 
Cotta]     C  ;  cocta  RP  ;  tola  M. 
Adnueram]     adveneram  M. 
deterret]     C  ;  me  deterret  coni.  Orelli ; 

videret  M  ;  pompam  vides  coni.  Reid. 

2.  probo]    probe  coni.  Otto, 
religionis    opinione]     Man.  ;   religione 

opinionis  M  v.  c. 

EP.  647  (ATT.  xm   34). 

Kal.]     K.  lul  M. 

vesperi]     add.  Schiitz  sed  ante  vm. 

Lanuvi]     lanui  M1 ;  lanuui  M2. 

cum]     ut  cum  L  (marg.)  v.  c.  Zb. 

me  absente]  Schiitz ;  mea  pene  absente 
M  ;  Me  apsente  Miiller,  Reid ;  me  prae- 
sente  absente  Peerlkamp.  Vide  Comm. 

mehercule]    mercedem  M. 

complere]     compellere  M1. 

EP.  648  (FAM.  vi.  19). 

1.  devorsorio]  MR  ;  diversorio  G  ; 
' deversorinm  coni.  Wes. 

commorationis]     comonicionis  G. 


2.  regiorum]     MR  ;  regionwn  G  Man. 
id]    add.  Em.     Vide  Comm. 
Asturae]     adlurae  M  ;  adture  GR. 

EP.  649  (ATT.  xn.  9). 

Cetera]     Ceterum  Schiitz. 

villa]     Corradus  Lamb. ;  ulla  M. 

maris  turn,  his}  codd. ;  inaris,  tumuli* 
Lehmann  ;  sed  vide  Comm. ;  maritumo, 
his  Reid,  fort,  recte. 

EP.  650  (FAM.  xvi.  22). 

1.  inservias]  MD  ;  servias  H  ;  servaa  F. 

n 

voluntatem]     voluptatem  M. 

quadrimo]  M  ;  quadrivio  D  ;  qua 
primo  HF. 

facis]     MD  ;  fades  HF. 

Publius]  Publilius  Schmidt.  Vide 
Comm. 

2.  Billienus]     MD  ;  biblienus  FH. 
Etsi :  verumtamen]     MD  ;  ct  soterum 

tamen  F  (spatium  decem  litterarum 
ante  ef) ;  (spatium  12  litterarum)  tamen  H. 

sermonem  habueris]  MD  ;  habuerix 
sermonem  HF. 

facere  nihil]     M  ;  nihilfacere'H.'D'F. 


EP.  651  (Air.  xn.  10). 

Tisameno]  Zb,  sed  dubium  est,  vide 
Comm.  ;  testamento  M  ;  Thallumeto  coni. 
Man. 

EP.  652  (ATT.  xm.  21,  §§  1-3). 

1.  alia  malo]    2  v.  c. ;  alias  tnalo  A. 

2.  simul   ac,   continue  scietis]    simul 
atque  obtinuero  scies  coni.  Boot ;  simul  ac 
venerit  continue  scietis  coni.  Reid ;  simul 
atque  accepero  continue  scietis  coni.  Miiller. 

Quinto]     Quinto  quoque  Lehmann. 

3.  cum    inhibere]    Corradus    Lamb.  ; 
cum  inhiberi  M. 

Lucilius]  Lamb.  Malaspina  ;  Lucul- 
lusM. 

hoc]    A  :  haec  2  Crat.  fort,  recte. 

esset  certe  ne]  est,  sed  certe  de  Wes.  ; 
fort,  est  et  certene.  Vide  Comm. 


EP.  653  (FAM.  xvi.  17). 

/.  regula 

1 .  KO.VWV\      ka.    non  M  ;    kanon   H  ; 
kanon  F  ;  non  omen  D. 

Theophrasto]     D  ;  theoprasto  MHF. 

2E2 


436 


ADNOTATIO  CRITIC  A. 


2.  quo]     a  quo  Wes.  fort,  recte. 
satis  scite]     HDF  ;  satis  scis  e  M. 
mane]     M  ;  manere  HF. 


EP.  654  (ATT.  xm.  47«). 

1.  malui]     M;  malim  alii, 
moleste  ferrem]     moleste  ferre  M  ;    et 
molesteferre  Wes. 


EP.  655  (FAM.  xvi.  19). 

suo]     om.  D  et  Index  MH. 
potest]     M;  potes  H  (sed  una  littera 
erasa) ;  potes  DF. 
nihil]     om.  HF. 

EP.  656  (ATT.  xm.  48). 

1.  cum]     quasi  Reid. 
Mortuus]     mortuus  est  Orelli. 
Babullius]    est  Vibullius  coni.  Schiche. 
neutiquam]      Stiirenberg ;    ante    quam 

M1 ;  non  ante  quam  Graevius  ;  non  veniam 
ante  quam  Wes. 

2.  eo]     L  (maig.)  v.  c. :  aveo  M1 ;  ac 
eo  M2 ;  adeo  Boot  ;  Jdco  Reid. 

Domitio]     Domitii  Ern. 
me]     Crat.  v.  c.  L  (marg.)  Ant  F2  ; 
om.  A. 

EP.  657  (ATT.  xm.  37). 

1.  erat]     eras  M. 

2.  furere]     Lamb.    Malaspina  ;  facere 
codd. 

commulcare]  nos ;  cum  multa  de  M. 
Vide  Comm. 

ab  eo]     habeo  M. 
tarn]     add.  vett. 
(pofiepbv  &i/]     tyo&fpav  M. 
suo]     tuo  alii. 

3.  Porciae]    portitie  M. 

4.  scribis]     ut  scribis  Reid. 

posse]  Zl  v.  c.  L  (marg.) ;  possem  2  ; 
posse  in  A. 

diem]  Zl  ROP  v.  c.  L  (marg.) ;  diem 
diem  AO2;  in  diem  ex  die  M  tiller. 


EP.  658  (ATT.  xm.  38). 

1.  enim]     minims  coni.  Or. 

pote]    potest  esse  I . 

iudicabisque.  Bruti]  iudicabisque  Sruti 
Wes.,  qui  punctum  omisit  post  iudica- 
bisque, sed  breviter  interpunxit  post  ad 


scripsisse]     Lamb. ;  scripsisti  M. 
2.  iuva]     via  M1  idemque  infra, 
putato]     C  ;  puto  M. 
Asturam]     Wes. ;  ad  sturae  M. 
si]    Zb  ;  om.  M. 


EP.  659  (ATT.  xm.  39). 

1 .  ad  matrem]     add.  Orelli. 
sibi]    v.  c.  Viet. ;  tibi  M. 
Viet. ;  OCflN  M. 


IIAAIAO2]     itepl  IlaAAaSos  Orelli  c 
Nat.  Deor.  i.  41 ;  'ATroAAo5ft>pou  Hirzel ; 
ira.vr'bs  Gurlitt ;  vide  Comm. 

EP.  660  (ATT.  xm.  40). 

1.  autem?     Tu   '  futilum   est']    nol 
(quifvtilitm  Scbmidtio  acceptum  referi-] 
rnus)  ;  autem  ut  fultum  est  M  ;  autem,  ut 
stultum  est !  Tunstall ;  autem  ut  iussun^ 
est   (sc.  facit]    Gurlitt  ;    autem   ut  fuii 
<etiamn>unc  eat  Scbwartz  ;  Hie  autem} 
utfuit  turn,  est  Lamb.     Locus  vix  adhuoj 
emendatus. 

ad  me,  '  At]     Z ;  ad  mea  est  M  ;   ad 
me.    Ast  IM2 ;  ad  meas.     At  Rom. 
degustasses]   Gronovius  ;  degustasse  M. 

2.  mihi  auctor  es]     mei  auctores  M1. 
summa  acrimonia]  Schmidt ;  acrimonia 

M  ;  Fort.  <«#ri>   acrimonia  cf.   Naev. 
38  (Ribbeck) ;    Acrunoma  C;  Acronomet 
Zl  L  (marg.)  v.  c. ;  lacrimans  Gurlitt. 
/ce/ce7rd>o>yuaj]     Bosius  ;    KE4»4»flMA  M  ; 

«r67T^)ftJyUO    C. 

posthac]    postfac  M. 

EP.  661  (ATT.  xm.  41). 

1.  esse]    add.  Wes. 

2.  fore  .  .  .]    fore  iratum  Lamb,  vel 
simile  addendum  est. 

Canae]     Bosius ;  Canai  M. 

res]     res  est  Wes. 

commeatus]  M  ;  commeat  Orelli ;  com- 
meat  vesp.  (=vesperi]  Schmidt ;  commutator 
Gurlitt.  Vide  Comm. 


EP.  662  (ATT.  xm.  46). 

1 .  itemque]     idemque  Viet. 

Baebio]     ORP  Ant  F  ;  babio  A. 

3.  pondus  .  .  .  primo]  pondus 
argenti  praeter  praedia :  auctionem  primo 
Malaspina. 

praedia]    ORPC  ;  prandia  A. 


ADNOTATIO  CRITIC  A. 


437 


I  offifciosiorem  nee  mehercule  nostri 
Itudiosiorem]  Crat.  v.  c.  L  (marg.) 
Kb  (sed  hi  praeter  Crat.  omittunt  me- 
nercule] :  officiosiorem  (ceteris  omissis)  2A. 
I  neglegentiores]  nealeatiores  M1:  neq- 
\ectiores  M2. 


EP.  663  (AiT.  xm.  46). 

1.  ad  Idus  Sextilis]     del.  Schiitz. 
Lanuvi]     Lamti  M1  :  cf.  704.  3. 

2.  vi  in]     Ita  M  ;  munerum  (ex  mun.) 
Jchmidt,  coll.  648.  2  ;  vini  v.  c.  I  vulg. ; 
igurritione    Gronovius.    coll.    Fam     xi 
1.5  (893). 

Lanuvino]     lanuino  M1. 
quo]     v.  c.    L  (marg.)  Zb ;    que   M; 
mm  Ascensius. 

3.  Turn]     add.  Graevius. 

Cluvi  .  .  .  cretionem]  Crat.  Zb ;  om. 
§A. 

nil  liberalius]  Lamb.  ;  illiberalius 
)RPC  ;  liberalius  M. 

a  T.]     a  Tito  C  ;  attico  M. 

4.  De  Cosinio  doleo]    C  ;  deos  in  iodoleo 

EP.  664  (ATT.  xm.  470). 

1.  Auris  nuntius,  extemplo  instituta] 
,  Zl  v.  c.  L(marg.)  codices  Bosii ;  om. 
A.     Vide  Comm. 

2.  ut  ille]     utile  M. 


EP.  665  (FAM.  vn.  24). 

FADIp]      FABIO  COdd. 

1.  Cipius]   Festus;  citius  M  ;  cicius  G  ; 
titius  R. 

turn]   dudum  Lamb. ;  totum  Otto ;  nunc 
Starker. 

2.  Sestio]     sentio  MR  ;  sextio  G. 
quern  vellet]     vett.    cf.  666.  1 ;   quern 

(cum  GR)  vellem  codd. 

unctorem]     cantoretn  Man. 
Sardos]     M  ;  sacerdos  GR. 


EP.  666  (ATT.  xm.  49). 

1.  ruri]     rure  M  v.  c. 
Fadius]     Fabius  M. 
iniquissimam,  me  Phameae]     iniquissi- 

tnam  ephamee  M. 

sed]     Rom. ;  sed  et  M.     Vide  Comm. 

2.  ilium]     ille  Schmidt.     Vide  Comm. 
me]    dicere  me  Lamb. :    me  dicer e  vel 

'tne  dixisse  Wes. 

Phamean]     M  ;  Phameam  vulg. 


de]  de  se  vulg. ;  de  se  dicere  Muller  ; 
rort.  odisse  se. 

libenter]     libere  Schmidt. 

dormire  .  .  .  omnibus]  add.  Lamb,  ex 
G6p.  1;  om.  codd.  quos  secutus  Schmidt 
legit  quodammodo  pro  quemadtnoduin . 


EP.  667  (Axr.  xm.  60). 

1.  mittere]     mitterem    M    («.     tnittere 
superscripto,  et  rursus  deleto). 
Lanuvino]     lanuino  M. 
iis]    M2;  om.  MI. 
si  ipsi]     sumpsi  M1. 
5.  culcitas]    caldas  Reid. 


EP.  668  (FAM.  vn.  25). 

FADIO]      FABIO  COdd. 

1.  nesi]     GR;  nisi  M  (tumplacatum 
vel  simile  addendum). 

infensum]  vel  simile  addendum  : 
inimicum  coni.  Wes.  ;  fort.  Sardum. 
Vide  Comm. 

habuerimus]     caverimus  Viet. 

crapSSvtov']  Ern.  ;  ffapSdviov  codd.  Vide 
Comm. 

putaramus]  M;  putabamus  R;  puta- 
mus  G. 

catomum]  catonium  Wes.  ;  Charonium 
alii.  Vide  Comm. 

Catonianos]     Boot ;  catoninos  codd. 

2.  audij    vett;  audiiM;  audi  id  GR. 
quicquid  est]     om.  est  GR. 

nee]    tie  GR. 


EP.  669  (ATT.  xm.  51). 

micillus]  hnmilis  (vel  /ULIKV\\OS)  coni. 
Boot ;  hemicillm  Bosius  ;  inimiculus  Gur- 
litt ;  imbecillus  Wes. ;  Micyllus  Baiter ; 
MiKv\\os  Schmidt,  coll.  Lucian  Gall.  1, 
id.  Catapl.  14 ;  micidus  Schmidt  olim ; 
Fort,  amicittus  vel  sim  *coAa£.  Vide 
Comm. 

2.  Narro]   codd.  praeter  A  :  narabo  M. 


EP.  670  (FAM.  xn.  18). 

1.  respondebo]     respondeo  H. 

esset]    est  coni.  Wes.   Sed  vide  Comm. 
scisses]     scires  H. 
mihi  litterae]     litterae  mihi  HD. 
facias]    feceras  flD. 

2.  ludis]    ludos  HD. 

Publili]    Sillig  et  Wofflin  ;  Publii  codd. 


438 


ADNOTATIO  CRITICA. 


EP.  671  (FAM.  xn.  19). 

1.  earn]     Lamb.  ;  eandem  HD  ;  eadem 
M ;  earn  quidem  Ern. 

2.  Quid  enim]    HD  ;  om.  M  ;  quantum 
Frag.  Heilbronnense. 

Parthi]    pharti  M. 

3.  haec  tu  melius]  Wes. :  om.  tu  codd. 
usque]     ttsque  eo  Cobet. 

erit]     M  ;  eris  HD. 


EP.  672  (FAM.  xm.  4). 

1.  Volaterraneis]       Volaterranis     alii, 
fort,  recte  :  cf .  infra. 

nee  in]  add.  Viet.;  om.  M  (spatio 
quattuorlitterarum  relicto  in  fine  versus)  ; 
meis  HD.  Fort,  nee  in  meis. 

2.  Cum  enim]    Viet. ;  om.  enim  codd. ; 
Qui  cum  Wes. 

primo]     om.  HD. 

Volaterranum]    TV1  ;  volaterrarwn  HD. 

tuo]     om.  HD. 

3.  ut  te]     ut  et  Btr. ;  fort,  ut  te  et. 
sedes,  rem]    M  ;  si  desererem  HD. 
quae  et  a  diis]    HD  ;  et  idis  (om.  quae} 

M. 

civibus]     om.  HD. 

4.  daret]     HD  ;  dare  M. 

apud  omnis]     apud  bonos  omnis  Orelli. 


EP.  673  (FAM.  xm.  5). 

1    impedio]     impediM.;  impediriHD. 

2.  inpatriam]     om.  HD. 
€aesar]     Caesari  M. 
moveri]     amoveri  D. 

3.  mihi]     om.  HD. 

quod]     HD  ;   quid  M  ;    quicquid  coni. 
Utr. 

EP.  674  (FAM.  xm.  7). 

1.  necessitudinetuaque]   HD  ;  necessi- 
tudineque  tua  M  ;  necessitudine  proque  tua 
Or. 

mihique  coniunctissimi]     om.  HD. 
summum  meum]    meum  summum  HD . 
existimavi]   existimari  M  ;  existimarim 
HD. 
et  te]    te  et  Koch. 

2.  commune]     commune  ei  Lamb. 

4.  adfirmanti]      arbitranti    adfrmanti 
codd. 

honorum  nee]     om.  HD. 

5.  impetrarimusj   M;  impetramus'BLT). 
quod]    nos,  dubitanter ;  quoniam  codd. 

Vide  Comm. 

dignissimos]     HD  :   dignissimo  M. 


EP.  675  (FAM.  xm.  8). 

1.  mei]     M  ;  erga  me  HD. 
cognosset]     M  ;  cognosced  HD. 
filia]    familia  codd. 
Sestius]    sestimus  HD. 
Albinio]     albanio  MD  ;  abbanio  H. 

2.  Albinius]     H  ;  albanius  MD. 

3.  Albinio]     albanio  codd. 
Laberiana  ne  attingas]     M  ;  laberiai 

ne  tangas  HD. 

quodam  modo]     HD  :    quoddam   modo\ 


per]     HD  ;  pro  M. 
ut  .  .  .  debeo]     Ern.  ;  ut  . 
codd.  ;  cum  .  .  .  debeam  vett. 


EP.  676  (*^M.  v.  11). 

1.  Grata]     ut  grata  M. 

in]     add.  Martyni-Laguna. 
rebus]     om.  G. 

2.  ei]     R;  et  MG. 

3.  Delmatis]      M ;     Dalmatis    G     (inj 
marg.    Dalmatis    est    quae    civitas]  ;    De\ 
Dalmatis  R;  cf.  639.2. 

di]    om.  GR. 

EP.  677  (FAM.  vn.  29). 

1.  b.]     b.e.  Wes. 

comptionalis]  MG,  de  qua  forma  vide 
Comm.  ;  comparationalis  R  ;  coemption^ 
alis  vulg. 

venale]     om.  G. 

proscripserit]  priscripserit  M ;  per- 
scripserit  GR. 

commenda]     M  ;  commoda  GR. 

possimus]     del.  Lamb. 

refigere]  Lamb. ;  defigere  codd.  Vide 
Comm. 

2.  sine]     GR  ;  si  M. 

duo]  MG  ;  duos  R  :  cf .  Neue-Wagener 
ii3  282. 

Tironemque  .  .  .  verbis]  Tironemque 
nostrum  saluta  meis  verbis  coni.  Boot. 


EP.  678  (FAM.  v.  100). 

oppugnando]    pugnando  Cobet. 

tunum]     Vide  Comm. 

Narona]     narbona  G  :  cf.  639  fin. 

EP.  679  (ATT.  xm.  52). 

1.  gravem  tamen]     coni.  Boot  ;    tarn 
gravem  codd. 
a]     del.  vulg. 


ADNOTATIO  GRIT  1C  A. 


439 


ac]     at  Era.  Wes.  fort,  recte.    Vide 

omm. 

tertiis]     ERM2 ;  certis  M1. 

turn]   dum  Wes.  ex  Zl,  v.  c.  L  (marg.). 

vultum]     Z  v.  c.  L  (marg.)  Crat. ;  om. 
SA. 

mutavit]     mulivit  Hirschfeld  (om.  vul- 
jlwn). 

cocto  et]    del  et  Man.,   neque  habent 
codices  ad  Fin.  ii.  25. 

2.  accepi]  codd.  v.c. ;  am^iAscensius. 

quoi]     gui  codd. 

tiriffTa6/j.iav  vulg. 


EP.  680  (FAM.  ix.  12). 

1.  ades}     abes  codd. 

2.  volui]     om.  M. 

levidense]  levi  dense  H  ;  leve  dense  D  ; 
levi  densae  M. 

EP.  681  (ATT.  xm.  42). 

1.  qnidem]     guidem  habeo  v.  c.  Crat. 

3.  nil]     velle  coni.  Tyrrell ;  vult  coni. 
Boot ;  nullos  coni.  Wes.     Pro  nil  habere 
Orelli  coni.  id  avere. 

effandum]     Beroaldus  ;  afflandum  M. 

Eatur.j  Eatur  ?  (cum  nota  interro- 
gativa)  Gurlitt. 

JUT;  <TK(fp5ou]  Tyrrell;  vide  Comm.  ; 
MIACKOPAOY  M  ;  op/j.ia  ffKopoSov  Turne- 
bus  ;  niaffjjia.  dpvos  Gronovius ;  /j.iaffjj.a 
KoSpov  Schmidt ;  a5iaarKfirr6v  Gurlitt. 


EP.  682  (FAM.  xm.  30). 

1.  Sosis]     susis  HD. 
sua]     tua  Schutz. 

et  omnia]    HD  ;  om.  et  M. 
praeditum]     codd.  cf .  Gael.  24 ;  dedi- 
tum  vett. 

2.  ut  eum  .  .  .  itaque  tractes]   ut  quern 
.  .  .  esse   ita   tractes    Boot ;  ut  eum  .  .  . 
<cum>  in  meis  .  .  .  ita  tractes  Kleyn. 

aderit]     aberit  M  ;  abierit  HD. 
non]     max  coni.  Pluygers. 

EP.  683  (FAM.  xm.  31). 

1.  observant]     M;  observat  HD. 

2.  adductus]     ductus  H. 
te]     M ;  om.  HD. 

EP.  684  (FAM.  xm.  32). 

1.  Halesina]     codd.;  Halaesina  Men- 
delssohn.    Vide  Comm. 


M.  et  C.  Clodios]  m.  et  gaium  clodius 
M  ;  et  gaium  clodium  D  ;  et  gradium  do- 
dium  H. 

2.  ut  iis  omnibus  in  rebus]  in  his 
omnibus  in  rebuff  M  ;  in  his  omnibus 
rebus  HD. 


EP.  685  (FAM.  xm.  33). 

Nasone]     Nasone  e.  R  (=  equite  Ro- 
mano) Kleyn. 

Demostratus]     D  ;  demons tratus  MH. 
mea]     D  ;  meae  MH. 

EP.  686  (FAM.  xm.  34). 

Lilybitano]  Lilybitoni  MD  ;  Lilibitoni 
H.     Vide  Comm. 
apud  te]     om.  H. 


EP.  687  (FAM.  xm.  35). 

C.  Avianius]  cf.  Fam.  xiii.  21.  2  (516)  ; 
c.  avianus  M  ;  T.  avianus  D  ;  avianus 
(om.  C)  H. 

Novocomensis]    novo  comesis  codd. 

Avianii]    M ;  aviani  hie  HD. 

Avianio]     MD;a0i<w0H. 

rebus]    <  in  >  rebus  Kleyn . 

commodes]     HD  ;  comments  M. 


EP.  688  (FAM.  xm.  36). 

Huius  et  trium  sequentium  epistularum 
inscriptiones  om.  MH,  dat  D. 

1.  Cum  .  .  .  interfui]  om.  H  ;  d  (=  de- 
est)  add.  ante  itaque  H*. 

iussisset]     iussissent  codd. 
de  Mega  vereretur]    M  ;  demetrio  gra- 
varetur  HD. 

2.  civium]     HD  ;  cm  M. 
sibi]    HD  ;  om.  M. 

EP.  689  (FAM.  xm.  37). 

eum   .    .  .  erit]     om.  H.     Post  causa 
addit  H2  £  (=  deest). 

commodes]     HD  ;  commendes  M. 

EP.  690  (FAM.  xm.  38). 

est]     add.  vett. 

Bruttius]     M;   brutius  D;  B  (in  fine 
versus)  H. 


440 


ADNOTATIO  CRITIC  A. 


EP.  691  (FAM.  xm.  39). 

ex  qua]  M  ;  in  qua  H. 
Titurnius]  tyburnius  H. 
id]  add.  vett. 

EP.  692  (FAM.  xvi.  18). 

saepe]     MHF  ;  semper  D. 

boni]     D  ;  bonei  M  ;  lionei  HF. 

in  modum]  codd.  ;  <incredibi?em>  in 
modum  Wes.  ;  sed  vide  Comm. 

utut]     Crat.  ;  ut  codd. 

tu]     MD  ;  om.  HF. 

rptyiv~\     HDF  ;  rptyiv  M  ;  rfptyiv  alii. 

nostrum]    nostrum  ut  Or. 

2.  excita  ut]     M  ;  excitavi  HFD. 

holitorem]  HFD  ;  holitorum  M  ;  oli- 
torem  vett.  Verbi  forma  vetusta  utitur 
Cic.  ut  Plaut.  Trin.  408. 

Helico]     salaco  vett. 

aprico  liorto]  apiario,  nulla  cohorte 
vel  nulla  avium  cohorte  Schiitz  ;  aprica- 
torio  Or. 

tanta]    om.  HF. 

abutor]  abundo  Boot,  Reid.  Vide 
Comm. 

opus]     opus  ut  HF. 

A.  Ligurius]     D  ;  aliguribm  MHF. 

j3p.  698  (FAM.  xvi.  20). 

TIRONl]       TIRONI    SUO  F. 

holitore]  codd.  ;  olitore  vett.  :  cp.  ad 
Ep.  692.  2. 

EP.  694  (FAM.  vn.  30). 

1.  hinc]     hie  M  ;  hue  GR2  ;  nunc  R.1 
Ne]     M  :  nee  GR. 

quaestoriis]     edd.  ;  quaestoris  codd. 

sellaQ.]     M:  sellaque  GR. 

posita  esset]     codd.  :  posita  est  Wes. 

2.  Quid]     qui  codd. 
cetera]     M  ;  cert  a  R  ;  cera  G. 
meum]     meo  codd. 

isto  sum]     istorum  codd. 

3.  meo  beneficio  est]     codd.  :    de  qua 
constructione  cf.  Comm.  ;  addit  adfectus 
Crat.,  usus  Wes. 

epiatula]    secluserunt  vett. 
quo  modo  acceperit  et  quid]     codd.  : 
quom  acceperit,  ecquid  Man. 
sibi  H. 


EP.  695  (FAM.  xm.  50). 

ACILK  1      Lallemand  ;     AUCTO    libri  ; 
AUCIO  Index  M  ;  AVIO  Index  H. 


1.  si  quae]     M;  si  qua  HD. 
M']     M  libri  hie  et  infra,  §  2. 
coniunctius]     D  ;  coniuncius  H  ;   con> 
iunctio  M.     Vide  Comm. 
quodque]     HD  :  quoque  M. 

EP.  696  (FAM.  v.  10). 

1.  Catilio]     M  ;  caltilio  R  ;  catilino  GJ 
Apage  te]     M  ;  ea  peragite  GR. 
matresfamilias]      MR  :   patresfamilias 

regiones]    <tot>  regiones  Lamb. 
Simius]     M  ;  semius  R  ;  seminis  G. 

2.  sua  bona]  <oi>  sua  bona  Krause. 
actione]      vett.  ;    actiones    codd.  ;     a 

Catilio  Or. 

mehercules]  I ;  mehereule  GR  ;  mer- 
cules  M.  Vide  Comm. 

Appi  os]     appios  M  ;  appium  GR. 

suffectus]     effectus  codd. 

Faciam  omnia]  M  ;  facta  omnia  G  ; 
om.  P. 

3.  gestis]    gesticis  M. 


EP.  697  (FAM.  vn.  31). 

1.  animo]     corr.  ex  animus  M1. 
meas  dari]     M ;    dare  meas  R  ;    me 

(om.  dare)  G. 

2.  opus]     tibi  opus  GR. 
gloriam]    om.  R. 

tamen]     tantum  vett. ;  etiam  Kleyn. 
re  p.]     M  ;  rebus  GR. 


Ep.  698  (FAM.  xn.  21). 

Alterum  huius  epistulae  exemplum 
(mh)  exbibent  MH  post  xm.  77  (638) 
ubi  in  F  quoque  invenitur. 

CORNIFICIO]     CARNIFICIO  H  et  infra. 

legatione]     FD3  mh;    legione  MD1 
legiones  H. 

libera]     liber  are  H. 

adiuves]     HD  ;  adiues  M. 

id]  M  et  Fragmentum  Heilbronnense  ; 
om.  ceteri. 

factitatum]  factitatem  h1 :  factitantem 
FbA 

consules]  m  et  Fragmentum  Heil- 
bronnense ;  consulis  MHD  ;  consuleris 
Fh. 

id]     F  mh  ;  om.  id  MHD. 

EP.  699  (FAM.  vt.  15). 

BASILO]      BASILIO  COdd. 


ADNOTAT10  GRIT  1C  A. 


441 


EP.  700  (FAM.  xi.  1). 

1.  iis]     vett.  ;  illis  vel  ipsis  Wes.  ;  hin 
"M ;  om.  HD  ;  sibi  Lamb.  ;  suis  Kahnt ; 
Tide  Comm. 

2.  Haec]      codd.  ;    hoc    vett.  ;     hanc 
Baiter. 

3.  descendemus]    discendemus  M  ;  des- 
•cendamus  H  ;  descendam  D. 

4.  Caecilium]     caelium  codd. 

6.  invidiam]    M  marg.  ;  unquam  codd. 


EP.  701  (FA\r.  vi.  16). 

iis]     his  codd. 
ipsi]     ipsis  M. 
contentus]     contemptm  GR. 
nostra]     nostrum  M. 

EP.  702  (FAM.  xv.  20). 

1.  aCuribus]    MD  ;  a  curatoribus  HF. 

2.  mi  Treboni]  MD  ;  mittere  boni  HK. 
meum]     MD  ;  nostrum  HF. 
aliquantum  olei]      Koch  et   Krauss  ; 

.aliquantum  olim  codd.  ;    om.  ohm  "Wes. ; 
aliquantulum  Manutius. 

tu  nobis]     MD  ;  tune  At*  HF. 

alia]     alias  M. 

3.  primo]   M  ;  prima  HDF,  fort,  recte. 
ubi]     utrum  H. 

EP.  703  (ATT.  xiv.  1). 

1.  Deverti]     Diverti  C  ;  reverti  alii, 
adfirmatque]     M  ;    adfirmabatque  v.c. 

L  (marg.)  Zb  ;  adfirmabat  Grat. 

Lepido]  Faerni  codex,  Man. ;  Lepidi 
JVL* 

istaec]    vett.  ;  ista  <tf  M1 ;  ista  M*. 

prudentem]    pudentem  Ern. 

2.  Sexto]    Sestio  Rom. 

magni]  <«ow>  magni  edd.  nonnulli. 
Vide  Comm. 

sed]    scilicet  Schmidt. 

vult  .  .  .  vult]  volet  .  .  volet  M*Zt 
(=  Z,  teste  Turnebo,  cf.  A.  C.  Clark  in 
•'  Philologus  '  (1901),  pp.201ff.)  v.c. 

Nicaeae  dixerit]  vett.  ;  nicae  edixerit 
M  ;  Nicaeae  diceret  Ern. 

Sesti]     cf.  704.  3  ;  Sexti  M. 

quom]     cum  M2  ;  quod  vel  que  M1. 

EP.  704  (ATT.  xiv.  2). 

2.  <f>a\a.K<ana}  $a.\a.Kp<ap.a  Viet.  cf.  $  3, 
i.e.  levitas  (sc.  calvities)  unde,  ut  videtur 


tranquillitas  (cf.  Sophron  (?)  ap.  Deme- 
triuin  De  elocutione  127  $a\aKp6rfpos 
fvSias)  serenitas  :  tumebat  enim  Matius 
(706.  1)  qui  ipse  fuit  homo  calvus  (<paA.a- 
xpos),  tranquillitatem  posse  negabat 
(705.  1),  erat  inimicissimus  otii  (§  3)  : 
cra\aK<avifffjLaGronovi\i& :  <ra\a.Ktava. Lamb. ; 
\aKtDf KT/JLOV  Reid  [fort,  nullum  <fttc> 
\aKwinfffji6v]  ;  nullus  <f>a\api(r/jL6s  Shuck- 
burgh.  Fort.  ao\oiKifffjiQv. 

Processit]    Procetmi  Man.  Lamb. 

minus.  Diutius  sermone  [enim]] 
Orelli :  minus  diu  :  eius  sermone  enim 
Man.  :  minui.  Liutim  nermone  enim  (vel 
forte  enim  secludendum)  Reid.  Vide 
Comm. 

3.  obscure]     C;  obsecro  M. 

rogatu]    roga  M1. 

Lanuvi]  lanui  M1  idemque  saepe  :  cf. 
663.  1  ;  667.  1. 


EP.  705  (An.  xiv.  3). 

1.  Matius]    maius  M2. 

est  mihi]    Wes.  :  et  mihi  M. 

2.  habes,  scribes]  I  Wes.  :  habere  scri- 
Uses    M1  ;     habere  scribe    M2  ;     habebis 
scribes  conj.  Wes.,  Miiller  ;    habes   re- 
scribe  Rom.  et  Zt. 


EP.  706  (ATT.  xiv.  4). 

1.  Num  quid]   Lamb. ;  ntmc  quid  codd. 
Lanuvi]     lanui  M1,  cf.  704.  4. 

2.  per  ipsos]     M%   v.c.   et  Lamb.  ; 
per  se  ipsos  E02RM2S. 

tu]     Klotz  ;  ut  M. 

equidem]     CM2;  siquidem  M1. 


EP.  707  (ATT.  xiv.  5). 

1.  cum]     Corradus  ;  quern  M. 

suspectum  se  esse]  Rom.  Wes. ;  se 
suspectum  esse  Asc.  ;  suspectum  esse  se 
Klotz.  Om.  se  codd. 

e]     om.  codd. 

quas  Annius]  vulg. ;  qua  sanius  M  ; 
quas  Asinius  Stroth  Wes. 

C.  Asinium]  coni.  Boot  ;  Caninium 
codd.  Stroth  Wes. 

Ab  aleatore]  s  Crat.  vulg.  ;  a  baleatore 
M  ;  ab  alneatore  (sed  n  puncto  notatum)  0  ; 
a  balneatore  CZt  v.c.  L  (marg.)  P.  Vide 
Comm. 

recte]    Reid;  rate  codd.   Vide  Comm. 

Antonius]  seel.  Ern.  praeter  necessi- 
tatem. 


442 


ADNOTATIO  CRITIC  A. 


2.  Meam]    <0>  meam   C  et  Miiller : 
cf.  Comm.  ad  616. 1. 

mederi,  desse]  Viet.  :  me  deridisse  M  ; 
mederi  ipse  M2. 

magni  esse  debebant]  codices  Ballio- 
lensis  et  Helmstadiensis  (teste  Wesen- 
bergio)  Rom.  ;  magni  sedebanfM.1;  magisse 
debebant  Zb  ;  vagi  e.d.  Man.  ;  muniti  e.d. 
Reid ;  ftyiot  e.d.  Or.  ;  tecti  e.d.  Miiller ; 
metu  vacui  e.d.  coni.  Boot.  Vide  Comm. 

Atque]    atqui  Bos. ;  sed  cf.  ad  607.  3. 

3.  quid]     codd.  ;    qui    Wes.    Miiller. 
Sed  vide  Comm. 


EP.  708  (ATT.  xiv.  6). 

susque  deque]  C ;  scis  que  de  q  M1 ; 
scis  quid  de  eo  M2. 

quid]     si  quid  Otto  ;  aliquid  coni.  Wes. 

discrucior  Sextili]  Man. ;  discrutior 
Sestilii  C  ;  destructo  res  est  ulli  M. 

2.  quam  tyrannoctonos]  CM2  ;  cum 
tyrannoctonos  M1.  Fort,  quam  rvpavvoK- 
TOVOVS. 

Exsultant]    exsultat  M. 

derep.]     M2;  dereW. 

EP.  709  (Air.  xiv.  7). 

1 .  in  Caieta]    Zb  ;  in  (sed  id  deletum) 
Caietae  M  ;  in  Caietano  v.  c.    Vide  Comm. 

de  re  p.  aliqua,  quaedam]  MZt ;  de 
re  publica  quaedam  Or. ;  de  re  publica  alia 
quaedam  Asc.  Wes. 

aveo  omnia]     aveo  nunc  omnia  A. 

2.  TT'IVOS]   nos:  ir'ivos  vulg.  :  iretvos  M. 
videri.   Omnino,  si  ego,  ut  volo]  Wes. ; 

videri  omnino.    Si  ergo  est  volo  M. 
Haec]     hoc  Wes. 

EP.  710  (AiT.  xiv.  8). 

1.  et]     at  Crat.  ;  sed  coni.  Wes. 
probe]    probes  M1.     Fort,  probes t  i.e. 

probe  est. 

Crassi  nepotem]  crasso  nepotem  M2 ; 
crassine  putem  M1. 

iam]     Moser ;  tamM.1. 

quod  luniam]  Man. ;  quo  diuinam 
M1 ;  quod  divinam  M2. 

dedit]  codd.  utvidetur,  I :  dicitWes. 
Btr. 

molesta  est.  Clodia]  Wes. ;  molesta. 
sed  clodia  M  ;  molesta  est.  sed  clodia  M2. 

arcesses]  Z  v.  c.  L  (marg.)  Rom. ; 
arces  M. 

Baiana]     baniana  M. 

2.  tuam]     Schiitz  :  turn  in  M. 
videbare]     2s  Rom.  I ;  videbar  M. 


EP.  711  (FAM.  vi.  17). 

accedere,  id  etiam]  accedere  etiam,  ii 
Wes.,  idemque  Schiitz  nisi  quod  etiat 
delevit. 

quo    magis     expetam]       delere    vult 
Streicher. 

ut  valeant]  codd.  ;  aut  valent  vett 
Graevius ;  <aut>  valuerunt  aut  valen 
Wes. 

coniunctiores  tecum]  coniunctior  ist 
cum  M. 

grata]    gratam  M. 


EP.  712  (ATT.  xiv.  9). 

1.  Socrate]      Zt.  :  cf.  Neue-Wagene 
£3  447-449  ;    Socrates  M. 

numquam]  nunc  quam  Schiche,  in- 
geniose ;  sed  vide  Lehmann  '  Quaest.' 
135,  qui  confert  Brut.  217. 

2.  tyrannus]     M2  ;  tyrannos  M1 ;  fort.. 
rvpavvos. 

Eius  .  .  .  defendimus]  Cuius  (del. 
interfecti)  morte  laetamur,  eius  facta 
defendimus  coni.  Boot. 

cuius]     CMZ  cum  alii. 

Curtius]     cutius  MZt ;   Curius  L  v.  c. 

3.  Et]     nonne  delendum  ? 
Caecilius]     C  ;  catilius  M. 
Pacorum]    paucorum  M. 
Volcatium]     vultatium  M  ;    Vulcatium 

Rom.  I ;  L.  Statium  Corr.   Vide  Comm. 
mihi]     nichil  M. 
ad]     om.  M1. 
dixerat]     dixerit  M. 


EP.  713  (ATT.  xiv.  10). 

1.  me]     add.  Lamb. 

debere]  add.  post  die  Reid,  ante  Di 
Miiller;  oportere  ante  vel  post  vocari  add. 
Schiitz. 

talia]     2Zt ;  alia  A. 

viriiv€fjnos~\     Fort.  vin)v4f*.os. 

2.  coniectanti]     C  et  cod.  Laurishei- 
mensis  ;  coniectanti  ORP  ;  cum  letanti  M. 

Fangones]  frangones  vel  francones 
codd.  Vide  Comm. 

Sextilianoque]  Man.  ;  sestulitanoque 
M. 

nunquam]  titinam  Gronovius  ;  <uti- 
nam>  nunquam  coni.  Schmidt. 

3.  pi£6e€fji.iv]      vel     pit6Qep.iv     codd.  ; 
pr)£iQetJ.iv  Bosius  ;  ^7j|et  dcfAis  coni.  Boot. 
Vide  Comm. 

scilicet]    Wes. ;  sed  codd. 

4.  Roma  es]   I ;  rome  es  ORP ;  rome  A. 
delector]     PM-s  ;  delecto  ORM1. 


ADNOTATIO  CRITIC  A. 


443 


EP.  714  (Air.  xiv.  11). 

1.  Quom]     quin  M. 
equidem]    seel.  Wes. 

sine  invidia,  ne]     Ztb  L  (marg.)  v.  c. ; 
om.  2A ;  cf .  Lehmann  'Att.'  90,98. 
ratio  non]     2  ;  rations  A. 

2.  curae]    Viet.  Turnebus  ;  vere  M  Zt ; 
vero  curae  Rom. 

atque  etiani]     add.  Or. 
Ruina]     Viet. ;  una  MZ. 
etiam]     Lamb. ;  iam  M. 
deditus]     deditus  <est>  Or. 
me]     om.  M1. 


EP.  715  (ATT.  xiv.  12). 

1.  odi]     taedi  coni.  Wolfflin,  sed  vox 
est  vix  Ciceroniana. 

poenam]    penam  MZ  ;  plenam  v.  c. 

refero]  <me>  refero  Wes.  ;  referor  Zb 
redeo  Muller ;  revertor  Reid ;  sed  vide 
Comm. 

iste]     Viet. ;  ista  M. 

2.  peramice]     2Zt;  amice  A. 
non]     non  <itew>  Moser. 

esse]     add.  Lamb.     Vide  Comm. 
negant]    Zbt  v.  c.  L  (marg.)  ;  negat  M. 
ferri]     M  ;  fieri  Zt  v.  c. 
tuti]     tuto  Klotz. 
Qui]     add.  vett. 

inquit]   nonnullis  suspectum  ;  sed  vide 
Comm. 
baud  amo]     aut  hamo  M. 

3.  Quam]     Quamquam  Gronovius. 
delectem]     te  delectem  L  (marg.) ;   sed 

vide  Comm. 

his]     ineis  Man. 


EP.  716  (ATT.  xiv.  13«). 

2.  Clodium]  Celium  M;  Cloeliiun  Zt, 
cf.  718.  6. 

liceat]     add.  vett. 

praebes]  praebebis  Orelli  ;  praebeas 
Kayser. 

in  optima  spe]  optima  in  spe  v.  c. 
L  (marg.). 

non  eontempsisse]  coni.  Baiter ;  non 
contempseris  codd.  :  non  quo  contempseris 
Wes.  ;  non  quod  contempseris  Muller. 
Vide  Comm. 

contumaciae]  contumeliae  C.  F.  Her- 
mann. 

EP.  717  (ATT.  xiv.  13*). 

2.  nolles]     noles  M1. 

3.  his]     codd.  ;  Us  Wes. 


4.  concertationes]      CM  ;    contentionex 
Rom.  I. 

5.  mihi]    2;  om.  A. 


EP.  718  (ATT.  xiv.  13). 

2.  certo]     E  et  Lamb.  ;  certe  M. 

tulimus]  prae  nobis  tulimus  Orelli,  sed 
vide  Comm. 

et  aliena]     Fort,  ut  aliena. 

aetatibus  et]    aetalibus  est  Kl. 

incerto  exitu]  incertus  exitus  coni. 
Muller. 

belli]  secludere  vult  Reid.  Vide  Comm. 

et]     ut  (cum  possim)  coni.  Muller. 

possum]     Graevius ;  possim  codd. 

4.  Prpficiscor]    <Si  >  proficiscor  Reid. 
Graeciam]     Graeciam  ?  edd.  plerique. 
caedis]     Man.  ;  credis  M. 

fore  me  quidem]  Z  Crat.  v.  c.  L  (marg.) ; 
equidem  SA. 

5.  utique]   M1  (sed  deletum)  OR ;  om. 
E.     Vide  Comm. 

6.  Clodi]     Cettii  M1  ;    Cloelii   Zt,    cf. 
716.  2. 

ita]     del.  edd.  nonnulli. 

neque  fecisset  neque  passus  esset]  C  ; 
neque  fecisset  M1 ;  neque  fecit  neque  fecis- 
set M2. 

falsis]    del.  Cobet,  iniuria. 


EP.  719  (ATT.  xiv.  14). 

1.  Iteradum]     Zt ;  iterandum  M. 
Parilibus]    om.  Zt  v.  c.  RPs  Ant. 
Solusn e  ?]    Solusne  ?  <  Solus  >  Lamb . 
Vestoriana]    vestorina  MZt. 
fPherionum    more]     pharionum    iure 

coni.  Boot  ;  rhetorum  more  Gurlitt  ; 
<pvffiK<av  more  Reid ;  de  fenoris  rumore 
Puteolano  coni.  Turnebus.  Locus  valde 
obscurus. 

2.  etiam]     seel.  Beier. 
Rufioj     Man.  ;  rufo  codd. 

quis  potuit]     qui  potui  coni.  Boot. 

3.  praecipis]   CEOsM2 ;  petis  M1  Crat. 

5.  et  liberati]     om.  et  v.  c. 

6.  vicinis]     Fort,  amicis. 

[xv.  1]  iam  nunc]  transponendum 
ante  providendum  coni.  Wes. ;  iam  [nunc] 
Boot. 


EP.  720  (ATT.  xiv.  15). 

1.  Heroica]   'Hpwticd  Orelli,  fort,  recte, 

2.  serpebat]     serpat  M1. 
verebar]     videbatur  verebar  Rom. 

3.  res  ...  putaram]     om.  M1. 


444 


ADNOTATIO  CEITICA. 


EP.  721  (ATT.  xiv.  16). 

1.  vi]     Ruete;  v.  vulg.   Vide  Comm. 
epicopum]     CM  v.  c.  L  (niarg.) :  epi- 

copium  I. 

eo  diej     eodem  die  coni.  Muller. 

renavigaro.  0]  Bosius  .  '  ex  Scidis  ' 
vulg.  ;  renavigareo  M1 ;  renavigare  0  M2  ; 
renavigare  (sine  0)  EO  ;  renavigaturus 
Lamb.  Vide  Comm. 

2.  laedere"!    Or.  ;  laudare  M1  ;  violare 
M'. 

infimorum]     infirmorum  M. 

3.  Cupio,  cum]    vett. ;  cupioque  in  M1. 
Fort.  Cupio,  quom. 

cognossem]  .1 ;  cognoscem  M  ;  cognos- 
cerem  Rom. 

4.  sgro  cum  damnoj  Orelli ;  spero  quo- 
dam  modo  M ;  sero  Montana  Fr.  Schmidt. 

curasti  ante  scirem]  curasti  ut  ante 
scirem  Zb,  v.  c.  L  (marg.)  ;  sed  cf.  Fam. 
ii.  8.  1  (201)  et  Reid  ap.  Acad.  ii.  71. 

EP.  722  (ATT.  xiv.  17a  =  FAM.  ix.  14). 

Exemplum  huius  epistulae  (f)  inter 
epp.  ad  Fam.  paullo  melius  est. 

codd.  =  codices  epp.  ad  Att. 

qui]     f ;  om.  codd. 

haeo  loca]     f  ;  his  locis  codd.  C  v.  c. 

veniant]  f  (sed  H  conveniant)  ;  con- 
veniunt  codd.  C.  v.  c.  ;  veniant,  conveniunt 
Lehmann. 

quin]     HD  ;  qui  M  (49.  9)  codd. 

agant]     f  ;  agunt  codd. 

2.  te]     f  (praeter  D)  ;  om.  codd.  et  D. 
habere]     fO  ;  additum   post  Nestorem 

ERsM2;  om.  M1. 

3.  possumus]     f  ;  possum   codd.   v.  c. 
L  (marg.). 

Deinde]     fE  ;  dein  02RMs. 

tua]  Wes. ;  turn  codd  et  f  (praeter  D) ; 
cum  D. 

transfuderim]  f  :  trans  M1 ;  transtu- 
lerim  EORsM2  ;  transferam  Zl. 

5.  etiamj     esse  Aldus. 

6.  te  imitere]     om.  te  M. 

imitere]  f  (praeter  HD)  0  ;  imitari 
MERs  et  HD. 

^  7.  quom]  cum  f  (sed  H1  omittit) 
EORM2  ;  quam  M1 ;  quadam  s  M3  ;  qua- 
darn  cum  codices  nonnulli  deteriores, 
Lehmann. 

et  gradatim]     f ;  om.  codd. 

concessu]     f  codd.  ;  consensu  I. 

EP.  723  (FAM.  xn.  1). 

1.  manabat]     Vide  Comm. 
seditio]    add.  nos. 


compressa]  codd.  ;  compression  ;  cor 
pressa  res  Ern.  ;  ^concitatio"^  compressa < 
Lehmann. 

discribuntur]     M  ;  describuntur  HD. 

deferuntur]     Orelli ;   referuntur  codd. 
Vide  Comm. 

2.  magna]     maiora  coni.  Boot. 

desiderat.     Adhuc  ulta]     desiderat  ad-} 
hue.     Ulta  Btr. 

ulta]    HD  ;  ultra  M. 


EP.  724  (ATT.  xiv.  17). 

2.  sed  hactenus]    sed  <haec>  hactenus 
Orelli. 

3.  esse  laturum]     esse  <se>  laturwn 
Btr. 

4.  reddundaene]      reddunde    ne    M1  ; 
reddendaenc   vulg.    Mirum   est  reddendas 
(non  reddundas)  tarn  prope  sequi. 

essent  .  .  .  non]  essent  (plane  enim 
iudico  esse  reddendas}  <sed>  quod  non  vulg. 
At  sed,  om.  M.  In  textu  melius  fecissemus 
si  reddendas,  quod  non  reddendas — quod 
interpunxissemus :  nam  quod  pronomen 
relativum  cum  idem  coniungendum  est. 

6.  ut]     om.  M1. 

contexi  vis]     C;  convexius  M. 

credas]    vett.  ;  predas  M1 ;  prodas  M2. 

cogitata  revocamur]  M2  ;  cogitare  vo- 
camur  M1. 


EP.  725  (ATT.  xiv.  19). 

1.  ex]     v.  c.    L   (marg.)    Crat.  ;    om. 
2A. 

aritia]  codd. ;  avaritia  vulg.  ;  malitia 
Meyer  ;  aruria  Bosius  ;  aptarfia  Fr. 
Schmidt ;  0^7101  Muecke.  Vide  Comm. 

Adsentiris]     vett.  ;  assentires  M. 

2.  Clodio]     cleliore  M  et  mox  clelio. 
de  Deiotaro]     de  lotario  M. 
belle]     M2;  velleW. 

4.  Publilius]     Publius  M. 
legata]     allegata  coni.  Lamb. 

5.  potuisse]   potuisset  lunius  ;  potuisset 
esse  Wes.  ;  potuit  esse  Or.    Vide  Comm. 

irpa.^iv\    praxin  M1 ;  praxim  M-. 
debuit]    vett. ;  debtii  MZ1 ;  debet  Mal- 
aspina. 

EP.  726  (ATT.  xiv.  18). 

1.  se  a  te]     te  a  se  Ern.  Wes. 

ea  de  causa]     eadem  causa  Btr. 

impudentem]  2  v.  c.  L  (marg.)  Zb  ; 
pudentem  A.  Vide  Corrigenda. 

Ope]  Cobet ;  eo  codd.  ;  Opis  opem 
Schiitz.  Vide  Comm. 


ADNOTATIO  CRITIC  A. 


445 


2.  suppetiatus   esj  Montagnanus ;  sus- 
pendiatus  est  codd. ;  suppeditatus  es  M2 
suppeditatum   est   Lamb.  ;    suppeditavist 
coni.  Wes. ;  succenturiatus  es  Miiller. 

Erotem]     C  ;  errorem  M. 

3.  scripsi,  erit]     scripserit  M. 

4.  Graecia]     gratia  M1. 
scribit]     Corradus  ;  scribis  M. 


EP.  727  (ATT.  xiv.  20). 

1 .  in  Puteolanum  .  .  .  Nonis  alteraml 
C  :  ora.  M. 

2.  in  Samnium  :  a  quo]     "Wes. ;  a  quo 
in   Samnium  codd.  ;    Aequum  Samnitium 
coni.  Schmidt  (Rh.  Mus.  1898,  p.  234)  ; 
a  quo  insanienti  Koch. 

horribilis]     horribilius  M. 
contio]     Viet. ;  contentio  M. 
Tertullae]     Tercylle  M1. 
Caesare]    Caesarione  coni.  Lamb, 
illo]  filio  Miiller. 

3.  Bu'throto]     de  Buthroto  Boot. 

e]     add.  vulg. ;  in  v.c.  ;  om.  codd. 

istisve]     istiusve  M. 

quoique]    quoque  M1  (bis) ;  cuique  vulg. 

4.  se  bene]     Viet.  ;  se  ne  M. 

Quod  vis]  Madvig  ;  quaeris  codd.  ; 
quod  hortaris  coni.  Lamb. 

videtur]  videbatur  Orelli  "Wes.  praeter 
necessitate  m. 

5.  dicere]      dicer  e   <,decere>   vel   <^de- 
bere>   Reid. 

films]  Jilius  <i^iw.s>l(omisso  Antoni) 
Orelli. 

Antoni]  v.c.  L  (marg.)  Zb  Crat.  ;  om. 
2A. 

scripsi]  addunt  raptim  vel  summatim 
vel  festinans  vel  simile  edd.  plerique,  vix 
necessario. 

tabellarius.  Eram]  tabellaritis  eram 
M1 ;  tabellario  daturus  eram  M2. 

plurimam]    plura  M 1 ;  piliae  M2. 


EP.  728  (ATT.  xiv.  21). 

1.  simile  sine]     similes  in  M. 
Lanuvi]     Lanui  M. 
litterae]     liter  as  M. 
quarum]     que  in  M. 

2.  virum]     utrnm  M1. 

ut  arma]  Lamb.  Madv. ;  utram  M1 
ut  iam  M2 ;  ut  tarn  v.c.  ;  ut  rata  Viet. 
ut  castra  Otto,  bene. 

duumviri]     dum  viri  M1. 

4.  TrevTe'A.otiroj']     Vide  Comm. 

videamus]     MZ  v.c.  ;  induamus  alii. 

tinniat  an]     tinniatam  M. 


EP.  729  XATT.  xiv.  22). 

1.  odorari]     orari  M1. 

.a]  add.  Crat.  "Wes.;  om.  codd.  ut 
videtur. 

Et  si  quaeris]     om.  M1. 

virum]  add.  Orelli  cp.  752.  2 ;  ante 
clarissimum  add.  Rom.  I. 

desisteremus]     Faernus  ;  desistemus  M. 

potuisse]    M1 ;  jMtobMtf  M*. 

2.  Neque  enim  iam]    Viet. ;  ne  geniain 
M. 

quod  tibi]     quod  ibi  M. 
turn  licuit]     turn  liquit  M1. 
nisi  illi]    C.  F.  Hermann ;  et  Sulli  M1  • 
etsi  illi  M2  vulg.     Vide  Comm. 

comparari]     Corradus  ;  comparati  M. 


EP.  730  (ATT.  xv.  la). 

1.  medico]    cum  medico  Wes.  ;  medico 
opus  est  Otto ;  a  medico  Reid  ;  sed  vide 
Comm.  :  cf.  557.  5. 

summum  medicum]    om.  M1. 

2.  a  me]     om.  a  M1. 

egi]  relegi  Peerlkamp ;  cum  eo  eat 
"Wes. 

Primum  .  .  .  concedebat]  Fort.  Pri- 
mum,  quod  attinet  nihil,  nihil  concedebat. 
Sed  vide  Comm. 

3.  Seduxi  enim]    sed  vix  enim  M. 

4.  [et]  bellae]     om.  et  Baiter,  bene. 
roS^  fKjovrov-]     nos,  dubitanter ;  rb 

e'/c   TOU   ov   Zl  ;    rl   ««   TOVTOU;   Kayser, 
Reid,  fort,  recte  ;  ri  eini  TOVTO,  Lamb. 

quid  est  hoc  ?]  iure  Lambino  sus- 
pectum. 

5.  illi]     M2  ;  ilia  MI. 
exstinguetur]     M  ;    exstinguitur  "Wes.. 

Miiller. 


EP.  731  (ATT.  xv.  1*). 

1.  Here]     C  ;  hercle  M ;  heri  Ern. 
bene]  Ascensius  ;  pene  M. 

paulo  post]  Lamb. ;  om.  post  M  ;. 
paullum  lunius. 

Cumis]    Zb  ;  clam  Us  M. 
efferebat]    e/erat  M1. 

2.  noster]    coni.  Turnebi  ;  non  M1. 
ne  ambitiose]     nee  ambitiose  Bosius  ; 

sine  ambitione  Koch. 

et]     add.  Orelli. 

id  ita]  M  (marg.)  Zt ;  edita  M1 ;  et  ita 
M2. 

Sed  ego]     seel,  sed  "Wes.,  Boot. 

seeutus]     Pius ;  solus  M. 

earn]  ZtRom.;  turn  M  ;  item  Biicheler; 
om.  Baiter.  Fort,  totam. 


446 


ADNOTATIO  CRITIC  A. 


iam]     M2;  earn  W. 

OTTtKWTOTo]       Viet.  ;    tttticO  tottt  M. 

et]     add.  Lamb. 


EP.  732  (ATT.  xv.  2). 

1.  acutius]     oraissa  esse  ad  et  nomen 
proprium    velut     Acilium    vel     Vettium 
videntur ;  a  Cumis  Rom. ;  a  Ctttiliis  coni. 
Turnebi. 

Vescino]  Zt  v.  c.  ;  Vesciano  M  ;  in 
Vescinum  Wes. 

2.  L.  Antonium]     L.  Antonius  M  v.  c. 
scripti]       M1  ;    seripsti  M2 ;    scripsisti 

Horn.  I. 

probe  :  Quintus]    probeque  M. 

te]    se  M. 

postularis]    postularas  Madvig. 

probabis]     probis  M1. 

tibi]     sibi  M1. 

qui  de]     v.  c. ;  quid  de  M. 

quod,  puto  (tantum  enim  video)]  Ita 
dispunxit  Reid ;  hand  puto:  quantum  enim 
video  Gronovius ;  quod  dubito.  Tantum 
enim  video  coni.  Boot. 

non]     nos  coni.  Lamb. 

victuri]     victori  MZ. 

ut  iam]  Klotz ;  etiam  M  ;  si  etiam 
Rom. ;  ut  etiam  Orelli. 

3.  apparatus  et  Matius]     apparatu  sed 
Matins  Zt. 

4.  de  qua  causa]     de  qua  Pansa  cod. 
TJrsini ;  de  qua  Casca  coni.  Boot :  de  qua 
tarn  laboras  cod.  Helmstadtiensis ;  de  qua 
tarn  laoorat  Rom.  cod.  Balliolensis. 

laborat]     laboras  Man. 

hos  tamen . . .]  defendam  vel  simile  (for- 
tasse  Graecum  quoddam)  omissum  esse 
videtur;  noscam  tamen  Reid. 

tarn]     M2  ;  ira  M1  ;  ita  Viet. 

velim]     Orelli ;  vellem  M. 


EP.  733  (ATT.  xv.  3). 

1.  Arpinati]  Lamb.;  nati  (nacti)  2Z  ; 
om.  A  ;  in  Atinati  Bosius. 

acta]  acta  me  (sed  me  deletum)  M  ; 
acta  a  me  Zt  ct  coni.  Miiller ;  acta  sine  me 
F,  baud  male,  vide  Comm. 

coram  odorandum]  C  ;  cur  a  moderan- 
dum  M. 

tutone]  tutine  Zt  v.  c.  Wes.  fort, 
recte. 

habitatores  sane]  Viet. ;  habitatoris  an 
ne  M  et  ita  Z  (sed  is  me). 

Sed  sunt]  Rom.;  sed  si  M;  etsi 
Peerlkamp. 

etiam]     Btr.  ;  et  M  ;  vel  Miiller. 


Tabula]     De  tabula  Man. 

tmalo]  Manlio  Shuckburgh,  bene ; 
vine  Comm.  ;  Mario  Man. ;  Matio  Ber- 
oaldus ;  Montano  Schmidt. 

2.  quam]  Pius  ;  quoniam  M ;  quam  iam 
Or. ;  quoniam  male  Alanus. 

de  Q.  filio  ut]     De  que  fui  M. 

tA.M.C.]  a\is  Turnebus,  Gronovius; 
'lAicis  Bosius  ex  *  Crusellino  '  suo  quern 
l\as  dedisse  dicit. 

habitam  orationem]  Gronovius ;  habita 
.  .  .  oratione  codd. 

praeclaros]     pr declare  Jordan. 


EP.  734  (ATT.  xv.  4.  1-4). 


1.  ix] 
H.   x] 


Ruete  ;  x  M  ;  xi  Zt. 
Biicheler    (=  hora  decima)  ; 
nx  codd. ;  hora  octava  alii. 

fere  a  Q.]  fere  ea  que  M1  :  fere  ea  que 
a  M2. 

solet]     solum  M1. 

quern]  codd.  quos  optime  defendit 
Sjbgren,  vide  Comm.  ;  quae  Bosius  ; 
quom  Reid.  Ante  omnia  addit  ab  eo  Wes. 

Scripsi]     Rescripsi  Wes. 

Mihi]     Idem  mihi  Zt. 

x]     x  datam  Wes. 

et  pleniorem]  Orelli ;  et  leniorem  codd. ; 
de  Lenio  Lamb. ;  de  legione  M  (=  Martia) 
coni.  Boot  post  Schiitzium  (de  legione 
probe] ;  et  leviorem  Reid,  sed  vide  Comm. 

*  *  laudo]  <  Egnatuleium)  laudo  Reid, 
docte.  Vide  Comm. 

populum]    pohitum  M1. 

quod]     M2  vulg. ;  cui  M]CZt. 

cavetur]     Viet. ;  caretur  MZt. 

Rides  ?  Aps  condoleo]  MZ  (sed  Z  abs) 
Hides  ?  Ast  condoleo  Viet.  ;  Rides  ?  at  ego 
doleo  Lamb. ;  Rides  ?  ab  isto  tamen  doleo 
Reid  ;  Rides  'Amicbv  (vel  a.ffTiK6v)  ;  doleo 
Madvig.  Fort.  At  sco  (=  senatus  con- 
sulto  ut  737.  2)  doleo.  Vide  Comm. 

2.  stulta]    iste  luta  M,  cf.  748.  2. 
fruticetur]     Nonius,  p.  479.  18  ;  fruc- 

ticetur  M. 

de  te]  Popma  ;  pete  M  ;  Tite  Zt ;  peto 
Corradus  ;  puto  Reid  ;  de  re  Lamb. 

te  a  Bruto]  de  Bruto  Graevius.  Sed 
vide  Comm.  Post  Bruto  add.  rogatum 
Wes.,  rogari  alii. 

Tusculano]  Baiter,  Reid;  Tusculanum 
codd. 

futurus]  M  ;  venturus  Ant.  F  et  fort. 
Z,  vulg.  Wes. 

3.  nianant]    M  ;  manent  alii  ;  maneant 
Rom. 

numquam]    <«M^>  nunquam  Schiitz. 
Saufei]    add.  ofpeo-tv  vel  simile  Bosius. 
Pro  Saufei  earn  dant  codices  Saufeleam. 


ADNOTATIO  CHIT  1C  A. 


447 


relinquamque]     Bosius  ;    reliquam  que 
M. 

perduint]    CZt  v.  c.  ;   Tu  M1  :  perdant 

r«M2. 

solveret]     vett.  ;  solverit  M. 
dedita]     codd.  ;  dedita  •(opera'}  vulg.  ; 
sed  vide  Comm. 


EP.  735  (ATT.  xv.  4,  §  5). 

Novam  epistulam  iam  agnovit  Mon- 
galtius. 

5.  potuisses]  Rom.  ;  potuisse  M2Zt  ; 
potius  se  M1. 


EP.  736  (FAM.  xn.  16). 

1.  tuis  etiam]     HD  ;  tuis  et  tarn  M. 
adulescente]     M  ;  adulescenti  HD. 

2.  officium]    om.  H. 
Cratippus]     gratippus  codd. 

3.  pari]    Lamb,  par  codd. 

4.  mihi  pollicitus  es]     M  ;  pollicitus  es 
mihi  HD. 


EP.  737  (ATT.  xv.  5). 

1.  Cassio]    a  Cassio  Ant. ;  vide  Comm. 
Post  Cassio  add.  Utter  as  MX 

ore  vavs  &v9pa.Kei\  6  Qr)(ravpbs  &t>6pa- 
KCS  Viet.  Shuckburgh,  bene ;  6  yva<pevs 
avepatcevs  Bosius,  parum  apte. 

2.  senatusconsultum,ita]   Viet.;  scita 
M  v.  c.  ;  cita  Zt. 

et  Hirtius,  qui]  Bosius  "  auctore 
Crusellino":  om.jwicodd.;  et<0ppius>. 
Hirtius  (om.  qui)  coni.  Miiller. 

afuturum]  Orelli ;  acturum  M  ;  actu- 
tum  Bosius  ;  sed  vox  non  est  Tulliana. 

auctor  est]  vulg. ;  auctor  et  M  ;  auctor 
est  et  L  (marg.)  v.  c.  Wes.  fort,  recte. 

nunc]     Bosius ;  non  M  ;  om.  Lamb. 

causa  ea  sit]     Wes. ;  causa  esset  M. 

cur]     I  vett. ;  ut  M. 

Rom  am]     rome  M. 

3.  Quis  porro]     Qui  porro  Malaspinu. 
scribis]     Pius ;  scribit  M. 

in  D.]     inde  cum  in  d.     M. 

pacto]     Viet.  ;  facto  CM1 ;  fato  M-. 


EP.  738  (ATT.  xv.  6). 

1.  qui  .  .  .  Antonio]  Locum  difficilli- 
mum  nunc  damus  sicut  Reid  qui  codices 
secutus  meliore  interpunctione  utitur, 
leve  anacoluthon  agnoscit.  Olim  nos  M2 
nimis  amplexantes  dedimus  qui  adhuc 


bonus  fuisset— <fuisse>  [add.  M2]  sciebam 
[sciebant  M2]  neqne  eum  confidcbam  [con- 
Jidebant  M2J  fore — mea  auctoritate  tneli- 
orcni  <Jacerem>  [add.  M2] — Antonio. 
Madvig  (A.C.  ii.  240)  lacunam  magnam 
suspicatur  qui  adhuc  bonus  fuisset  <eon- 
Jirmarem  et  excitarem,  etsi  alieno  a  causa 
animo  fuissey  sciebam,  neque  eum  confi- 
debam  fore  mea  auctoritate  meliorem — 
Antonio. 

istos]     isto  M1. 

habeant]     om.  M1. 

2.  Rurene]     Wes. ;  rure  codd. 
Etiam    ex]    •  Etiam  ;    ex    Reid.     Vide 

Comm. 

Utilius  enim  statui]  ut  illius  enim 
status  M1. 

calidius]  Lamb,  (ex  Z) :  caldius  v.c. ; 
callidius  M  ;  itemque  §  4. 

3.  medius]     om.  MZ. 

4.  iam]    iam  <,epintula^  vett. ;  of.  737 
init. 

EP.  739  (A-i-T.  xv.  7). 

nostri]     N  M. 

turn]  cura  Rom. ;  genus  Fr.  Schmidt, 
Miiller ;  consilium  Reid  ;  TOCOS  coni.  Boot ; 
causa  alii. 

videntur]  M  Zt ;  videtur  vulg.  Vide 
Comm. 

manum]     Lamb. ;  manu  M. 

tuque]     tuque  ei  Kayser. 


EP.  740  (FAM.  xi.  2). 

1.  non  scripsissemus]     HD  ;  conscrip- 
sissemus  M  ;  non  conscripsissemus  vett. 

dissimiles]     HD  ;  dissimus  M. 
nostros]     M  ;  nostris  HD. 

2.  putesne]     M  ;  puta&ne  HD. 

3.  aliis]     MI  HD  ;  alio  M2,  male, 
laturus  esses]      H ;    laturus  esse  M.1  ; 

laturum  esse  D. 


EP.  741  (ATT.  xv.  8). 

1.  Martiis]     seel.  edd. 

quidque]     Z  Malaspina  ;  quisque  M. 

2.  possis]     om.  Wes. 

Id]   <Ementitum>  id  Madvig. 

mihi  vix  fore]  Wes.  ;  om.  vix  fore 
codd.  ;  mihi  vix  Klotz  ;  mihi  non  Pius ; 
mihi  haudOr.  ;  mihi  mentiri  Fr.  Schmidt; 
mihi  mirum  Meyer  ;  mihi  nihili  Reid. 

villaeque]  Bosius,  Wes. ;  ut  illeque  M  ; 
tutelaeque  Madvig ;  viailiaeque  Klotz  ; 
litter aeque  Reid. 


448 


ADNOTATIO  CRIT1CA. 


videndae]  visendaeque  "Wes. ;  vide 
Comm.  ;  vident  de  se  coni.  Turneb. 

Sed]  DebetM.&dvig.  Quodammodo  haec 
lectio  in  editione  Graeviana  apparet 
(p.  627)  fort,  'ex  Stephaniana  desumpta. 

dare]  de  ea  re  Bosius ;  dabit  llom.  ; 
adferet  coni.  "Wes. ;  dare  pollicetur  I. 


EP.  742  (ATT.  xv.  9). 

1.  mi  Non]     Rom.  ;  Mimon  M. 
ullam]     M1;  nullam  M2. 
legatoriam]     locatoriam   Bos. ;    relega- 

toriam  alii ;  fort,  delegatoriam. 

quam]     delere  vult  Lamb. 

decernantur]     decernentur  M1. 

Hepo-tK^]    per  sice  M. 

longinquo  .  .  .  existimavit]  long  in - 
quiorem  quam  Lanuvium  existimari  coni. 
Schmidt,  Miiller,  Eeid. 

2.  tua]     de  tua  Sehiitz,  Wes.,   baud 
bene  ut  putamus  ;  vide  Comm. 

oonsiliandum]  conciliandum  Boot,  baud 
male,  sed  vix  necessario. 


EP.  743  (ATT.  xv.  10). 

audent]     Crat.  ;  audient  M. 
de  Decimo  gravius,  quae]     Corradus  ; 
de  D.gracusque  M1  ;  de  D.  graccisque  M'-. 
qui  ingrediar]     quin  ingrediar  Zt. 
consilio]     Man.  ;  consilium  codd. 
nam  silere]     C  ;  om.  M. 


EP.  744  (ATT.  xv.  11). 

1.  a.  d.]  ante  codd. 

Idus]     Stroth  ;  Kal  vel  K.  codd. 

Asiatica]  ERM2s ;  hae  attica  WZt  ; 
achaica  Oa. 

salvus  esset]  Corradus  ;  salvos  esse 
codd. 

spirare]     Viet. ;  sperare  codd. 

accepissem  contumeliam]  codd.  ;  ac- 
cepisse  in  contumeliam  Zb  ;  accepissem  in 
contumeliam  Zl1  v.  c. 

At]    ERM2s  ;  ut  OM1. 

placeretne]  placeretne.  <Placeret>We&. 

2.  occasiones]    occisiones  codd. 
accusabant]     Z  v.  c.  L(marg.)  Rom.; 

accusabat  codd. 

Ego]     Viet.  ;  ea  codd. 

Quomque]  Corradus,  Turnebus ;  quam- 
quam  codd. 

dicere]     ERs  ;  dicer  em  OM. 

attingerem]  Gronovius  ;  attingere  codd. 

incited]  codd.  ;  incitare  Z  v.  c. 
L  (marg.). 


suscipi]     Or. ;  suscipere  codd. 

noster]     M1 ;  noster  Brutus  Zt  2M2s. 

quo  Romae]  nos  ;  se  Romae  Boot ;  ve 
solum  (aut  vel  cum  mortis  periculo)  st 
Romae  Lehmann. 

velle  esse]     velle  se  Baiter. 

3.  conventus]     codd.  praeter  M1  (con 
tus). 

vvv]    del.  Cobet,  baud  necessario. 

4.  Et]     codd.;   Sed  vulg. 
legavit]     I ;  legabit  codd. 

in]  v.  c.  L  (marg.)  ORP  ;  ivi  M 
nil  M-. 

Nonas]  Corradus  et  Malaspina ;  Nona 
Apriks  M. 

reptiblica,  vovissem,  ea  me  e versa 
Viet.  ;  res.  p.  bovis  (vel  bonis}  si  mea) 
et  versa  RPMs. 

dissolvere]     dis  solvere  Pius. 

liberae]     liber  are  M. 

Aveo]  lac.  Gronovius  ;  adeo  codd. 
obeo  Reid. 

legationis]  s  M20- ;  legationes  UPM^1 

licentia]     Ps  ;  licentiam  ORM. 

quid  de]     vett.  ;  om.  codd. 

EP.  745  (AiT.  xv.  12).    . 

dubitares]     vett.  ;  dubitaris  codd. 

quin  essent]     Lamb. ;  essent  quin  M. 

ffffjivws']  G  ;  CMNOC  M  ;  Servos  Ur 
sinus. 

autem]  codd.,  recte  ut  putamus;  at 
Moser. 

tradidisset]     tradidissent  codd. 

2.  si]     add.  Ascensius. 

Tav  5']  Wes.  ;  TANAE  M ;  rcDi/5 
Boot. 

nostro   nostri]     nostro  nostra  Kayser 
ut  nostro  nostra  Reid  ;   voarrov  nostri  con 
Boot  ;    ignoscere    nostris    Fr.    Schmidt 
salutaria    nostris    Koch  ;    hunc    sensun 
melius  daret  auarpa  nostris. 

EP.  746  (ATT.  xv.  16a). 

a    Cicerone]      a    Ciceronem    M1 ; 
Ciceronem  M2. 
'et]    Viet.;  sed  M. 

quod  ipsum]  quod  id  ipsum  M ;  id  quo 
ipsum  coni.  Btr. 

significat]     Schiitz  ;  significaret  M. 

Quid  quaeris]     quidque  res  M1. 

est  a  Statio]     M- ;  es  Statius  M1. 


EP.  747  (ATT.  xv.  16£). 

libera.    Sed]     M2 ;  liberasse  M. 
OIKOCOC  M. 


ADNOTAT10  CRITIC  A. 


449 


ripulae  videtur]     ripule  videntur  M. 
haLitura]     habituram  M1. 
Tu]     tuque  M. 
possim]    possem  M. 


EP.  748  (Air.  xv.  15). 

1.  obsignabitur.  Nummos]     L  (marg.) 
r.  c.  ;  obsignavi.      Turnum  nos  M. 

Arpinatium]      Arpinatum  M,   sed   cf. 
Neue-Wagener  ii3  132. 
de]     add.  vulg. 
Static]     a  Statio  Boot ;  Fadio  Graeter. 

2.  odi.    Id  me]    Zt  Orelli ;  oditmeW.. 
scit]     vett.  ;  sit  M  ;  testis  sit  vel  testis 

est  Wes.  cf.  749.  2. 

Hammonius]  cf.  Fara.  i.  1.  1  (95)  ; 
Ammonius  codd. 

quid  opus]  quid  ei  opus  Lamb, 
quam  stomachum]  M2 ;  quam  vix 
stomachum  Bosius  L  (marg.)  v.  c. ;  quam 
uste  stomachum  Zt ;  quamvis  homachum 
;  sed  vide  Adn.  Crit.  ad  Att.  x.  5.  3 
384)  [cf.  579.  2]  ubi  invenies  istomacho- 
rim,  istomachere  cum  i  irpoffQeTiKcp  ;  cf. 
734.  2  iste  luta  M1  pro  stulta. 

3.  abundare]     vel  abundare  Crat.  cod. 
Balliolensis. 

4.  scio]     add.  Baiter ;  post  existimasse 
add.  scio  Boot ;  post  pertinere  add.  per- 
picio    (vel    perspexi).      Fort,    ante    pro 
iddendum  est  puto. 

perliberaliter]     Zt  M2 ;    peraliter  M1. 

ox  M1  orte  pro  ornate. 

ei.  Scilicet]  Crat. ;  et  silicet  M  ;  om. 
Klotz  ;  Tibi  scilicet  Schutz  ;  Scilicet  (om. 
ei}  Kayser. 


EP.  749  (ATT.  xv.  17). 

1.  Bruto]    <Dy  Bruto  Schmidt. 
Siregio]  Sara  regio  (748.  2)  Gronovius  ; 

Circeio  Schmidt ;  Asiae  regio  coni.  Turn. ; 
Fort,  a  Syria.  Regio  :  vide  Comm. 

ne]     Nipperdey  ;  nee  M. 

deesse]  desere  MZ  ;  de  residuis  Tur- 
nebus  ;  deberi  coni.  Lamb. 

Sittio]     Z;  Sitio  M. 

A]  M  quod  Gronovius  per  \onrip  ex- 
plicat  :  fort,  recte,  vide  Comm.  ;  A 
(=  annuo)  Horn. 

2.  facis]    fades  M. 

dees,  id  est]  Viet.  ;  desit  est  M  ;  id 
est  C. 

testem]     Lamb.  ;  teste  M. 

vocavi]     M  ;  vocabo  Z,  fort,  recte. 

euTTipws]     Klotz  ;   niNflOC  M  ; 
ta/uLfvus  Corradus. 


acroasi]    Viet. :  agro  si  M 
illi]     illeW. 
non]     Nam  M. 


EP.  750  (ATT.  xv.  18). 

1.  esset  et]     Ern.  ;  sit  >t>  M. 

in  lacu  navigarem]  Beroaldus ;  in 
lacuna  vig Harem  M  Zt. 

ab  eo  de  mulis]  ab  eodem  muks  coni. 
Boot. 

vecturae]  vecturae  causa  Reid.  Vide 
Comm. 

itineris]  M  ;  om.  ZWORP.  Videtur 
esse  ut  in  his  repetitum. 

2.  Ut]     Gronovius  ;  et  codd. 
stiorum]      om,  L  (marg.);  scenicorum 

L.  (marg.)  al. ;  sumptuosorum  Lehmann. 

et]  Wes.  ;  etiam  M  ;  etiam  administra- 
tionem  seel.  Btr. 

pertinere]     vertere  Zb  v.  c. 

spectare]     exspectare  M. 


EP.  751  (ATT.  xv.  19). 

1.  audendum]    agendum  Schutz,  Miil- 
ler. 

sit  ?  Egisse.]  Wes. ;  stetisse  M  ;  sti- 
tisse  Or;  sit?  Sat  egisse  Miiller.  Vide 
Comm. 

se  refert]    Fort,  de  re  fert. 

distentum]     Lamb.  ;  detentum  M  v.  c. 

et,  ut  ais,  coram]  Baiter  et  Wes.  (sed 
is  sed  pro  et)  ;  et  ut  ais.  Coram  Lehmann  ; 
et,  ut  aiSj  curramus  coni.  Boot. 

temere]     timer e  M. 

2.  nunc  discere  aveo]   vett. :  nee  discete 
habeo  M. 

iratus]    iratius  M  v.  c. 
iam]     seel.  Wes. 
olim]    Viet.  ;  nolim  M. 
Menedemo]    Viet.  ;  meo  domi  M. 


EP.  752  (ATT.  xv.  20). 

1.  Vettieno]     Orelli ;  Vecteno  M. 
mihi]    MZ1 ;  modo  Man. 

anteno]  ante  nos  ?  Lamb.  Corradus 
qui  nuntiabit,  Reid  qui  passus  est  sup- 
plet ;  AeTTTuyet  Gronovius  ;  hv  tyvu  Fr. 
Schmidt.  Fort,  ante  noscit .?  sc.  quae 
futura  sint  Dolabellae  mandata. 

2.  causurus]     M1 ;  casurus  M2 ;   causa 
cursus  Zl ;  causae  cursus  Popma  ;  Catulus 
usus  est  Madvig ;  causa  casura  est  Reid  ; 
Fort.  Caesar  caesus  est. 

nassa]     naxa  M  v.  c. 

2  F 


450 


ADNOTATIO  CRITIC  A. 


3.  Cnrteia]       Mullet  ;     Carthela     vel 
Cartheia  codd. ;  Carteiam  Wes. ;   Carteiae 
Btr. 

Utra]     liter  M. 

iuvaj     tua  M. 

Brundisione  an]    Brundisio  Nam  M. 

4.  cognitas]     cogitans  M. 

cadere  nummos  qui  a  Quinto  debentur] 
Man. ;  eo  de  re  numos  quinque  deuentur 
M. 

si  ea  te  res]  v.  c. ;  si  fateres  vel  si 
facer es  2  A. 

videas]     videos.     Videos  enim  M. 

hoc  ipso]     seel,  hoc  Orelli. 

laxius]  prolixittslj&mb. ;  lautius  Madv. ; 
Idrgius  alii. 

ei]  Lamb.  ,  Malasp.  ;  et  F ;  id  M  ; 
Ciceroni  Klotz. 

explicata]  codd.  Mernniii  ;  excitata 
M  (et  ita,  ut  vid.  Z) ;  extricata  Bos. ; 
HS  c  data  coni  Turnebus. 

Hanc]  M  ;  Haec  Ern.  et  Zt,  ut  vi- 
detur,  fort,  recte. 

manu  scribendam]  manus  scribenda 
MZt. 

Reseribas]     rescribis  M. 


EP.  753  (AiT.  xv.  21). 

• 

1.  tibi,  Q.]     tibique  M. 
efficeret]     efficeret  et  coni.  Boot, 
noceret.  Itaque]    noceret  pair  is  scilicet. 

Itaque  M.   (et  ita  Zt  sed  is  patri}. 
ilium]     illud  M. 
Ecquem]     Zb  Zt  v.  c. :  quern  M. 
certiorem]     cerritiorem  coni.  Tyrrell. 

2.  deliberationis]     seel.  Ern.  ;    delibe- 
rantium   Moser  ;    quae   est   deliberationis 
Reid.     Vide  Comm. 

de  tabulis]  Fort,  de  <dotalibus>  tabu- 
lis. 

es  enim  occupatus]  eos  enim  occupatos 
M. 

absolvero]     ad  solver  et  M. 

Quinto]     Quod  Quinto  coni.  Boot. 

3.  Hydruntem]    Hydrunte :  me   coni. 
Boot. 

Hie]     Hinc  Ern. ;  sed  vide  Comm. 
aiunt]     audiunt  M. 


EP.  754  (FAM.  xvi.  23). 

1.  possit]     codd.  ;  posset  Wes. 

de  lege]  HDF  ;  de  legem  M  ;  de  legg. 
im  Or.  Vide  Comm. 

quod  egerit]  Lehmann,  bene  ;  vide 
Comm.-;  quid  egerit  codd.;  quidlibet 
egerit  Reid;  quid  egerit  <non  curo>  Wes. 


2.  contemnis]  contemnis;  <nt  ego  con^ 
temno)  ;  etsi  Kayser,  Wes. 

et  n.]  et  enim  D  ;  Fort,  et  nostrum, 
i.e.  Quintura  filiutn  ;  vide  Comm. 

puleioj     HDF  ;  pleio  M. 


EP.  755  (ATT.  xv.  22). 

nobis  Q.  filium]     nobisque  filium  M. 

illos  videbit]  illi  videbiiur  (sc.  expe 
dire)  Graeter. 

Sextum]     M2 ;  vi  M1. 

utrobi  erit]  Lamb.  ;  utro  erit  codd. 
cum  utro  erit  cod.  Ursini;  utrorum  eri 
Kayser ;  utro  conferet  se  Miiller.  Fort 
utro  ierii  ? 


EP.  756  (ATT.  xv.  23). 

tuae]  Vitrioli ;  tue  M  ;  tibi  Zt ;  m 
Wes. ;  om.  M.  Fort,  turn,  sc.  cum  ert 
ad  navem ;  vel  ante  sc.  quam  profectu 
sum. 

compositum.  Si]  compositumst.  S 
Orelli.  Post  exspectabam  transposuit  s 
quid  novi  Scbiitz  ;  compositum,  si  Reid 
Vide  Comm. 


EP.  757  (ATT.  xv.  24). 

Ei]     et  M. 

H.IS.]  =  hora  prima  semisse  Orelli 
Vide  Comm.  ;  his  M  ;  H.  nis,  Zb ;  hit 
Zt;  HI  I  Lamb. ;  HIIS  =  hora  semiiertia 
Boot.  ;  in  Nesidem  Scbicbe. 

dolui]     dolus  M. 


EP.  758  (ATT.  xv.  14). 

2.  litteris]     litteras  M. 

cuiusj     Rom.  ;  ut  turn  M1  ;    ut  tuam 
vel  cuius  M2. 

erga  se]    M2  ;  erga  me  Zt  et  M2  (aliter) 
erg  a  e  M1. 

officiis]     officiis  tuis  Wes. 

tu  me]     om.  M1. 

3.  reliquum]     relictum  M1. 
atque  etiam]     om.  M1. 
me]     om.  M1. 

4.  miniata]     CM;  miniatula  Crat. 
cerula]     ceruia  M. 


EP.  759  (ATT.  xv.  25). 

sic]     Zb,  v.   c.  Rom.  ;  si  M  ;  ita  Z 
AFL  (marg.). 


ADNOTATIO  CRITIC  A. 


451 


si]     om.  vett. 

Velim]  L  (marg.),  Shuckburgh  ;  et  ve 
tu  Zt  ut  videtur,  uncle  Turnebus  et  vellem 
etinm  coniecit;  et  tu  M.  De  toto  loco 
vide  Comm. 

scire]     s-cite  Bosius. 

Olympia,  cum]  M  ;  olim  piaclum 
Bosius. 

mysteria  scilicet]  seel.  Boot,  Shuck- 
burgh. 

[ut]  tu  scires]  nos,  cum  mysteria  sci- 
licet construentes :  editores  plerumque 
cum  sequentibus  coniungunt ;  utut  est 
(vel  erit)  res  Moser ;  utut  sit  res  vulg.  ; 
ut  tu  scribis  Man.,  Lamb.,  Shuckburgh. 

Est]     ZbL  (marg.)  v.  c. ;  om.  M. 

navigatio]     Zb  ;  navigatio  eo  M. 

prid.  Kal.]     P.  R.  K.  M. 


EP.  760  (FAM.  vn.  21). 
si  ...  DEDIT]     NI  .  .  .  DEDEKIT  alii. 

POSSESSIONEM        Q.       CAEPIo]         pOS86S- 

sionemq1  caepio  M  ;  possessionemque  cupio 
G  ;  possessionem  quae  capio  R. 

Otilium]  vett.  ;  cf .  Digesta  i.  2.  2.  44 
et  Wilmann's  '  Exempla  Inscriptionum  ' 
285.  12. ;  320.  70  ;  offioium  MG  ;  offitium 
E  ;  OfUlium  Crat.,  cf .  Ep.  657.  4 ;  Ofillium 
alii,  cf.  Fam.  xvi.  24.  1  (806). 

mi  Testa]     M  ;  me  teste  GR. 


EP.  761  (FAM.  vn.  22). 

scyphosl     schyphos  M. 
M']     Em.;  m.  codd. 
Scaevolae  et  Testae]    scaevulae  (scevule 
GR)  et  teste  codd. 


EP.  762  (FAM.  xi.  29). 

Haec  epistula  in  D  deest. 

2.  et  senserim]     om.  et  H. 
totum]     et  totum  MIL 

3.  etsi   more  magis]     etsi  morem   agis 
M  ;  etsi  amore  magis  H. 


EP.  763  (ATT.  xv.  26). 

1.  De  Quinti]     deque  M. 
a  te]     oin.  a  M. 

Inaudivi]     Bos.  ;  mandibili  M  ;   inau~ 
dibili  Z. 

velle]     Bos. ;  vellem  M. 

a  me]     om.  #  M. 

missum]     M  ;  missurum  Zt,  fort,  recte. 

#d  me]     vett. ;  ad  te  M  ;  ab  eo  Lamb. 


non]     add.  Viet. 

deinde]    Wes.  ;  de  me  M  ;  dein  Viet, 
sic  ne]     Man.  ;  tie  neminetn  ne  M. 
in  dies]     L  (marg.)  v.  c.  Zbt;  om.  in 
M. 

2.  est]     Ant.  RPZb  ;  om.  M. 
quidem]     CZ  2  :  namquv  M. 
partem]     CZ  v.  c. ;  om.  2A. 
tamen]     tarn  cnim  M. 
ad  te  e]     Zb  ;  ad  te  OR  v.  c.  ;  a  M. 

4.  is]     add.  Lamb, 
me]     ne  Schiche. 

pedes]  Turnebus,  Madvig ;  pe  Zt  ; 
spectts  Zl ;  spe  M. 

putasse  aliquid]  Madvig;  apud  tale 
quid  M  ;  putat  aliquid  vulg. ;  putet  aliquid 
Schiche.  Vide  Comm. 

quicquam]  Viet. ;  quam  MZt ;  aquam 
Turnebus. 

capite  libere]    Bosius  ;  cupide  libero  M. 

loquere]     Orelli ;  loquare  M. 

bene]     vere  v.  c. 

agebatur]     agebantur  M  v.  c. 

utut]      Ant.  FZtL  (marg.)  v.  c.  ;    nt 

tulii  .  .  .  videris~\  De  hoc  loco  quantu- 
lum  possumus  in  Commentario  scripsimus. 
Nullam  emendationem  meliorem  scimus 
quam  Shuckburghianam  Octavam  partem 
Tullianarum  JEdiwn  ad  Streniae  (ita  iam 
verba  edenda  curavit  Lambinus  ;  sed 
Strenae  pro  Streniae}  memineris  deberi 
Caerellia-e ;  videris  mancipio  dare.  Fort. 
caveri  pro  deberi. 

ad  strane]  M  ;  ad  streniae  Zt ;  ad 
Strenae  Lamb. 

dare]    dari  Gronovius. 

5.  excusare]     ex,  causa  re  M. 

iste  cum  M.  Ennio]  Wes.  ;  istum  M. 
Enius  M. 

curiosus  sum  enim]  nos  ;  om.  sum  M  ; 
curiosus  enim  sum  Wes. 


EP.  764  (ATT.  xv.  27). 

1.  persequitur]    codd.  praeter  M  ;  pro- 
sequitur  M ;  sequitur  Reid. 

dum]     Wes. ;  cum  codd. 

2.  totius]     M2 ;  tutius  M1. 

3.  memini.     Attica]     in  emineatica  M. 
Bacchide,    de   statuarum]     Graevius  ; 

de  bachide  staturarum  M  ;  de  Bacchi,  de 
statuarum  vulg. 

Et]    sedU. 

Herode]     CM;  Erote  alii. 

suspicabor]  L  (naarg.)  v.  c.  Zb  2  ; 
suspicor  A. 

0]    add.  Bosius;  om.  M. 

ayrf?]     Boot ;  autem  M. 

2  F  2 


452 


A  DN  OTA  TIG  CRITIC  A. 


EP.  765  (ATT.  xv.  28). 

1.  Puteolanum]  Mongaltius,  cf.  763. 
3  ;  Tttsculanum  M. 

Ibi]     CZt;  iboM. 

confirmes]     Viet.  :  confirmem  MZt. 

immutatum  amorem  meum  mecum  ab- 
stulisse]  Wes.  ;  minuo  tutam  amore  meo 
mecum  attulisse  M  ;  minime  totum  amorem 
ab  ea  mecum  abstulisse  I ;  me  intimo  totam 
amore  earn  mecum  abstulisse  Gronovius. 

EP.  766  (ATT.  xvi.  16). 

1 .  sit]    sis  Corradus. 

2.  relaxaris]     relaxares  M. 


EP.  767  (ATT.  xvi.  16«). 

CN]    Man. ;  L  M  ;  [L]  Orelli. 

3.  mei]     mi  M1. 

4.  de  ea  re  tecum]     codices  Bosii;  de 
ea  tecum  v.  c.  L  (marg.)  ;  om.  2A. 

5.  equidem]    Lamb.  ;  quidem  M. 
autem]     M  ;  om.  nonnulli. 
transissent]     Pius;  transisset  M. 

6.  causas]    codd.  ;     causam    Corradus 
Man. 

facias]     M2  ;  facias  M1. 


EP.  768  (ATT.  xv.  29). 

1.  nullus]    nulus  M  ;  ne  ieris  Schmidt. 
M.  Axianum]    Man.  ;  Maxianam  CM  ; 

maximam  Zt. 

Cosano]  Schiitz;  Coziano  M  ;  Cosiano 
vulg.  ;  Cusano  Zt. 

eadem]  nos  ;  me  M  ;  causa  me  Btr.  ; 
re  me  Koch  ;  mi  Orelli. 

di  faxint]    difuse  sint  M. 

nolebam]     CZb  v.  c.  ;  om.  2A. 

2.  tua]     FZb  v.  c.  L  (marg.)  ;  om.  M. 
Favonium]       vulg.   ;     Favonius    M  ; 

Favoni  Reid  ;  modo  Favonium  Schmidt. 


Asinium]    alterum  Ern.  ; 
modo  Asinium  Schmidt.    Fort.  Favoniissi- 
mum  vel  Favonianissimum.    Vide  Comm. 

et  ut  sit  mecum]  nos  ;  et  ut  air  me- 
cum M  ;  om.  ffir  vulg.  Locum  ita  con- 
traxit  Lamb,  et  mecum  ffirciffaffdai  vult 
et  cum  Bruto  et  Cassio  ;  et  ita  refinxit 
Schmidt  est  (=  versatur)  quidem  duas 
ob  causas,  et  volt  ffireiaaffBai  mecum  et 
crireiffaffBai  volt  cum  Bruto  e,t  Cassio. 

et]     om.  M. 

Othonum]    otonum  M. 

luliam]  Tutiam  L  (marg.)  :  cf  .  772.  5. 
Sed  nomen  Tutia  inusitatum.  De  inter- 
pretatione  loci  Gurlittiana,  nimis  quidem 


subtili  et  audaci,  vide  '  Philologum,' 
1900,  pp.  96  ff. 

esse  discidium]  v.  c.  L  (marg.)  Man. ; 
esses  sed  excidium  M. 

et  patre]  putri  Schiitz  ;  et  paedore- 
coni.  Miiller ;  et  patore  (sc.  narium) 
Schmidt. 

quorsus]     v.  c.  Man. ;  cursus  M. 

putare  me  ilia]  Zb  v.  c.  ;  putam  ilia 
Zt ;  pubabulla  M ;  probabilia  Ellis,  in- 
geniose  :  putari  ilia  Gurlitt. 

hoc]  secluserunt  Gurlitt,  Miiller,  ut- 
pote  ex  dittographia  2KOIIOC  HOC  ;  fort, 
recte ;  hie  Corradus. 

irapa  TOVTO]  FIAKA  TOTTO  M  ;  Trapes 
rovrov  codices  Bosii ;  irapa  roi/Ttp  Grono- 
vius. Vide  Comm. 

alucinari]     allucinari  M. 

3.  se  aiebant]     Viet.  ;  sinebant  M. 

vidisse]  v.  c.  et  L  (marg.)  Beroaldus  ; 
vidi  etse  M. 

phaleris]    faleris  M. 

eiectos]     elkctos  M. 


EP.  769  (ATT.  xvi.  1). 

1.  Postridie]     CZb  v.  c.   L    (marg.)  ; 
om.  2A. 

iens]  Ascensius  ;  fiem  MZt  ;  Mali- 
mus  exiens,  vide  Comm. 

in  Nesidem]     ines  idem  M1. 

eo  die  quo]     ego  de  quo  M. 

Nonis]     Viet. ;  nobis  M. 

Di]     Bosius;  de  M. 

Nihil  vidi]  Haec  veibu  in  M  post  er* 
sequuntur:  transposuit  Boot. 

ex'  (60/j.ev  ;]  tr'  twnsv  Reid  ;  eAflw^ue^ 
M  (marg.)  ;  dewM-tv  Zl. 

2.  inaudiebam]    Lamb. ;  mediabam  M  \. 
audiebam  L  (marg.)  v.  c. 

3.  videnduin  .  .  .  laudetur]    In  M  post 
minim  ;  transposuit  Ern. 

4.  ad  arma]   haud  ad  arma  coni.  Orelli ; 
abicere    arma    coni.    Klotz  ;    abiecturum 
arma  Reid.     Fort,  ad  larem;  cf.  771.  2, 
Phil.   ii.  75  ;    dare  manus   Shuckburgh. 
An  dearmari  ?  cf.  768.  1  (scutum  abicere)^ 

ad]     v. c.  L  (marg.)  Zt;  om.  M. 
somno]     sumpno  M. 

5.  Ovius  enimrecens:  is]     Turnebus; 
Lamb,  ex  v.  c. ;    obius  enim  recessis  M  ; 
obvius  enim  recesis  Z. 

si  habunde]  M  ;  sit  abunde  codices 
Malaspinae  et  Zb ;  sat  abunde  Man.  :  in 
mandatis  sat  abunde  del.  Lamb.  Vide 
Comm. 

id  est  minutatim]  Explicatio,  ut  vi- 
detur,  verbi  y\i<rxpws,  ideoque  ab  edi- 
toribus  seclusa. 

Quod]     Ern. ;  que  quo  M. 


ADNOTAT10  CRITIC  A. 


453 


Hine]     Man.  ;  hie  M. 

6.  cognosses]    cognosces  M. 

Eae  te]     Ascensius  ;  en  et  te  M. 

faxint]    fas  sint  M. 

vn]     M  ;  vi  Rom. 


EP.  770  (ATT.  xvi.  5). 

1.  non]     del.  Corradus. 
quod]     v.  c.  L  (marg.)  ;  quc  M. 

2.  Quintus]     Fort.   Quintus  Jilim  i.e. 
Quintus  f.  (ante  fuit}. 

quantum]     M  ;  quamdiu  Lamb.  ;  quot 
Reid  :  quantum  quantum  Moser. 
ut  sponderem]     responderem  M1. 

3.  tergiversantem]  terytiversantemW. 
revertar]    Hie  M  habet  iterum  Ep.  468 

(Att.  xii.  3)  qua  intrusa  multa  esse  extrusa 
putat  Reid. 

circumspices]     M  ;  circumspice  C. 

quam]  C2  ;  om.  M.  Locum  ita 
emendandum  censet  Reid  (Hermathena, 
xii.  267)  ;  circumspice  (cf.  Q.  Rose.  5)  ; 
sed  ante  erubesce.  Vide  Comm. 

4.  lepide]    L  (marg.)  Malasp. ;  om.  M. 
descriptos]     discriptos  Reid. 

in]     add.  Orelli. 

5.  legenda]      alegenda   M ;    omnino  le- 
genda  Schmidt. 

instar]  inistar  M.  Nimis  audacter 
Burdt  (Hermes  (1897),  p.  271)  instar 
kirra.  <r^v^ov  \  hae  sunt  igittir  au>gendae, 
et  quidem,  &c. 

Et  quidem]     equidem  M. 


EP.  771  (ATT.  xvi.  4). 

1.  earn]     Ern. :  etiam  codd. 
in]     add.  Wes. 

Libo  intervenit.  Is]  EORM2s ;  liben- 
ter  venitis  M1. 

ceteroqui]  ceteroque  OM1  ;  ceteraque 
ERM2. 

ipsos]     M1 ;  se  ipsos  EORM*s. 

2.  Baream]      Boot  ;     Boream    codd.  ; 
Eboram  coni.  Turnebus. 

Ad  ipsum]     EORM2s  ;  ab  ipsum  M1. 

3.  ni]     O^s;  f^O'RPM. 

4.  Bnmdisium]       Srondisium    M     ut 
saepe  ;  Brundusinum  Pius. 

enim]     ORP  Crat. ;  om.  M. 
et]     addere  vult  Hofmann. 
Etesiis]     Corradus   Zl  ;   et  estis  v.  c. 
codices  Bosii ;  et  testis  02Ms. 


EP.  772  (ATT.  xvi.  2). 
1.  aT     ante  Bruti  add.  Lamb. 


Hortensio]  Hordeonio  Schutz,  coll. 
663.  3. 

quia  e]  et  coheredibus  lunius,  coll. 
775.  3,  vide  Comm.  Nomen  proprium 
desiderat  Miiller ;  Publilio  coni.  Orelli ; 
Gviae  Gurlitt,  coll.  635.  4  ;  L<-f,f>i>' 
Schmidt. 

Hortensius]     Hordeonius  Schiitz. 

qui  de  residuis]  Man.  :  quid  eres  MZt. 

loqui  cum  eo]     Viet.  ;    loci  qua  meo  M. 

2.  fit]     sic  M. 

venditione]    Ascensius ;  venditionis  M. 

3.  quo]     add.  vulg. 

plaudendo]     CZ1  v.  c.  ;  laudando  2 A. 

4.  furcilla]     Z;  furo  ilia  M. 
v  Id.]     Corradus ;  v  K  M. 
Aeculanuml     E  Crat.  Ant. ;  Aculanum 

M. 

5.  lulia]     coni.  Corradus,  coll.  768.  2  ; 
Tutia  M  ;  de  tuta  via  Schmidt. 

ita  putaram]     dubitaram  Schmidt. 

Aebutio]  Zb  ;  ebutio  OR  ;  enictio  M  ; 
Emetio  I :  Ventidio  Schmidt ;  C.  Metio 
alii. 

amicissimum]    Viet.  ;  amplissimum  M. 

si  de]    Ant.  Zb  ;  sed  de  M. 

maius]     mnlus  M1. 

domo  mittito]  2s ;  dum  omittito  M  ; 
domo  mitto. 

Custodies]     custodes  M1. 

notentur]     vocentur  coni.  Turnebus. 

eclogarii]     eglogari  M  ;  tK\oyai  Reid. 

quos]  M ;  quas  Zt  Reid  ;  quaeso  coni. 
Clark. 

nactus]     nactis  M1. 

legat]     kgant  M. 


EH.  773  (ATT.  xvi.  3). 

1.  ocius]     otius  M  ;  potiusViut. 

et  magisl    add.  Bosius ;  cotidie  Miiller. 

delectare]   coni.  Baiter;  dekctari  codd. 

si  quid]    si  quid  ego  Man. 

auges]    Lamb. ;  ages  M  Zt ;  addis  Man. 

te  dicis]  2  Crat.  Zt ;  om.  te  A.  Vide 
Corrigenda. 

Hunc]  Hoc  Reid  coll.  Att.  xii.  5c 
(467). 

lege]     legi  M. 

arcano]  in  Arcano  nonnulli,  inepte; 
cf.  Charisium  192.25  :  199.  26  (Keil). 

3.  mihi  spero]     in  yspero  M. 
accedet]    M  ;  accedit  vett. 

4.  etsi]     et  sed  M. 
tu  iam]     viam  M1. 

5.  in]     add.  Ern.  ;  ex  add.  Boot, 
attributione]     attributionis  Orelli. 
mandasse  ut]     mandasse  fui  M1. 
eo]     om.  M. 

sij    sedU. 


454 


ADNOTATIO  GRIT  1C  A. 


6.  tribus]     C  ;  tribui  M. 
decemscalmis]  C  Viet. ;  d*cemscalmi  M. 
Neapoli]     Neapolim  M. 
Ecquid]     et  quid  M. 
Hieraml     Viet. ;  JEram  M. 
ei]     et  M,  idemque  raox. 
absentem]       v.  c.  L  (marg.)  Zb,  Zt, 
Crat. ;  om.  2A. 

Referes]     re  se  res  M1. 


EP.  774  (FAM.  VH.  20). 

1.  tamen]     om.  G. 

Haletem]  M ;  Heletem  codd.  epp.  ud 
Att.  xvi,  7.  5  (783)  fort,  recte  ;  aletem  R  ; 
athletetn  G. 

Papirianam]    paternnm  Haackh. 

domum]     ora.  GR. 

lotum]     M  ;  lutum  GR  ;  lucum  vetl. 

3.  Fadio]    fabio  G. 

Bassus]     balbus  G. 

Velia]     vifta  M. 


EP.  775  (ATT.  xvi.  6). 

1.  ad]     Crat. ;  et  M. 
oporteret]     Crat. ;  oportet  et  M. 
aequis]     Salmasius  ;  equis  M. 
Veliae]     vellemM.. 

Talnam]  Rom.,  Btr.,  Muller,  cf.  Att.  i. 
16.  6  (22).  Talanam  M  ;  Thalnam  vulg., 
fort,  recte.  Fasti  enim  Capitolini  ad 
annum  591  (163)  dant  Thalna.  non  Talna 
(C.I.L.  i-,  p.  25) ;  Tullianam,  Zt ;  Testam 
alii ;  cf .  Comm.  ad  774.  1. 

Leucopetram]  Btr.  coll.  783.  1 ;  Leu- 
copetras  M. 

atque]     Lamb. ;  ast  M. 

2.  satis]    add.  Asc. 
superque]     super  M1. 
Quid]     Z;  om.  M. 
enimj     autem  Schiitz. 

quod  quidem]     quodque  idem  M. 
prospice]     vulg. ;  perspice  M. 

3.  exsolve]     C  ;  exsolvi  M. 

reliqua]     OZ  v.  c.  L  (marg.);  om.  M. 
persolutum]    perso  turn  M. 
plane  volo]    plavolo  M. 

4.  id]     idem  coni.  Wes. 
qui]     cum  Siesbye. 
salutem  dices]     S.D.  M. 


EP.  776  (FAM.  vn.  19). 

Vide]  -   M ;    videne  GR  ;    viden  Men- 
delssohn, fort,  recte  ;   Tu  vide  Streicher. 


subnegaram,   non   tribueram]      Crat. ; 
subnegarem,  non  tribuerem  (-ere  R)  codd. 

absenti]      cod.  Amstelodani ;  absentem 
codd. 

Velia]     M  ;  vel  iam  GR. 

Topica]     M  ;  topia  R  ;  copia  G. 

misi]     amisio  (o  deletum)  M  ;  amisi  G 
awi.si  R. 

planissime]      Viet.  ;  plenixsime  (-a  R] 
codd. 

Non  longe]     bis  in  M  scripta. 

usumque]     Egnatius ;    unumque  MR 
unumquem  G  ;  nonnunquam  Lamb. 

per  te]     M  ;  perite  GR. 


EP.  777  (ATT.  xvi.  16*). 

8.  UT]     M3;  et  M1. 
consulum]     consules  M. 
sunt]     Viet. ;  sint  M. 

magnam]  Hie  deficit  M  lit  nunc  est, 
sed  periisse  videtur  folium  ultimum. 

9.  et   etiam]      et    etiam    atque    eliam 
Muller. 

oro]  rogo  cod.  Berolinensis-Hamilton 
(cf.  0.  E.  Schmidt  Die  handschriftlicht 
Ueberliefernng  der  Briefe  Ciceros,  p.  358 
[86]  et  Sjogren  Commentation**  Tullianaey 
pp.  18  ff.)  Rom.,  qui  duo  in  hac  extrema 
parte  epistolarum  ad  Att.  plerumque  con- 
sentiunt. 

te]     add.  Lamb. 


EP.  778  (ATT.  xvi.  16c). 

10.  omitte]     omitto  coni.  Boot. 

da]     Zb.  v.  c.  L  (marg.)  ;  om.  vulg. 

11.  Accessit  .  .  .  lata  est]     om.  Rom., 
cod.  Beroiinensis-Hamilton. 

Non.  lun.]  del.  lun.  Wes.  Vide 
Comm. 

Plan  cum]  litter  as  ad  Plancum  Man. 
coll.  767.  6 ;  cognitorem  Plancum  Or.  ; 
Plancum  arbitrum  Muller. 

12.  mihi  videtur]     Rom.  et  cod.  Ber- 
Tlaiu.     (Errore  mihi  omisimus  in  textu); 
mea  videtur  I;  videtur  (om.  mihi)  Klotz. 

esse]  vulg.  :  om.  Rom.  et  cod.  Ber- 
Hnmilton. 

confirmari]     Faernus  ;  conjirmare  vett. 


EP.  779  (ATT.  xvi.  16<). 

14.  plurimi]    plurimum  I. 
Ego]     om.  I. 
comprobet]     C  v.  c.  L  (marg.)  ;  probet 
Rom.  I. 


ADNOTAT10  CRITIC  A. 


455 


Er.  780  (Axx.  xvi.  16c). 

).  scripserim]    Man.  ;  scripseram  alii. 
no]     quod  'Rom.  cod.  Ber.-Ham. 
Caesar,  nobis]      cos.  nobis    Rom.    cod. 
Jer.-Ham.  ;  con.  a  nobis  I. 
16.  magna]     om.  I. 
tarn]     om.  cod.  Ber.-Ham. 


EP.  781  (ATT.  xvi.  16/). 

17.  Attici]     seel.  Boot. 

18.  ita  est]     Pius  Zb  ;  1st  a  est  Rom.  I. 
offici  sui]     Man.  ;  offici  tui  Rom.  1. 


EP.  782  (FAM.  xi.  3). 

1.  lacessiimus]    vett.  ;  lacessimus  codd. 
eredidimus]     M  ;  credimus  HD. 

a  consule]     om.  H. 

2.  obiceres]     M  ;  obieceris  HD. 

3.  sit]     om.  HD. 

fortassis]  codd.  ;  fortasse  Wes.  Vide 
Comm. 

4.  tamen]     MD;  etiam  H. 

non  diu]  M  ;  diu  HD.  Utrumque 
bonum. 

quaesumus]     D  ;  quaesimus  M  ;  qs  H. 

EP.  783  (ATT.  xvi.  7). 

1.  erat]     nuberat  coni.  Miiller.     Fort. 
erat  enim  villa  iliac. 

recentes,  in  iisl     regente  sinus  M1. 
et]     M2;  orn.Mi. 
rogare]     del.  Reid. 

2.  fuisti]     M-  ;  /KM&M1. 

acta  sunt]     accasum  M1  ;  occasum  M2. 

3.  Bene  .  .  .  bene]     veni  .  .  .  veni  Viet. 
relinque]     relinques  Lamb.     Locum  ita 

legendum  coni.  Housman  Tene  igitur  qui 
evOavaffiav,  tetie  relinquere  patriam  ?  coll. 
Att.  ix.  7.  5  (362). 

probibebas]  M2  vulg.  ;  iubebas  M1  ; 
inhibebas  alii  ;  vetabas  Or.  Fort,  impro- 
babas. 

4.  esses]   Zt  Boot  ;  esse  M  ;  esset  Rom.  ; 
esset  exprobratum  Lebmann  ;  esset  factum 
coni.  Wes. 

possim]    possem  Ern.  fort,  recte. 

5.  ex]    vett.  ;  et  M  ;  om.  Lamb. 
Haletem]   cf.  ad  774.  1  ;  Heletem  MZ. 
fluvium]     Viet.  ;  fructum  M. 

milia  passus]  M,  vide  Comm.  ;  milia 
passuum  vulg.  ;  milibus  passuum  Wes. 

intellegebam]     intellegebant  Turnebus. 

relictionis]  Beroaldus  ;  relegionis  M1  ; 
reiectionis  Viet. 


flentes]     cuntea  v.  c.  Viet. 

quod  .  .  .  effugissem]     del.  Malaspina. 

6.  speciosas]      praecipuas     Lehmann ; 
om.  Ern.  Wes. 

sed  nulla]     w  in  (vel  sin)  itlla  codd. 
quid]    Zt ;  quod  M. 
nisi  ut]     ZORP  v.  c.  ;   nisi   quod  M 
Reid. 

defenderem]     defender e  vellem  Reid. 

7.  ab  utro]    M  ;  a  Bruto  vulg.    Fort. 
a  Bruto  <et  Cassio  missum>  vel  simile. 

rediit]     redit  M. 
longe  a]     longa  M1. 

8.  et  ei]     Btr.  ;  et  M  ;  ei  Wes. 

ad]    add.  nos  ;  om.  codd.  ;  m  Corradus, 
Wes.,  Reid;  prope  Miiller. 


EP.  784  (FAM.  xi.  27). 

2.  deinde]     M  ;  denique  HD. 
communicata  sunt]      H    Crat. ;    com- 

municata  sint  MD. 

3.  Et]     codd.  ;  Etenim  Or.  ;  om.  Wes. 
quanti]     M  ;  quantis  HD. 

4.  advolaris]     avolaris  MH  ;    advola- 
veris  D. 

communium]     MD  :  communi  H. 

5.  officio]     Madv. ;  officiit  codd. 
praeter  me]     M  ;  propter  me  D  ;  prae- 

terH. 

6.  commemoravi]    HD ;  commeravi  M. 
multa]     HD  ;  multo  M. 

maxime  maxima]     del.  maxima  Ern. 

7.  liquido]    aliquido  M  ;  aliquando  H  ; 
de  D  incertum  est. 

de  curatione]     HD  ;  decuriatione  M. 

8.  expertem]     ex  per  M  ;  expers  HD. 
nee  te  alienius]    MH  :  nee  a  te  alienius 

D  Wes. 


EP.  785  (FAM.  xi.  28). 

1.  quam]     cum  MH  ;  tamquam  D. 
maximi]    HD  ;  maxime  H. 
aestimabam]     M  ;  existimabam  D  ;  ex- 

timebam  H. 

ut  par  erat  tua]  MH  ;  ut  par  erat 
pro  tua  D  Lamb. 

2.  patriam    amicitiae]       D  ;    patriae 
amicitiam  MH. 

vicerint]  HD  (marg.)  ;  vicerit  M  ; 
vixerit  D. 

quarnquam  re  offendebar]  M ;  re  quam- 
quam  offendebar  H  ;  quamquam  te  offende- 
bam  D. 

extingui]     MD  ;  extinguere  H. 

3.  gloriari]    MH  ;  singulari  D. 
hnpunite]     MH  ;  impune  D. 


456 


ADNOTATIO  CRITIC  A. 


ut]  add.  Baiter ;  post  ut  add.  sperarent 
Lehmann.  Vide  Comm. 

arbitrio]    MH  ;  in  cotnmoda  D. 

quae  nunc  .  .  .  auctores]  quae  nunc 
isii,  ut  se  quidem  dictitant,  '  libertatis 
auctores1  coni.  Boot. 

4.  oppetendam]     M;  appetendam  HD. 

6.  Caesare  petenti]    caesari  petenti  H ; 
caesart  repetenti  M  ;  caesari  repent e  D. 

7.  amantem]     D  ;  famantem  MH. 

8.  ne  aut]    HD  :  ne  ad  M. 
contingent]     MH  ;  contigerint  D. 


'  EP.  786  (FAM.  xvi.  21). 

1.  et  sextum]    del.  et  Baiter, 
exoptatissimus]      HDF  ;     adoptatissi- 

mus  M  ;  optatissimus  vett. 
me  iam]     M  ;  etiam  HDF. 

2.  Grates]    MD  ;  grates  HF. 
qui  de  me]     MD  ;  quidam  HF. 
polliceris  te]    MD  ;  pollicetur  iste  HF. 
bucinatorem]      M  ;    buccinator  em    D  ; 

buninatoretn  H  ;  bunninatorem  F. 

successa]     codd.  ;    successe    (=  succes- 
sisse]  Schwabe.     Vide  Comm. 


3.  duplicetur]    HDF  ;  dupliciter  M. 
Cratippo]     MD  ;  gratis  HF. 

cum  audio]  Lamb. ;  cum  et  audio  MD  ; 
cum  et  (et  cum  H)  gaudio  HF. 

suavitatem  \eliementer]  MD  (sed  M 
vementer]  :  vanitatem  HF. 

4.  Bruttio]     M  ;    brutio  D  ;    bruto  F  ; 
butioTL  cf.  infra,  §5. 

convictio]     M  ;  coniunctio  HDF. 
iocus]     locus  codd. 

5.  Bruttium]     M;  trttttfNftHD;  bru- 
cium  F. 

Mitylenis]  M  ;  mutilenis  D  ;  mitilenet 
HF  :  cf.  ad  iv.  7.  4  (486). 

mea  nimia  <nrov5^]     ttte  animi 
codd.      » 

patris]     D  ;  patres  MHF. 

7.  Habes]  <^w>  Aai<?«  Reid. 
Romanus]     germanns  Ribbeck. 
enim]     mihi  Wes.     Vide  Comm. 
ementem  te]     M  ;  mente  te  HDF. 
vilico]     M  ;  villico  HDF. 

8.  Demandatis]  D;  demandastis M.K¥ . 
mibi  enim]     M  ;  enim  mihi  HDF  fort. 

recte. 

possimus]    M  ;  possumus  HDF. 
Anterum]     H  ;  anthcrum  MDF. 


LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIONS, 

ESPECIALLY  THOSE  USED  IN  ADNOTATIO  CRITICA. 


=  codices  Medicei ;  in  Epp.  ad  Fam.  49,  9  ;  in  the  other  Epistles,  49,  18. 

(See  Introduction  to  Vol.  I3,  pp.  94  ff.,  101  ff.) 
=  codices  M  a  prima  manu. 
2  =  codices  M  a  secunda  manu. 

arg.  =  codices  M  secundum  correctionem  marginalem. 

=  codex  Harleianus  2773,  formerly  belonging  to  Graevius.     (See  Introd. 

to  Vol.  I3,  p.  96.) 

(in  Fam.)  =  codex  Parisinus  17812.     (See  Introd.  to  Vol.  I3,  p.  96.) 
(in  Fam.)  =  codex  Harleianus  2682.     (See  Introd.  to  Vol.  I3,  p.  97.) 

=  codex  Erfurtensis,  now  Berolinensis.     (See  Introd.  to  Vol.  I3,  p.  98.) 
=  codex  Palatinus  Sextus.     (See  Introd.  to  Vol.  I3,  p.  99.) 
=  codices  Cratandrini.     (See  Introd.  to  Vol.  I3,  pp.  100  and  113.) 
rat.  =  Cratander's  edition  1528. 

=  codex  Ambrosianus,  E  14. 
=  codex  Florentinus,  n.  49. 
(in  Att.)     =  codex  Landianus,  n.  8. 

=  codex  Taurinensis,  i.  v.  34. 
=  codex  Parisinus  8536. 
R  (in  Att.)     =  codex  Parisinus  8538. 

Rav.  =  codex  Ravennas.     (See  Boot,  ed.  2,  pp.  xiv-xxiii.) 

s  =  codex  Urbinas  322,  bibl.  Vatic. 

5  =  agreement  of  ENHOP  or  of  EOR  or  ORP.     (See  Introd.  to  Vol.  I3, 

pp.  107-112.) 

A  =  agreement  of  M  and  s. 

v.  c.  =  codex  (perhaps  the  Tornesianus)  referred  to  in  the  margin  of  the  second 

ed.  of  Lambinus. 

Z  =  codex  Tornesianus.     (See  Introd.  to  Vol.  I3,  p.  114.) 

Zl  =  codex  Tornesianus  teste  Lambino. 

Zb  =  codex  Tornesianus  teste  Bosio. 


458  LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIONS. 

Zt  =  codex  Tornesianus  teste  Turnebo  (See  A.  C.  Clark,  '  Anecdota 
Parisiensia'  in  «  Philologus,'  1901,  pp.  195-211. 

Zbt  =  codex  Tornesianus  testibus  et  Bosio  et  Turnebo. 

Ber.  Ham.  =  codex  Berolinensis  ex  bibliotheca  Hamilton  166. 

Ant.  =  codex  Antonianus. 

F  =  codex  Faerninus. 

codd.  =  agreement  of  either  all  or  most  of  the  principal  codices. 

Asconius  KS  =  Asconius,  ed.  A.  Kiessling  and  R.  Schoell  (Berlin,  1875). 

Asconius,  Clark       =  Asconius,  ed.  A.  C.  Clark  (Oxford,  1907). 

vett.  =  the  older  editors. 

vulg.  =  the  reading  adopted  in  most  editions. 

Rom.  =  editio  princeps  Romana  (Rome,  1470). 

I  =  editio  lensoniana  (Venice,  1470). 

Asc.  =  Ascensius  (Paris,  1522). 

Viet.  =  Victorius  (Venice,  1534-1537). 

Mur.  =  Muretus  (Variae  Lectiones,  Venice  and  Paris,  1559-86). 

Mai.  =  Malaspina  (Venice,  1563). 

Lamb.  =  Lambinus  (Paris,  1546  ;  2nd,  1584,  with  notes  of  Orsini). 

L  (marg.)  =  Readings  in  the  margin  of  the  second  edition  of  Lambinus. 

Man.  =  Paulus  Manutius  (Venice,  1563). 

Bos.  =  Simeo  Bosius  (Epp.  ad  .Att.,  Limoges,  1580). 

Graev.  =  Graevius  (Amsterdam,  1684). 

Gron.  =  Gronovius  (Leyden,  1692). 

Ern.  =  Ernesti  (Leipzig,  1737). 

Sch.  =  Schiitz  (Halle,  1809). 

Bill.  =  Billerbeck  (Hannover,  1836). 

Or.  =  Orelli  (Zurich,  1845). 

Boot  =  1.  C.  G.  Boot  (Epp.  ad  Att.,  Amsterdam,  1865  ;  ed.  2,  1886). 

Btr.  =  Baiter  and  Kayser  (Leipsic,  1867). 

Wes.  =  Wesenberg  (Teubner  text,  1872,  1873). 

Mendelssohn  =  Ludovicus  Mendelssohn,  Epp.  ad  Fam.  (Leipzig,  1893). 

Hofm.  =  Fr.  Hofmann,  Ausgewahlte  Briefe  von  M.  Tullius  Cicero  (3rd 
ed.  by  Georg  Andresen,  1895). 

Muller  =  C.  F.  W.  Miiller's  Teubner  text,  1896-1898. 


Boot  "Obs.  Grit."  =  Boot's  Observationes  Criticae  ad  Cic.  Epp.  (Amsterdam,  1880). 
Ferrero  =  Guglielmo  Ferrero,  The  Greatness  and  the  Decline  of  Rome, 

vols.  ii  and  iii  (English  Translation),  1909. 


LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIONS. 


459 


Lange  =  Ludwig  Lange,  Roniische  Alterthiimer,  vol.  iii  (ed.  2,  Berlin, 

1876). 

^ 

Lebreton  =  Jules   Lebreton,    Etudes   sur   la  langue   et   la    grammaire   de 

Ciceron  (Paris,  1901). 
Lehmann  =  Karl  Lehmann,  Quaestiones   Tullianae   (Prague  and  Leipzig, 

1886). 
Lehmann  '  Att '      =  Karl  Lehmann,  De  Ciceronis  ad  Atticum  epistulis  recensendis 

et  emendandis  (Berlin,  1892) 
Madv.  =  Madvig,  Adversaria  Critica  (Copenhagen,  vol.  ii,  1873  ;  vol.  iii, 

'    1884). 

Marquardt  =  J.  Marquardt,  Romische  Staatsverwaltung  (Leipzig,  ed.  2,  1881). 

Marquardt-Mau       =  Das  Privatleben  der  Homer  von  Joachim  Marquardt,   zweite 

Auflage  besorgt  von  A.  Mau  (Leipzig,  1886). 
Reid  =  J.  S.  Reid :    Notes  on  Cicero  ad  Atticum  xn  (Hermathena  x 

(1898),  130-139). 
,,  =  J.  S.  Reid:    Notes  on  Cicero  ad  Atticum  xm   (Hermathena^ 

(1899),  327-355). 
,,  =  J.  S.  Reid  :  Notes  on  Cicero  ad  Atticum  xiv  (Hermathena  xi 

(1901),  243-262). 
,,  =  J.  S.  Reid  :   Notes  on  Cicero  ad  Atticum  xv  (Hermathena  xn 

(1902),  136-171). 
,,  =  J.  S.  Reid  :  Notes  on  Cicero  ad  Atticum  xvi  (Hermathena  xn 

(1903),  258-279). 
Schiche  =  Th.    Schiche,  Zu  Cicero's   Briefen   an  Atticus  (Hermes  xvm 

(1883),  588-615). 
Schmidt  =  0.  E.  Schmidt,  Der  Brief  wechsel  des  M.  Tullius  Cicero  (Leipzig, 

1893). 

Sjogren  =  H.  Sjogren,  Commentationes  Tullianae  (Uppsala,  1910). 

Stinner  =  Aug.   Stinner,    De   eo  quo  Cicero  in   epp.  usus  est   sermone 

(Oppeln,  1879). 
Wes.  (Em.)  =  A.  S.  Wesenberg,  Emendationes  M.  Tullii  Ciceronis  Epistolarum 

(Copenhagen,  1840). 

Wes.  (E.  A.)  =  A.  S.  Wesenberg,  Emendationes  alterae  ad  Ciceronis  Episto- 

larum editionem  (Leipzig,  1873). 


ORDER    OF    LETTERS. 


I. 

PART  VIII. 


This 
Edition 

Vulg. 

Date. 

A.  U.C. 
(B.  C.) 

Year  of 
Cicero's 
Life. 

Place  at  wh 
written. 

545 

Att.       xii.  13 

March    7       . 

709  (45) 

61 

Astura 

546 

„         xn.  14 

„         8       .         . 

> 

J 

547 

,,         xn.  15 

9      . 

( 

J 

548 

„         xii.  16 

„       10      . 

> 

) 

549 

,,         xn.  18 

„       11       •         • 

i 

550 

,,         xn.  17 

„       12       . 

* 

1 

551 

,,         xn.  18« 

„       13      . 

i 

552 

„         xn.  19 

„       H      . 

> 

( 

553 

,,         xn.  20 

„       15       . 

i 

J 

554 

„       xiii.  6.  1-3  . 

,,     (middle) 

> 

1 

555 

Athens 

(Servius  Sulpicius) 

556 

Att.       xii.  12 

„       16       . 

i 

Astura 

557 

„         xii.  21 

„       17       . 

, 

558 

„         xn.  22 

„       18       . 

i 

559 

xn.  23 

„       19       . 

> 

i 

560 

xn.  24 

„       20       .         . 

> 

561 

,,         xn.  25 

,,       21       . 

> 

> 

562 

xii.  26 

„       22       . 

> 

563 

xn.  27 

„       23      . 

i 

564 

,,         xii.  28 

„       24       . 

> 

i 

565 

xii.  29 

„       25       . 

y 

566 

,,         xn.  33 

„       26       .         .; 

t 

567 

„         xii.  30 

„       27      . 

> 

> 

568 

„         xn.  31.  3  &  32     . 

„       28      . 

i 

> 

569 

„         xn.  31.  1,  2 

„.     29      . 

i 

i 

570 

„         xn.  34  &  35.  1     . 

,,       30      . 

i 

571 

Fam.  xiii.  15 

,,     (end)    . 

» 

i 

572 
573 

v.  13 
vi.  21 

,,  (day  uncertain) 
April         ,  , 

i 
i 

> 
Fkulea 

574 

iv.    6           .         . 

,,     (middle) 

i 

, 

575 

,,          vi.    2          .         . 

• 

576 

IX.   11 

„     (end)      . 

y      « 

. 

577 

Att.       xn.  35.  2      . 

Mav    1  or  2  . 

f 

Sicca's  vill) 

578 

,,         xn.  36 

„'    3           . 

t 

* 

Astura 

ORDER  OF  LETTERS. 
PAKT  VIII — continued. 


461 


ition 

Vulg. 

Date. 

A.  U.C. 
(B.  C.) 

Year  of 
Cicero's 
Liie. 

Place  at  which 
written. 

79 

Att.       xii.  37.  1-3 

Mav   4 

709  (45) 

61 

Astura 

SO 

„         xii.  37.  4     . 

,/    5          . 

,, 

,, 

,, 

SI 

xn.  38.  1,2 

,,6           .         . 

?, 

,, 

,, 

!.) 

,,         xii.  38.  3,  4 

,,7          . 

»> 

» 

it 

53 

,,         xn.  39 

,,8           . 

,, 

,  , 

,» 

84 

„         xn.  40 

,,9           .         . 

5, 

,, 

,  j 

85 

Faiu.        v.  14 

,,9           .         . 

|| 

,  , 

(L.  Lucceius) 

86 

Att.       xn.  42.  1-3 

,,10           . 

,, 

,  , 

87 

Fain.        v.  15 

„  between  10  &  12 

» 

,, 

if 

88 

Att.       xii.  41 

,,11           . 

,, 

>, 

j  j 

89 

xii.  42.  3  &  43      . 

,,12          . 

,, 

•  , 

,, 

90 

,,         xn.  44  &  45.  1      . 

„    J3           . 

,, 

7, 

91 

,,       xni.  26 

,,14            .          . 

J'2 

xii.  46  &  47.  1      . 

,,15           .         . 

,, 

>, 
,, 

}  f 
,  , 

93 

,,         xii.  47.  1,  2 

,,16           .         . 

,» 

,, 

Lanuvium 

94 

,,         xii.  47.  3  &  48  wit. 

,,17           . 

,, 

,, 

,, 

95 

,,        xn.  45.  2,  3 

„     17           . 

,, 

,  , 

Tusculum 

96 

,,         xn.  50 

,,18           .         . 

J, 

5  , 

9  9 

97 

,,         xn.  48>».  &  49    . 

,,19           .         . 

j, 

99 

98 

,,         xn.  51 

,,20           . 

,, 

|| 

99 

,,         xii.  52 

,,21           .         . 

,  , 

,, 

j  > 

00 

„         xn.  53 

„    22           .         . 

,, 

,, 

|| 

01 

,,           XIII.      1 

,,23           .         . 

,, 

j, 

y  9 

02 

,,24           . 

03 

,,       xm.  27 

,,25           .         . 

,» 

,  , 
j  , 

J  J 
j  j 

04 

„        xni.  28  &  29.  I     . 

„    26           .         . 

J, 

,; 

9  ; 

05 

,       xni.  29.  2,3  &  30.1 

,,27           . 

J, 

J  , 

9  y 

06 

,        xni.  2.  1,2. 

,,27 

,, 

3  > 

07 

,        xm.  31 

,,28          .         . 

,J 

,, 

99 

08 

,        xni.  30.  2,  3 

„    28 

,  , 

,, 

99 

09 

,        xni.  2.  3  &  3.  1     . 

,,29           . 

J, 

,  , 

99 

10 

,        xm.  32 

,,29           . 

,, 

,, 

99 

11 

,       xm.  3.  1,  2   . 

,,30           . 

M 

J» 

99 

12 

xii.  5.  2 

,,31           . 

j  , 

13 

Fam.      iv.  12 

,,31           .         . 

y, 

,  , 

Athens 

(Servius  Sulpicius) 

14 

Att.     xm.    4 

June    1 

,, 

J> 

Tusculum 

15 

,,       xm.    5 

„       2 

,J 

,, 

99 

16 

,,       xm.  33.  1-3 

„       3          .         . 

,' 

» 

99 

17 

„        xm.    6.  4      . 

,,4            . 

18 

,,        xm.    8 

„      8          .         . 

,, 

,  , 
,  , 

99 
99 

19 

,,        xm.     7.  1      . 

„       9 

,, 

,, 

99 

20 

,,       xm.    7.  2     . 

„    10 

,, 

J, 

9  9 

2,1 

,,         xn.    5.  3 

,,     11  or  12 

,, 

,, 

9  9 

22 

Fain.      vi.  11 

„     (middle) 

,, 

,, 

9  9 

23 

Att.      xni.    9 

,,17          . 

,5 

24 

,,        xm.  10 

„  between  18  &  20 

,, 

,» 

9  9 

26 

,,          XIII.   11 

,,22          . 

,, 

,, 

Arpinum 

26 

,,        xm.  12 

,,23          .         . 

,, 

,, 

99 

27 

,,        xni.  13  &  14.  1,2  . 

,,25          . 

,, 

,, 

99 

28 

,,        xni.  14.  3  &  15      . 

,,26          .         . 

>, 

>, 

99 

462 


OEDER  OF  LETTERS. 


PART  VIII — continued. 


This 
Edition 

Vulg. 

Date. 

A.U.  C. 
(B.C.) 

Year  of 
Cicero's 
Life. 

Place  at  whi. 
written. 

629 

Att.     xni.  16 

June  27 

709(45) 

61 

Arpinum 

630 

,,       xin.  17  &  18 

,,28          . 

» 

ft 

»» 

631 

xin.  19 

,,29          . 

» 

» 

»i 

632 

xm.  21.  4-7 

,,     30,  or  July  1  . 

» 

» 

633 

Fam.      ix.  22 

July      . 

» 

>» 

Place  uncerte 

probably  ., 

pinum 

634 

Att.     xin.  20 

,,      2  or  3   . 

» 

>  > 

Arpinum 

63a 

,,       xin.  22 

„*.          • 

5  y 

» 

?, 

630 

,,       xin.  33.  4,  5 

„      9  . 

Tusculum 

637 

„        xm.  23 

„    10.;      -  ?.'•, 

tf 

" 

)t 

638  r 

Fam.   xm.  77 

Autumn 

708  (46) 

60 

Rome 

639 

v.    9          .         . 

July  11 

709  (45) 

61 

Narona 

(Vatinius) 

640 

Att.     xm.  24  &  25.  1      . 

,     11  .       .         . 

Tusculum 

641 

Fam.      ix.    8          .         . 

,     11  or  12 

ii 

642 

Att.     xm.  25.  2-3  . 

,12          . 

» 

643 

,,       xm.  35  &  36 

,13          .         . 

>> 

644 

xm.  43 

,14          . 

»» 

645 

Fam.       vi.  20 

,     (middle) 

» 

646 

Att.     xm.  44 

,     20  or  21 

>» 

647 

,,        xm.  34 

,26 

Astura 

648 

Fam.       vi.  19 

,     27  (about)     . 

, 

649 

Att.       xn.    9 

,27          . 

t 

650 

Fam.     xvi.  22 

,27          . 

, 

651 

Att.       xii.  10 

,28          . 

i 

652 

,,       xm.  21.  1-3 

,28          .         . 

t 

653 

Fam.    xvi.  17 

,29          .         . 

654 

Att.     xm.  47i 

,30          . 

5 

655 

Fam.    xvi.  19 

August  (beginning) 

Tusculum 

656 

Att.      xm.  48 

2 

» 

657 

,,       xin.  37 

,        2        .         . 

i 

658 

,,        xm.  38 

4        .    .     . 

i 

659 

,,        xm.  39 

5 

660 

,,        xm   40 

7  or  8 

i 

661 

,,        xm.  41 

8  or  9 

> 

662 

,,        xm.  45 

,       11        . 

» 

663 

,,        xm.  46 

,      12        .         . 

i 

664 

,,        xm.  47« 

,       13 

i 

665 

Fam.      vn.  24 

,      20  (about)    . 

> 

666 

Att.      xm.  49 

,      20 

» 

667 

,,       xm.  50 

,      22        . 

> 

668 

Fam.     vn.  25 

,      24  (about)    . 

669 

Att.      xm.  51 

,      24        .         . 

i 

( 

708(46) 

60 

670t 

Fam.     xii.  18 

October  (?)    . 

or 

or 

}  Rome  (?) 

t 

709  (45) 

61 

) 

671t 

,,         xn.  19 

Month  uncertain    . 

u 

»»  • 

>» 

672 

,,       xm.    4 

Autumn 

709  (45) 

61 

M 

t  These  letters  are  left  in  the  places  in  which  they  stood  in  the  first  edition,  in  order  tha 
the  references  throughout  the  other  volumes  and  the  Index  may  not  prove  untrustworthy. 


ORDER  OF  LETTERS. 


463 


PART  VIII — continued. 


This 
,dition 

Vulg. 

Date. 

A.  U.  C. 

(B.  c.) 

Year  of 
Cicero's 
Life. 

Place  at  which 
written. 

373 

Fam.    xin.    5 

Autumn 

709  (45) 

61 

Rome 

574 

,,        xm.    7 

»>       • 

u 

11 

M 

575 

376 

v.  11          . 

October  (end) 

a 

t't 

»> 

577 

,,         vn.  29 

2Q      ' 
,,        z» 

11 

11 

Patrae 

(Curius) 

578 

v.  10«        . 

December  5 

11 

11 

Narona 

579 

(Vatinius) 
Alt.      xm.  52 

19 

1  1 

Puteoli 

580 

Fam.       tx.  12 

(towards  end) 

» 

11 

Formiae  (?) 

581 

Att.      xm.  42 

(end) 

11 

11 

Tusculum 

582 

Fam.    xin.  30 

Month  uncertain    . 

•>•> 

1  1 

Rome  (?) 

583 

xm.  31 

i 

11 

584 

xm.  32 

, 

11 

»  i 

585 

xm.  33 

i 

11 

186 

xin.  34 

, 

11 

11 

587 

xin.  35 

, 

11 

11 

588 

xm.  36 

f 

11 

11 

589 

xm.  37 

, 

» 

11 

590 

xm.  38 

1               • 

11 

591 

xm.  39 

>  i 

>  y 

592 

xvi.  18 

December  (end)     . 

11 

11 

593 

xvi.  20 

>»                           11 

^y 

594 

vn.  30 

January 

710  (44) 

62 

595 

xm.  50 

„ 

y  J 

>  9 

596 

v.  10 

„       (end) 

11 

Narona 

(Vatinius) 

597 

vii.  31 

February 

11 

11 

Rome 

;598 

xn.  21 

Spring 

11 

11 

11 

(fRDER  OF  LETTERS. 


PART  IX. 


This 
Edition 

Vulg. 

Date. 

A.  U.  C. 

(K.  C.} 

Year  of 
Cicero's 
Life. 

Place  at  ? 
which 
written.  « 

699 

700 

701 
702  1 

Fam.     vi.  15 

,,               XI.      I                     . 

(D.  Brutus  to  M.  Brutus 
and  Cassius) 
vi.  16 
(Bithynicus) 
,,         xv.  20 

March  1  5  (probably) 
,,       17  (morning) 

,,      end  (possibly) 
Dec.  or  January 

710  (44) 

ii 

/  708,  709 
I   (46,  45) 

62 

61  \ 
or  62) 

Rome 

"    I 

Sicily  (?) 
Rome 

703 

Att.     xiv.     1 

April      7 

710  (44) 

62 

Villa  of  Matii 

704 

„        xiv.    2 

8       . 

n 

>f 

•tt 

705 

xiv.    3              ... 

8  or  9 

^ 

j 

Tusculum 

706 

„        xiv.    4             .'    ,,  . 

,,         9  or  10 

ti 

n 

Lanuvium 

707 

,,       xiv.    5 

„       11       . 

tt 

n 

Leaving  Astura 

708 

,,       xiv.    6 

,,       12       .     .    . 

Fundi 

709 

,,       xiv.    7 

„       15       . 

tt 

)y 

Leaving  Fonal 

710 

xiv.    8 

„       15       . 

n 

ty 

Sinuessa 

7llf 

Fam.     vi.  17 

Date  uncertain 

uncert 

ain 

Place  uncertain 

712 

Att.     xiv.    9             .    '.    . 

April  18 

710  (44) 

,, 

Puteoli 

713 

,,       xiv.  10 

,,19 

tt 

w 

Cumae 

714 

,,           XIV.   11                    . 

,,21 

Puteoli 

715 

„       xiv.  12 

„     22 

" 

M 

716 

,,       xiv.  13*. 

,,  between  20  &  24 

n 

}f 

South  Italy   1 

717 

(M.  Antonius) 
„       xiv.  136 

,,26 

Puteoli 

718 

,,       xiv.  13              .         . 

,,26         .         . 

?j 

„ 

„     or  Cuma 

719 

,,       xiv.  14 

,,     27  or  28 

t1 

Puteoli 

720 

,,        xiv.  15 

May      1 

fj 

t> 

Cumae 

721 

722 

„       xiv.  16 
,,       xiv.  17  a  (=  Fam.  ix. 

„       2         .         . 
„       3         . 

» 

;; 

Leaving  Puteol 
Pompeii 

14) 

723 

Fam.    xn.    1 

„       3         .         . 

M 

,, 

,, 

724 

Att.     xiv.  17             . 

,.       3 

^ 

>t 

M 

725 

xiv.  19 

„       8         .         . 

tf 

,. 

n 

726 

xiv.  18 

„       9 

ft 

f> 

727 

xiv.  20 

,,11 

,, 

,, 

Puteoli 

728 

xiv.  21              . 

,,11 

tl 

ii 

M 

729 

xiv.  22 

,,14 

tt 

730 

xv.    la 

,,17 

| 

731 

xv.    16 

„     18 

, 

Sinuessa 

732 

xv.    2              . 

,,19 

Vescianum    ' 

733 

xv.    3              . 

„     22         .         . 

n 

, 

Arpinum 

734 

xv.    4.  1-4      . 

„     24         . 

,, 

, 

,, 

735 

xv.    4.  5 

,,24 

f) 

, 

,, 

736 

Fam.    xn.  16 

„     25         .         . 

,, 

, 

Athens 

(Trebonius) 

737 

Att.      xv.    5             . 

.,     27  or  28 

,, 

,, 

Tusculum 

738 

xv.    6              . 

„     28  or  29 

tf 

5  , 

ii 

73y 

„         xv.      7              . 

,,     28  or  29 

" 

" 

" 

t  These  letters  are  left  in  the  places  in  which  they  stood  in  the  first  edition,  in  order  that 
the  references  throughout  the  other  volumes  and  the  Index  may  not  prove  untrustworthy. 


ORDER  OF  LETTERS. 
PART  IX — continued. 


465 


Ixhis 

Edition 

Vulg. 

Date. 

A.  U.  C. 
(B.C.) 

Year  of 
Cicero's 
Life. 

Place  at 
which 
written. 

1740 

Fam.     xi.    2              .         . 
(Brutus  and  Cassius  to  Antony) 

May   (end) 

710(44) 

62 

Lanuvium 

1741 

Att.       xv.    8 

,,31 

,, 

M 

Tusculum 

742 

,,         xv.    9              . 

June     2  or  3 

743 

,,         xv.  10 

,,       5  or  6 

,  9 

,  ? 

,, 

744 

„           XV.   11 

„       8         .         . 

,  > 

AntiumorAstura 

745 

xv.  12 

„    10 

,, 

Astura 

746 

,,        xv.  160 

,,11 

747 

„        xv.  16* 

,,12         .         . 

,  9 

•     | 

,, 

748 

„         xv.  15 

„     13         .         . 

,J 

• 

749 

xv.  17 

„     14 

750 

,,         xv.  18 

„     15         .         . 

5, 

?  t 

On  way  to  Tus- 

culum 

'751 

,,         xv.  19 

,,  between  16  &  19 

,, 

Tusculum 

752 

xv.  20 

„      17&20 

», 

753 

xv.  21 

,,21 

" 

754 

Fam.  xvi.  23 

,     21  (about)     - 

,» 

9  j 

<55 

Att.      xv.  22 

,     22  or  23 

,  , 

756 

„         xv.  23 

,     23  or  24 

757 

xv.  24 

,     25 

,  J 

758 

„         xv.  14              . 

,     26  or  27 

J  J 

759 

,,         xv.  25 

,     29 

,  , 

760 

Fam.    vn.  21              . 

,    (latter  half) 

j 

99 

761 

,,         vn.  22 

„         (?) 

), 

1  y 

762 

xi.  29              ....'. 

July      1 

i 

Anagnia 

763 

Att.      xv.  26 

,,       2 

,, 

, 

Arpinum 

764 

,,         xv.  27 

„       3 

}  , 

5) 

765 

„         xv.  28 

„       3         . 

,, 

, 

,  j 

766 

,,        xvi.  16 

,,  between  3&  6 

J  , 

767 

,,        xvi.  16rt 

,,        ,,         ,, 

,, 

, 

,  } 

768 

xv.  29 

„       6 

, 

Formiae 

769 

,,          XVI.      1 

,,       8         .         . 

Puteoli 

770 

,,       xvi.    5 

„       9         - 

, 

, 

tj 

771 

,,       xvi.    4              ,         . 

„    10      . 

, 

M 

772 

,,       xvi.    2 

,,11 

P 

<f  J 

773 

,,       xvi.    3 

,,17 

L 

Pompeii 

774 

Fam.    vn.  20 

,,20 

, 

Velia 

775 

Att.     xvi.    6 

,,25 

Vibo 

776 

Fam.    vn.  19              . 

,,28 

Regium 

777 

Att.     xvi.  165 

During  July 

, 

, 

Probably  Puteoli 

778 

.,       xvi.  16c 

,  ,                    • 

? 

, 

,1            ,  , 

779 

,,       xvi.  I6d 

,, 

, 

»»            ,, 

780 

„        xvi.  16* 

j 

( 

,,            ,, 

781 

„       xvi.  16/ 

,, 

, 

f 

,,            ,, 

782 
783 

Fam.     xi.    3              . 
(Brutus  and  Cassius  to  Antony) 
Att.     xvi.    7              . 

August  4 
„      19 

»> 

, 
,, 

Naples  (Nisida) 
Approaching 

784 

Fam.     xi.  27 

Pompeii 

„      (end) 

,, 

»» 

Tusculum 

785 

„          xi.  28 

Near  Rome. 

(Matius) 

786 

,,        xvi.  21 

August  or  Sept.     . 

,, 

}  t 

Athens 

(Young  M.  Cicero  to  Tiro) 

VOL.  V. 


2G 


466 


ORDER  OF  LETTERS. 


II. 

LKTTKBS  AD  ATTICUM. 


Vulg. 

This  Edition. 

Vulg. 

This  Edition. 

Att.  xii.  5.  2  . 

612 

Att.  xn.  52 

599 

,,  xii.   6.  3  . 

621 

,,  xii.  53 

600 

,  xii.  9 

649 

,  xii.  10 

651 

Att.  xm.  1 

601 

,  xii.  12   . 

556 

,,  xm.  2.  1  . 

602 

,  xu.  13 

545 

„  xm.  2.  1,  2 

606 

,  xii.  14 

546 

,,  xm.  2.  3  &  3.  1  . 

609 

,  xii.  16   : 

547 

,,  xm.  3.  1,  2 

611 

,  xu.  16 

548 

,,  xm.  4 

614 

,  xn.  17 

550 

„  xm.  5 

615 

,  xu.  18 

549 

,  xm.  6.  1-3 

554 

,  xii.  180   . 

551 

,  xm.  6.  4  . 

617 

,  xu.  19 

552 

,  xm.  7.  1  . 

619 

,  xu.  20 

553 

,  xm.  7.  2  . 

620 

,  xii.  21 

557 

,  xm.  8 

618 

,  xii.  22 

558 

,  xm.  9 

623 

,  xn.  23 

559 

,  xm.  10 

624 

,  xn.  24 

560 

,   XIII.  11 

625 

,,  xn.  25 

561 

,  xm.  12 

626 

,,  xn.  26 

562 

,  xm.  13  &  14.  1,  2 

627 

„  xii.  27 

563 

,  xm.  14.  2  &  16  . 

628 

,  xn.  28 

564 

,  xm.  16 

629 

,  xn.  29 

565 

,  xm.  17  &  18 

630 

,  xii.  30 

567 

,  xm.  19 

631 

,  xii.  31.  1,  2 

569 

,  xm.  20 

634 

,  xn.  31.  3  &  32  . 

568 

,,  xm.  21.  1-3 

652 

,  xii.  33 

566 

,,  xm.  21.  4-7 

632 

,,  xii.  34  &  35.  1  . 

570 

,,  xm.  22 

635 

,,  xii.  35.  2  . 

577 

,,  xm.  23 

637 

,,  xii.  36 

578 

,,  xm.  24  &  25.  1  . 

640 

„  xii.  37.  1-3 

579 

,,  xm.  25.  2-3 

642 

,,  xn.  37.  4  . 

580 

,,  xm.  26 

591 

,,  xii.  38.  1,  2 

581 

,,  xm.  27 

603 

,  xii.  38.  3,  4 

582 

„  xm.  28  &  29.  1  . 

604 

,  xn.  39 

583 

,,  xm.  29.  2,3  &  30.  1 

605 

,  xn.  40 

584 

,,  xm.  30.  2,  3 

608 

,  xn.  41 

588 

,,  xm.  31 

607 

,  xii.  42.  1-3 

586 

„  xm.  32 

610 

,  xn.  42.  3  &  43  . 

589 

,,  xm.  33.  1-3 

616 

,  xii.  44  &  45.  1  . 

590 

,,  xm.  33.  4-5 

636 

,  xn.  45.  2,  3 

595 

,,  xm.  34 

647 

,  xii.  46  &  47.  1  . 

592 

,,  xm.  35  &  36 

643 

,  xii.  47.  1,  2 

593 

,,  xm.  37 

667 

,  xn.  47.3&48ini/. 

594 

,,  xm.  38 

658 

,  xn.  48  >».  &49  . 

597 

,,  xm.  39 

659 

,  xn.  50 

596 

,,  xm.  40 

660 

,  xn.  51 

698 

,,  xm.  41 

661 

ORDER  OF  LETTERS. 


467 


LETTEKS  AD  ATTICUM — continued. 


Vulg. 

This  Edition. 

Vulg. 

This  Edition. 

1  Att.  xiii.  42 

681 

Att.  xv.   4.  1-4 

734 

„  xiii.  43 

644 

,,  xv.   4.5  . 

735 

„  xiii.  44 

646 

„  xv.   5 

737 

,  xiii.  45 

662 

,,  xv.   6 

738 

,  xiii.  46 

663 

„  xv.   7 

739 

,  xiii.  47« 

664 

„  xv.   8 

741 

,  xiii.  473   . 

654 

„  xv.   9 

742 

,  xiii.  48 

656 

,,  xv.  10 

743 

,  xiii.  49 

666 

„  xv.  11    . 

744 

i   ,  xiii.  50 

667 

„  xv.  12   . 

745 

|   ,  xiii.  51 

669 

„  xv.  14 

768 

,  xiii.  52 

679 

,,  xv.  15 

748 

,,  xv.  160   . 

746 

Att.  xiv.  1 

703 

,,  xv.  163   . 

747 

1  „  xiv.  2    . 

704 

„  xv.  17   . 

749 

,,  xiv.  3 

705 

„  xv.  18    . 

750 

,,  xiv.  4 

706 

„  xv.  19   . 

751 

,,  xiv.  5 

707 

„  xv.  20   . 

752 

,,  xiv.  6 

708 

„  xv.  21 

763 

„  xiv.  7 

709 

„  xv.  22   . 

755 

,  xiv.  8   . 

710 

„  xv.  23 

756 

,  xiv.  9 

712 

,,  xv.  24 

757 

,  xiv.  10 

713 

„  xv.  25   . 

759 

,   XIV.  11 

714 

„  xv.  26   . 

763 

,  xiv.  12 

716 

„  xv.  27   . 

764 

,  xiv.  13 

718 

„  xv.  28    ,    . 

765 

„  xiv.  13a 

716 

„  xv.  29   . 

768 

„  xiv.  13d   . 

717 

,  xiv.  14   . 

719 

Att.  xvi.  1 

769 

,  xiv.  15 

720 

„  xvi.  2 

772 

,  xiv.  16   . 

721 

,,  xvi.  3 

773 

,  xiv.  17   . 

724 

,,  xvi.  4 

771 

,  xiv.  17a   . 

722 

,,  xvi.  5 

770 

,  xiv.  18   . 

726 

,,  xvi.  6 

775 

,  xiv.  19 

725 

,,  xvi.  7 

783 

,  xiv.  20 

727 

„  xvi.  16 

766 

,  xiv.  21 

728- 

,,  xvi.  16» 

767 

,  xiv.  22 

729 

,,  xvi.  163   . 

777 

„  xvi.  16c   . 

778 

Att.  xv.   la   . 

730 

„  xvi.  16rf   . 

779 

„   XV.    \b   . 

731 

,,  xvi.  16* 

780 

„  xv.   2   . 

732 

„  xvj.  16/   . 

781 

,,  xv.   3 

733 

910 


468 


ORDER  OF  LETTERS. 


III. 
LETTERS  AD  FAMILIARES. 


Vulg. 

This  Edition. 

Vulg. 

This  Edition. 

Fam. 

iv.  5   .    i 

555 

Fam.  xi.  3 

782 

it 

„  6   . 

574 

»    ,,27   .  •  '. 

784 

„  12   .    . 

613 

„  28   .    . 

785 

„  29   . 

762 

Fam. 

v.  9   .    i 

639 

t 

,  10   .    . 

696 

Fam.  xii.  1 

723 

678 

„  16   . 

736 

,'  11*  '.    '. 

676 

,»    ,,  18   .    . 

670 

t 

,  13   .    . 

572 

„  19   .    • 

671 

f 

,  14   . 

585 

„    „  21   .    . 

698 

,  15   . 

587 

Fam.  xin.  4 

672 

Fam. 

vi.  2   . 

575 

„  5   . 

673 

f 

„  11   - 

622 

„  7   . 

674 

M 

„  15   .    . 

699 

„  8   . 

675 

„  16   . 

701 

„    „  15   . 

571 

>} 

„  17   .    . 

711 

,,  30   . 

682 

„  19   . 

648 

„  31  .  .    . 

683 

;j 

„  20   . 

645 

„  32   . 

684 

}J 

„  21   . 

573 

„  33   . 

685 

„  34   .  -   . 

686 

Fam. 

vn.  19   . 

776 

,    „  35   .    . 

687 

„ 

„  20   . 

774 

„  36   . 

688 

?, 

" 

„  21   . 

760 

,    „  37   . 

689 

„  22   . 

761 

„  38   . 

690 

M 

„  24   . 

665 

„  39   . 

691 

}J 

,,  25   . 

668 

„  50   . 

695 

ff 

„  29   .    . 

677 

„  77   .    . 

638 

9  ? 

„  30   . 

694 

„  31   . 

697 

Fam.  xv.  20 

702 

Fam. 

ix.  8   . 

641 

Fam.  xvi.  17 

653 

„  11   . 

576 

„  18   . 

692 

?J 

„  12   . 

680 

„  19   . 

655 

}> 

„  14   . 

722 

„    „  20   . 

693 

9> 

n  22   .    . 

633 

„    „  21   .    . 

786 

.,  22   . 

650 

Fam. 

XI.   1    . 

700 

„  23   .    . 

754 

» 

„  2   .    . 

740 

KND    OF    VOL.    V. 


PA 

6297 

.Al 

T8 

v.5 


Cicero 

Correspondence